THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD
a JMontfjlg Journal, unto Episcopal Sanction.
THIRD SERIES.
VOLUME XV.— 1894.
Ut Clmstiani ita et Roman! sitis."
As you are children of Christ, so be you children of Rome."
Ex Dictis S. Patricii, Book of Armagh, fol. 9.
DUBLIN-:
BROWNE & NOLAN, NASSAU-STREET.
1894.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED*
F-EB 2 0 1954
Nihil Obstal.
GlKALDUS MOLLOY, S.T.D.,
CEXSOK DEP.
Smprtmatur*
^ GCLIELMUS,
An-hicp. Dublin., Hibcmlac Primas.
(fc XOLAX, NASSAU- STKEET
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Adam and Eve before the Fall. By Rev. T). Flynn, c.c., - P
Albigenses, The. By Rev. B. MaoCarthy, D.D. - 998
Armenian Church, The. By Rev. B. Zimmerman, O.C.D. - 860
Art and Literature at St. Gall. By Rev. J. F. Hogan - 289
Authenticity of the Pentateuch. By Rev. D. Benjamin - 682,769
Bethune, Jean. By F. E. Gilliat Smith - 794
Burial-place of St. Patrick. By the Most Rev. John Healy, D.P.,
Coadjutor Bishop of Clonfert - 203
Burial-Place of St. Patrick. By Very Rev. Sylvester Malone, I).D.,V.O. 341
Canice, St., Patron of the City of Kilkenny. By Rev. N. Murphy, P.P. 925
Centenary of Maymoth College, The. By Rev. J. J. Clancy, Hon.
Sec. Centenary Committee - 961
Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary, The. By Rev. J. F. Hogan - 1057
Colman, St., Patron of Lower Austria. By Hev. J. F. Hogan - 673
Confraternity of the Holy Rosary. By Rev. Daniel O'Loan - 948, 1029
" Contemporary Review, The," and the Encyclical on Biblical Studies.
By Rev. W. H. Kent, o.s.c. - 609
Corresponoence :—
Association of Priests 852, 1041
Legal Decision Concerning Bequests for Masses - . 179
MacCarthy's " Lay Missioner " 257
The New Nut-Brown Maid - 654
Dangers of Religious Controversy, The. By Rev. W. H. Kent, o.s.c, 193
Decretum Sacrae Rituum Congregationis de Musica Sacra - 855
Discalced Carmelites of the Irish Province. By Rev. James P. Rushe,
O.D.C. - 710
Documents:—
Absolution from Censure in case of Matrimonial Dispensation - 567
Apostolic Letter of His Holiness, Pope Leo XIII. uljrineibus
Populisque Universis " - 742
Catalogue of Primary and Secondary Feasts - 271
Ceremony of Marriage performed in an Heretical Temple in
obedience to the law of the State - 568
Ceremonies to be observed when two or more marriages take place
at the same time - ... 658
Clause requiring absolution from censures in case of Matrimonial
Dispensation - - - - - -567
Decisions regarding various points in connection with the " Pious
Association of the Holy Family " - - 186
iv Contents.
FAGI
DOCUMENTS— continued
Decision of Congregation of Bites regarding Nuptial Benediction - 658
Pecreea of the Congregation of the Holy Office regarding :
Ceremonies to be observed when two or more marriages take
place at the same time ; the nuptial benediction - - 658
Decretum Sacrae Bituum Congregationis de Musica Sacra -
Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII. on the " Bosary of Mary " - 952
Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII. on " The Study of Sacred Scripture "
85, 180, 258
Important Decree of the Congregation of the Council regarding
certain Abuses in connection with the " Honoraria Missarum " 268
Leo XIII. and Sacred Preaching - - 1044
Letter of Card. Ledochowski, Prefect of Propaganda, to the Most
Bev. Dr. Nulty, Bishop of Meath - 1141
May a Bishop or Missionary Priest assist at the Marriage of
Heretics - 568
New Mass and Office of the Holy Family - - 274
New Scapular of the "Mother of Good Counsel "
Form of Blessing the Scapular and list of Indulgences - - 368
Penance to be imposed on the occasion of Matrimonial Dispensation 569 '
Privilege granted to the Bishops of Ireland of using the short form
in the Baptism of Adults - 566
Reception of Holy Communion before Marriage - - - 568
Renewal of Lenten Indult granted to the Bishops of Ireland - 267
Renewal "ad quinquennium" of the Privilege granted to the
Bishops of Ireland, to exercise in favour of students resident
in Maynooth College and in the Irish College, Paris, the
dispensing power contained in the Fornmla VI. respecting
interstices and the age for Priesthood - - 566
Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII. on the Study of Sacred Scripture. By
Rev. E. Maguire.D.D. - 55
Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges." By Bev. W. B. Morris 585
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. By Bight Rev. Mgr.
Molloy, D.D. _ - 972
Few Thoughts on ' Sacramental Absolution , A . By Rev . D . Fly nn, c . c . 121
Formation of the Palestinian Canon. By Rev. J. A. Howlett, O.S.B. - 144
Four Masters, The. By Most Bev. John Healy, D.D., Coadjutor Bishop
of Clonfert - 385
Fra Paolo Sarpi. By Rev. Jeremiah Murphy, c.c. - - 524
French Bishops before the Revolution. By Rev. T. B. Scannell - 1113
From Catholicism to Kantism, and back. By Bev. M. O'Riordan, D.D. 481
"Horse Liturgicae ; " or, Studies on the Missal. By Rev. E. L.
Taunton - - - 444, -541, 628, 727, 801
Infinite Love. By Rev. John S. Vaughan - 17
Irish Monasteries of Ratisbon. By Rev. J. F. Hogan - 1015
Joseph de Maistre. By Kev. T. B. Scannell - 232, 324
Lamennais. By Rev. T. B. Scannell - - 693, 831, 916
Life of Dr. Pusey. By Rev. Evelyn Mordaunt - - - 215
Contents. y
PA8E
Xiturgical Betes :—
Addition to the Sixth Lesson of the Office of St. Vincent de Paul
and to the Marty rology - _ _ - 850
"Angelus," The - - - - - 255
Association of the Holy Family, The - - _ - 173
Chants at Benediction during the Octave of " Corpus Christ!" - 473
Communion of Invalids - - _ _ - 255
Confraternity of the Holy Rosary - 94.3 1029
Confraternity of Our Lady of Mount Carmel - 1035
Cope, The Use of _ 465
Decree making valid all invalid erections of the Stations of the Cross 053
Feast of the Titular or Patron of a Church - - > „ 77
Indulgenced Crucifixes - - _ _ - 82
Indulgences, Questions regarding - - 3038
Indulgences of the "En Ego" and of the Stations of the Cross - 250
Litany of Loretto in St. Patrick's Hymn Book - 36G
May a Woman he permitted to say the Responses to a Priest
celebrating Mass - 848
May certain Indulgenced Prayers be divided - 364
New Feast of our Blessed Lady - 1129
Obligation of reciting the Requiem Office, The - - - 051
Obligation of reciting the Requiem Office at Funerals - - 83
Ornaments, The, of the Altar during a Requiem Mass - - 465
Position of the Celebrant at Last Gospel - - 649
Prayer "En Ego, "The - - 652
Private Masses on the Vigil of Pentecost - - - -737
Prayers for the P6pe's Intention - - 304
Privileged Altar, Question regarding Indulgence of - 301
Questions regarding Indulgences - - - - -1038
Revalidation of Invalid Receptions into the Confraternity of Our
Lady of Mount Carmel - - 1035
Stations of the Cross, The - 84
Two Masses on the same day, Directions for the Celebrant of - 409
Maistre, Joseph de. By Rev. T. B. Scannell - 232, 324
Martyrs, Some of our. By Rev. Reginald "Walsh, o.p. 97, 301, 558, 037, 885
Matrimonial Dispensations. Case of Error in the Nomen or Cognomen.
By Rev. J. Crowe - - - 993
Monastery and Library of St. Gall, The. By Rev. J. F. Hogan 35
Nature and Punishment of Venial Sin, The. By Rev. F. Andrew, O.S.F. 417
New Nut-Brown Maid, The. By Orby Shipley - - 428
IRotices of JBoofcs ;—
Altar, At Home near the, 93 ; A Catholic Library, 470 ; Anima, 765 ;
Annals, Anecdotes, and Traditions of the Irish Parliaments, 378 ;
Argument de St. Anselme, 671 C Auguste Comte, 477 ; Automatic
Parochial Circulating Library, 1142 ; Baptism, 285 ; Blessed Gerard
Majella, 383 ; Book of Novenas, 764 ; Brotherhood of the Divine
Expiation, 480 ; Catholic Truth Society Publications, 759 ; Catholic
Science and Catholic Scientists, 283 ; Le Cardinal Manning et son
vi Contents.
NOTICES OF BOOKS —continued.
Action Sociale, G70 ; Carmina Mariana, 754 ; Child of Mary befoi'e
Jesus abandoned in the Tabernacle, The, OG ; Church, The, or the
Society of Divine Praise, 003 ; Cistercians, The Irish, 283 ; Christ in
Type and Prophecy, 668 ; Christian Schools, 670 ; Claude Lightfoot,
750 ; Comedy of English Protestantism, 370 ; Concise History of
Ireland, 571 ; Connor D'Arey's Struggles, 37 4 ; Convert's Cate-
chism, 607 ; Cranmer, Thomas, f)73 ; Dangers of the Age and the
Remedy, 285 ; Day in the Temple, 287 ; Deharbo's Small
Catechism, 004 ; Definitiones Philosophiae Universalis, 275 ;
Devotion, au Sacre Coeur de Jesus, 7-54 ; Devotion to St. Anthony
of Padua, 707 ; Distinguished Irishmen of the Sixteenth Century,
861 ; Divine Worship, 603 ;- Epistles and Gospels for Pulpit Use, 480 ;
Epitome Synodorum, 900 ; Etude Historique et Religieuse sur lo
Compte de Sussex en Angleterre, 282 ; Everlasting Life and Love
of Jesus, 766 ; Explanation of Deharbe's Small Catechism, 755 ;
Explanation of the Gospels of Sundays and Holidays, 762 ; First
and Second Resurrections, 758 ; Five o'clock Stories, 70S ; Flowers
of the Passion, 704 ; Gaelic Journal, 288 ; God's Birds, 381 ; Guide
to the Oratory, 2S5 ; The Hermit of the Rock, 708 ; History of
the Passion, 280 ; Holy Lives : Blessed Gerard Majella, 383 ;
Hyinnarium Quotidianum, 804 ; The Imitation of Christ, 767 ;
Incarnation of Jesus Christ, 374 ; Institutiones Theodicaeae, 509 ;
Instructions for first Confession, 671 ; Irish Literature, The Revival
of, 384; Jacobite War in Ireland (1688, 1091), 574; Layman's
Day, 755 ; Labours of the Apostles, 380 ; Last Sacraments and
Purgatory, 285 ; Latin Verse Translations from Byron's " Childe
Harold," 1055 ; Lenten Sermons, 757 ; Let us Go to the Holy Table,
190 ; Letters and Writings of Maria Lataste, 766 ; Life of Jesus
Christ, 279: Life of Blessed Antony Baldinucci, 371; Life of
St. Francis Borgia, B.J., 371 ; Life of Augustus H. Law, s.j., 574 ;
Life of Dr. O'Hurley, 767 ; Life of Princess Borghese, 382 ; Little
Treasury of Leaflets, 382 ; Little Book of Instructions for Christian
Mothers, 764 ; Logica in usum Scholarum, 275 ; Lourdes : Yester-
day, To-day, To-morrow, 378 ; Manuals of Pastoral Theology, 478 ;
Manual of Prayers for Youth, 571 ; Manual of the Holy Family,
379 ; Manuductio ad Scholasticam Maximo vero Thomisticam Philo-
sophiam, 275 ; Manuel du Pretre aux Etats-Unis, 667 ; Mary
Queen of May, 480 ; Meditationes sur la Vie de N. S J. C., 668 ;
A Martyr of Our Own Times, 763 ; Need and use of getting Irish
Literature into the English Tongue, 383 ; New Elementary Latin
Grammar, 576; New Month of Mary, 382; New Spirit of the
Nation, 377 ; New Month of the Holy Angels, 766; Ontologia
sive Metaphysica Geueralis in usum scholarum, 1144 f Origin of
the Church of England, 473 ; Parochi Vade-Mecum, 757 ; Pax
Vobiscum, 765 ; Perfection of Man by Charity, 381 ; Pilate's
Wife : a Tale of the Time of Christ, 287 ; Place of Dreams, 572 ;
Plain Practical Sermons, 286 ; Pastime Papers, 765 ; Philosophia
Naturalis in Usum scholarum. 1143 ; Philosophia Moralis in usum
Contents. vii
PAGE
NOTICES OF BOOKS — continued.
Scholarum, 275 ; Praelectioues Dogmaticae, 1051 ; Poems of
Richard D' Alton Williams, 1053 ; Primer for Converts, 072 ;
Purgatory, 475 ; Purgatorian Manuals, 765 : Recent Evidence for
the Authenticity of the Gospels, 757 ; Report for the year 1H91 of
the Fund for the Preservation of the Memorials of the Dead, 384 ;
A Retreat, by Most Rev. In-. Hedley, 959 ; The I toman Missal, 703 ;
Saint Sacrifice de la Messe, 803 ; Sick Calls, 750 ; Sephora, or Rome
and Jerusalem, GliO; Simplicity in Prayer, 757 ; Spirit of the Sacred
Heart, 192 ; St. Edmund, King and Martyr, 060 ; Story of
St. Stanislaus .Kostka, 371 ; St. Thomas's Priory, 570 ; Success of
Patrick Desmond, 004 ; Tales and Legends of the Middle Ages,
069 ; Theologia Dogmatica Generalis, .'280 ; Treatise, of the Spiritual
Life, A, 375 ; Triplex Expositis B. P. Epistolae ad Romanos,
R. P. Bernardini a Piconio Ord. (Jap., 191 ; Trial of Margaret
Brereton, 570 ; Venerable Vincent P allot ti, 803 ; Victoiies of
Rome, The, and the Temporal Power, 603 ; Why, When, How,
and What to Read, 707.
Palestrina and Orlando de Lasso. By Rev. H. Bewerunge - - 1088
Philosophical Institute of Louvain. By Rev. J. F. Hogaii - - 938
Pirminius of Reichenau, St. By Rev. J. F. Hogau - - 403
Pretres Adorateurs. By Rev. P. A, Sheehaii - - 577
Priest, Poet, and Preacher. By Rev. N. Murphy - 134
Pusey, Life of Dr. 13 y Evelyn Morclaunt - 515
Religion in the State. By Rev. J. A. De\ve - - 786
Riddle of Human Life. By Rov. John S. Vatighau - 314
Some of our Martyrs. By Rev. Reginald Walsh, o.v. - 97, 558, 037, 885
St. Canice, Patron of Kilkenny. By Rov. X. Murphy, p.r. - - 925
St. Colman, Patron of Lower Austria. By Rev. J. F. Hogau - 073
St. Kieran of Saighcr, Patron of Ossory. By Rev. N. Murphy, p.r. - 351
St. Patrick's Burial-Place. By Very Rev. Sylvester Malone, v.a. - 341
St. Pirminus of Reichenau. By Rev. J. F. Hogau - - 403
Tennyson as a Dramatist. By Rev. J. J. Clancy 05
ftbeologtcal IRotes ;—
Honorarium for Second Mass - - - - 171
Impedimentum aetatis • 163
De Sigillo Confessionis - 166
Venerable Joan of Arc. By Rev. A. Barry, C.SS.K. - - - 812
Vivisection and Theology. By Rev. John S. Vaughan • • 502
What is to be said of the Salvation of Children who die without
Baptism. By Rev, D. Flynn, c.c. - - - - 599
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD
JULY, 1894
PBETKES-ADOEATEUBS
T) EADERS of French newspapers are occasionally, indeed
Lt all too frequently, horrified by such items of news as
these : — At Notre-Dame de Paris, on Holy Saturday, several
hundred consecrated Hosts were sacrilegiously stolen at eight
o'clock in the forenoon. A few days before a similar sacrilege
was committed in the Church of St. Ferdinand des Ternes.
The Church of St. Egreve, near Grenoble, was sacked during
the night of Sunday, March 25th. The sacerdotal vestments,
sacred vases, &c , were stolen, and a golden ciborium, the
most precious possession of the church. The Sacred Hosts
were found on the road of Fontenil. The Clarion des Alpes
publishes with expressions of regret a series of horrible
sacrileges against the Most Holy Sacrament. The Eclair of
Montpellier gives an account of a sacrilege of a peculiarly
atrocious kind in a local church.
An unspeakable sacrilege was committed on Monday,
the 13th of March, in the Lyceum at Douai. A student
approached the holy table, secreted the sacred Host, and
afterwards submitted it to the most revolting outrages,
mutilating and breaking it, to see "if blood would flow."
And his companions, far from being shocked, applauded, and
envied him.
It is now well known that all this outrage is systematized
under a Satanic propaganda, which has for its direct object,
the enthroning of Lucifer and the dethroning of Christ.
VOL. XV, 2 o
578 Prttres-Adorateurs.
Within a radius of one mile around the Pantheon in Paris
no less than twenty-three altars are raised to the personal
worship of Satan. He has his priests and priestesses, his
ritual, his ceremonies; Friday is his Sabbath; the serpent,
as in the ancient occultisms, is his emblem; and the destruc-
tion of the Christian religion, and direct insults to its divine
Founder, especially in the Sacrament of His love, the object
of this new and infernal system. No wonder that a priest
opens his list of ghastly 'sacrileges by the words, " Parce
Domine ! " and closes it with this appeal :—
" 0 Priests- Adorers, let us close in our ranks about the
tabernacle ! Let us watch with jealous care over this divine
treasure committed to our charge. Let us weep and mourn
before the Lord Jesus, so cruelly outraged in the Sacrament of
His supreme love. May our ceaseless acts of reparation appease
the divine anger, and disarm the awful vengeance of God ! Let
us multiply our hours of adoration, let us bring our faithful
people to the foot of the altar, and on our knees repeat : ' Parce
Domine, parce populo tuo ! ' '
For France, France of the saintly traditions, has called
upon its magnificent reserve of holy traditions and inspira-
tions, and, alive to the awful magnitude of this latest evil,
has established a guard of honour around the tabernacles of
the Christian world, by banding together in one body the
Christian priesthood, the bond of unity being their unceasing
adoration before the Hidden Guest on our altars. In 1856,
Pere Eymard founded in Paris this Association of Priests-
Adorers. The spirit of this work, as explained by its saintly
founder, is —
" That priest-associates of the Most Holy Sacrament should
live the eucharistic life of Jesus Christ, which consists, above all, in
self-denial and self-sacrifice. That they should remember that it
is their duty to devote themselves to propagate and defend the
eucharistic reign of our Lord, they are dispersed over the world to
kindle the fire of His love. They should direct their studies, zeal,
and piety towards the Eucharist. They should bear in mind that
their first duty is that of personal adoration, nos autem orationi
instantes erimus. In one word, let them be united in all their
acts, and in all their functions, to Jesus Christ, the eternal Priest,
Pattern, and Glory of the Priesthood."
Such is the spirit of the work The conditions for
Pretres-Adorateurs. 579
admission, and the gaining of the many indulgences attached
to the Association, are few and simple : —
" 1. To be a priest, or, at least, to have entered Holy Orders.
" 2. To have their names and Christian names inscribed in the
registers of the Association.
" 3. To make every week one continuous hour of adoration before
the Most Holy Sacrament, either exposed or shut up in the taber-
nacle. The day and hour are left to the choice of the associates,
who can vary them each week according to the duties imposed
upon them by their sacred ministry. They must not perform,
during this hour of adoration, any other duty from another cause
obligatory, such as the recital of the office. Associates enjoy the
liberty of opening the sacred tabernacle during their hours of
adoration, provided there be six wax tapers lighted on the altar.
"4. To recite on the day of their admission an act of
consecration to the Most Holy Sacrament.
"5. To return regularly, at the end of each month, to the
seat of Association, the monthly libelliim, or ticket of adoration.
"6. To celebrate every year, once only, and, if possible,
during the Octave of All Saints, the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass
for the associates deceased during the past year, and anteriorly.
" 7. The annual contribution to defray the expenses of the
work, and for the publication of the Annalcs, consists of two
shillings for each priest-adorer."
In March, 1892, the Association of Priests- Adorers
numbered 21,000 priests, spread throughout the whole
world, and taking in all ranks of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
There were then forty-eight bishops and three cardinals
associated. More than one hundred bishops have approved
of the work. Seventy dioceses in France have a diocesan
director, nominated or accepted by the ordinary. In March
of this year, 1894, the number of associates had increased
to close upon 29,000 members, giving an increase of nearly
8,000 members during the past two years. In Kome, the
centre of Catholicity, the Association has been approved,
and canonically erected by his Eminence Cardinal Parocchi ;
and Pope Pius IX., and our present Sovereign Pontiff have
deigned to grant the Association their pontifical sanction
and blessing. In America the organization has spread so
widely, that eucharistic congresses are regularly held in the
large cities by priests associated in this sodality; in Australia
it has taken deep root ; and even from far-away Tasmania
580 Pretres-Adorateurs.
we learn that the venerable patriarch of Australasia has
established it in his diocese, and has given it the high sanc-
tion of his name and approbation. During the month of
April, this year, two hundred and forty-two new associates
were enrolled, thirty-six from France, seventy-six from
Germany, eighty-one from Austria, four from Belgium,
twelve from Canada, twelve from the United States, two
from Holland, nine from Italy, three from Switzerland,
three from Ireland, and one from Poland.
It will thus be seen that already this great work of the
priesthood is established in Ireland, notably in the diocese
of Meath. The Primate of Armagh, the Bishops of Cork,
Meath, and Waterford, have written warm letters of appro-
bation ; and it is with the view of introducing it more widely
to the notice of the Irish priesthood, that these pages, thanks
to the courtesy of the Editor, have been penned for the
I. E. RECORD. For when, a month ago, the writer had the
pleasure of an interview with the Director- General for
Ireland, Father Charles Spieser, Wilton, Cork, and the vast
importance and sublimity of this work were explained to
him, he undertook, without reluctance, the task of being the
humble apostle of this most sacred and salutary devotion ;
and he felt the truth of what was so strongly urged upon
him, that it only needed an introduction to the notice of the
Irish priesthood to become a great and widespread devotion,
and as strong a bond of union amongst them as their common
faith. And it would seem that this devotion has a most
special claim on the acceptance of Irish priests ; for, unlike
the priesthood of all other European countries, we have the
inestimable privilege of being not only the custodians, but
the very hosts and domestic companions, if we may so speak,
of the Incarnate Word. Under our roof He dwells ; a bare
partition separates His room from ours ; we pass Him by
every moment of the day ; in the watches of the night,
when we slumber, from our little oratories, where He keeps
His sleepless vigils, He protects us ; wrhen at midnight we
are called to the bedside of the sick, we need not go to the
church, but, passing from one room to another, we bid Him
rise up, and come with us ; and from the hushed silence of
Pretres-Acloraieurs. 581
His little chamber a divine influence goes forth every
moment of the night and day, such as melted the hearts of
the disciples at Emmaus, when they knew Him in the
breaking of bread.
Apc.rt, therefore, from the general reasons that should
make this devotion so attractive to priests, there are very
special reasons why we should take particular interest in
practising and propagating this devout system of adoration
and reparation. And lest these feeble words of mine should
detract from the importance which I should desire to attach
to this great spiritual work, I shall keep silent, and let a
gifted and saintly prelate, whose name is not unknown in
Ireland, speak. Writing to one of the directors of this
Association on Christmas Day, 1887, Mgr. Perraud, Bishop
of Autun, says :—
"Bishops, as judges and guardians of the faith, are often
asked to testify to the dogmatic and moral worth of a book by
writing to the author a letter which will enable him to appear
with confidence before the public. You have asked of me, Eev.
Father, a like favour on behalf of the pious association of which
you are the zealous director. I could very lawfully have made
you answer that it is quite superfluous to recommend a work that
bears on the face of it the highest titles of recommendation, and
of whose excellence no one can doubt. Does not this especially
hold of the Confraternity of Priest- Adorers of the Most Holy
Sacrament ? And does it not suffice to make its existence known
to the clergy, to be assured of finding in their ranks numerous
adherents ? I cannot, however, refrain from citing some of the
motives which have made it for me a labour of love to promote
its propagation amongst the priests of the diocese of Autun
during the ecclesiastical Eetreats in the month of September.
Priests, enrolled in this Association, undertake the obligation of
passing every week, on a day that suits their own convenience,
one continuous hour of adoration before the Blessed Sacrament.
At first sight, this practice seems, perhaps, of little account ; and
it may be asked if it is worth the trouble of making it the object
of a special association. But after a little reflection one is not
long in perceiving that the weekly visit during a continuous hour
can easily become in the life of a good priest the grain of
mustard-seed, which rapidly shooting up, extends its branches
and fruits on every side. To begin with, is not our fidelity in
discharging this hour of adoration a guarantee of the exactness
with which the daily visit to the Blessed Sacrament will be made,
at least within the limits of the time devoted to it by the
582 Pre tres-A dor a teurs.
pious customs of our ecclesiastical colleges ? For my own part,
I feel firmly convinced, that many associates after having
experienced 'the joys and blessings of the complete hour of
adoration, shall find very short the visits of a quarter of an hour
assigned to the other days of the week. If they cannot always
by reason of the duties of the sacred ministry prolong the
duration of those visits, they will ingeniously devise means of
multiplying them ; they will feel the necessity, the habit will
grow upon them, of profiting by certain spare moments to hasten
and present themselves anew, were it only for a few minutes,
before the Divine Guest of our Tabernacles, in order to greet
Him, and to recommend to Him in a more direct way such a
work, su3h an undertaking, or some other anxious care of our
pastoral labour. It is told of St. Thomas of Aquin, that despite
his mighty genius, finding himself at a loss to solve certain
theological difficulties, he betook himself to the Church, and
addressing our Divine Lord in the Blessed Sacrament, humbly
implored of Him the light desired. A similar incident is narrated
in the life of St. Vincent de Paul, that he was in the habit of
treating directly with Jesus Christ, hidden under the veil of
the Eucharist, about the many details of his charitable crea-
tions . . .
" Up to the present I have considered this devotional exercise
only in its relations with the other practices of sacerdotal piety : it
is now time to study it in itself, and weigh its intrinsic excellence.
I shall endeavour to do so by setting forth some reflections
suggested to me by the text from Ecclesiastes : ' It is a great
depth, who shall find it out ? ' (Eccl. vii. 25.) Is it not too often
true that after having read such and such a spiritual book, or
heard such or such a sermon, we feel constrained to confess that
the subject has not been sufficiently treated. Hence, the reason
why so many writings and discourses only produce a superficial
and passive impression. From their nature they are able for a
moment to dazzle the intellect or move the heart ; but to-morrow
these emotions will be half effaced, and totally forgotten the day
after. The thoughts which they called forth did not flow from
the inmost depths of the soul, into which a profound meditation
alone can penetrate. Following this train of thought, I come
upon the kernel of our subject ; it is quite a different thing to
spend before the Blessed Sacrament four quarters of an hour,
separated from one another by studies, by occupations, by pastoral
cares, however legitimate in themselves, and from uniting them
without a break, so as to secure an uninterrupted hour during
which the thoughts, desires, affections, and resolutions can,
under the action of the immediate presence of Jesus Christ, be
concentrated in a single point, and penetrate the soul to its most
profound depths. I confess I would be very much surprised if on
the day on which he passed his entire hour before the Holy
Pretres-Adorateurs. 583
Sacrament, the priest who would be called either to ascend the
pulpit, or to hear confessions, or to visit the sick or dying, did
not, as if in spite of himself, betray the secret of a closer intimacy
with Jesus Christ, by accents more persuasive, by a charity more
abounding, by a more decisive and lasting influence upon souls.
If such be the case, what priest desirous of exercising a faithful,
a useful and truly regenerative and sanctifying ministry, would
not desire to avail himself of a means which its facility renders
universally accessible ?
" But are there not some priestly lives that are consumed by a
multiplicity of the most pressing cares ? During these days that
are devoted almost interruptedly to the service of our neighbour,
there can be no difficulty in finding one continuous hour during
which priests can be sure of not, being called, and during which
they can obtain the advantages of the lengthened time of recol-
lection, silence, and prayer, without detriment to the duties of
their state, and plunge themselves at leisure into the abysses
of the Eucharistic Mystery. Moreover, is it not a matter of
experience that the more one is obliged to devote himself to
others, the more need he has of taking heed to himself, and to
speak as our Lord, of refreshing himself and being refreshed —
Ego reficiam vos, that he may ever be prepared to perform the
duties of his Apostolic ministry ? The more a priest devotes
himself to the service of the Church and of souls, the more he
has need of the graces of meditation and interior recollection
attached to this hour of adoration.
" But, you will show me your daily distribution of time, and
you have no trouble in persuading me that from your thanksgiving
after Holy Mass until evening, you are just able to secure the
indispensable quarter of an hour to visit the Blessed Sacrament
after midday. I am convinced : I do not mean to discuss it.
But, unhesitatingly, tell you : Select some day in the week on
which you will rise an hour earlier ; this hour you will spend
before the Blessed Sacrament ; and you will even be able to
employ it in making your meditation. I assure you, your work
not only that day, but even during the rest of the week, will
betray the influence of this blessed hour. Because of it you shall
do more, and you shall do better.
"I wish to all my brethren in the priesthood, as well as to
myself, that fulness of faith, of conviction, of charity, and zeal,
which will be for us the blessed fruit of our visits during the hour
with Jesus in the Most Holy Sacrament ; a fulness, which, in its
turn, will overflow on the souls of those with whom our ministry
will put us in contact, and in all the undertakings confided to
our care."
Such is the language of this great prelate concerning
this sacred priestly work — language which anticipates and
584 Pretres-Adorateurs.
answers every possible objection that may be launched
against it.
But I hear someone say : — Why multiply devotions ?
Already they are almost innumerable, and we are bewildered
in the choice we ought to make, and weary in the un-
dertaking of responsibilities which were almost forced
upon us. That objection might hold for the laity ; but we
think it hardly applies to priests. And even if it did, the
one simple answer is, that for every reason devotion to
the Most Blessed Sacrament must be the great, central,
all-absorbing interest of the priest's life, to which every
other exercise of piety must be regarded as complemental
and ancillary. The whole sacerdotal ministry converges
directly or indirectly towards the Holy Eucharist : " Ordo,"
says St. Thomas, " prout est sacramentum imprimens charac-
terem, ordinatur specialiter ad Sacramentum Eucharistiae,
in quo ipse Christus continetur, quia per characterem ipsi
Christo configuramur." And again : " Ordinis Sacramentum
ad Sacramentum Eucharistiae ordinatur quod est Sacra-
mentum Sacramentorum . . . Quia potestas ordinis aut
est ad consecration em ipsius Eucharistiae aut ad aliquod
ministerium ordinatum ad hoc Sacramentum Eucharistiae."
The question is hardly debateable, and so we leave it,
with the remark, that long before modern confraternities
and sodalities were introduced for the edification and spir-
itual succour of the faithful, the Confraternity of the Most
Blessed Sacrament was, fifty years back, well known to the
Irish hierarchy, and strongly recommended to the faithful,
and even its erection in each parish ordered and enforced, as
a glance at our statutes will testify. It is quite possible that
even in our day, we may have the privilege of witnessing a
grand revival of devotion to the great hidden mystery of
our faith. Already, in some dioceses in Ireland, priests-
adorers have gathered around them in their weekly adora-
tion large numbers of the faithful who can also be associated.
And we feel confident that this great work will go on from
day to day, animating the fervour of our Catholic people, and
calling down from the throne of grace incalculable blessings
on the Irish Church. Behind the daily labour of our priests,
Father Marshall and the "Godless Colleges" 585
a secret power will be working for their success, and the
hearts of all will be turned towards the silent tabernacle
where dwells that God-Man whose presence constitutes
our strength here and our hope hereafter.1
P. A. SHEEHAN.
FATHER MARSHALL AND THE " GODLESS
COLLEGES"
1851-1853
THE subject of the present notice was well known in
Ireland during those critical years which were signalized
by the erection of the Queen's University, the publication of
the decrees of the Synod of Thurles, the arrival of Cardinal
Newman in Ireland, and the foundation of its Catholic
University. Before Cardinal Newman's voice was heard,
I do not think it is too much to say that Father Marshall
was the most outspoken, and perhaps the most prominent,
assailant of the Queen's University in Ireland. This " gigantic
scheme of Godless education" 2 was an attempt to introduce
into Ireland the materialistic principles of Lord Brougham
and Sir Kobert Peel, which had given birth to the London
University, and which, doubtless, Father Marshall had
learned to measure and despise under the inspiration of
the great chief of Christianity at Oxford, who in 1841
had given them a severe blow in his letters to The
Times entitled,, " The Tamworth Reading Room."3 In
England the defenders of rational and civilized education
were supported by the Christian traditions of her great
1 The central bureau of the Association is '27 Avenue, Friedland, Paris.
The Director-General for Ireland is Kev. Charles Spieser, St. Joseph's
College, Wilton, Cork. A stamped envelope addressed to him will bring
all information. The Annales are published every month, and contain
much information as to the working of the Association, papers read at
Eucharistic Congresses, a series of monthly meditations on the priesthood
and Holy Eucharist, answers to liturgical questions, correspondence, &c.
2 Sir Robeit Inglis has the credit of this definition, which it never
could shake off, just because it was fitting.
3 Cardinal Newman, Discussions and Arguments, vol. ii.
586 Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges."
universities. In Ireland the field seemed clear for the new
mental and moral drill, for the one obstacle which has
proved to be insurmountable has never been appreciated by
our Protestant rulers.
From 1852 until his death, in 1875, I had the privilege of
being in intimate relations with Father Marshall. By most
people he is best remembered by the brilliancy of his wit,
which in its way was almost unapproached ; but when I say
that the place he holds in my memory is that of the liberator
of my faith from the contagion of " Godless" philosophy,
the reader will understand that a deeper motive than amuse-
ment in the revival of his pleasantries impels me to write, and
to recall many things which are far from creditable to myself.
Henry Johnston Marshall, born 1820, the son of an
English Peninsular officer, and an Irish mother, was prepared
for the Anglican ministry at Oxford in the years which
immediately preceded the great triumph of Catholic princi-
ples in 1845, the year of his reception into the Church. How
far he had identified himself with the movement while at
Oxford, I do not know. He took no credit to himself for his
Oxford life, nor indeed for anything else. I never met a
man who seemed to have such genuine delight in open
confession of his own follies and errors ; the very tone of his
voice when he began some story with " When I was a
parson," was redolent of self-effacement. He summed up his
college life by saying : — " I was chaplain to twelve .oyster
clubs." This was all he ever told me about his Oxford
experience, with the addition of an account of an election
in which he took part, when a thousand undergraduates
stormed the hustings, seized the books, and gloriously
returned their candidate, quite indifferent, as he said, to the
iact that they knew right well that the business was
invalid. " We also cut all the gas-pipes ; why, I know
not, except that they were gas-pipes."1 At the same time,
1 If objection is made to " inverted commas," after such a lapse of
time, I can only say it seems to me that 1 remember Father Marshall's
words better than things I heard yesterday. His simple Shakesperian style,
and my own absolute surrender of head and heart, made my mind like
wax under the seal. Moreover, it is no uncommon thing that in the
decline of life the past becomes clearer than the present.
Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges." 587
I ought to say that never was there even a hint of
anything worse than wild frolic in Father Marshall's Oxford
career.
I do not know the precise date of Father Marshall's
conversion. The circumstances, as I had them from his own
lips, were as follows : — He had left Oxford, and accepted a
curacy somewhere in the country ; and borne upward by the
tide of Catholic truth, so strong at that time, he asserted in
a sermon that the Blessed Mary the Virgin was the only
creature of God who was free from sin0 The explosion in
the congregation might well , have frightened a less fearless
character. He was called upon to retract, and his only
answer was, " I cannot, for I believe it is the truth." All
the night that followed he spent in praying to her whose
honour he had vindicated. With the morning light came the
clear and absolute conviction that the Anglican Establish-
ment was the invention of the evil one, and out he went
with exactly three halfpence in his pocket. He did not
know a single Catholic. " I really thought," he said,
" that I should have to take to breaking stones on the
roadside."1 His next stage — how he arrived, I know not —
was Birmingham and the well-known Dr. Moore, to whom
he had been directed. When he told his story, and demanded
reception into the Church, we can imagine the per-
plexity of the prudent priest. " My dear young friend," he
said, "don't hurry; you are excited; take time; wait."
" I'll be damned if I do," said Marshall ; and I believe
convinced the Doctor that the man was safe in doctrine
who was so clear about the conclusion. The following
anecdote shows that he must have given his mind to
the subject before light came from Gli ocelli da Dio diletti e
venerati.z
Again, he carries us from the sublime to the ludi-
crous. Soon after his reception he met a sentimental
Puseyite friend, who began, "Oh, Marshall, dear fellow,
what did you do when the idea first struck you of becoming
1 Second-hand, 1 was told that a living of £1,000 a-year was in
expectation.
*Paradiso, xxxiii. 39.
588 Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges"
a Catholic?" "Do," said Marshall; "I went into the
nearest tavern, ordered a beefsteak and a bottle of
porter, and I entertained the idea" He now learned that
Mr. Faber had become a Catholic ; and also that, in common
with Mr. Newman, it was generally asserted that he had
gone mad. Of course, it might be true. Catholic orthodoxy
does not ward off insanity, any more than it stops earth-
quakes ; so Marshall thought he would go and investigate
his fellow-convert, who was then at Oscott. Arrived at the
door, he was directed to Mr. Faber's room. No doubt his
spirit was subdued as he trod those solemn and beautiful
corridors. It was dusk, and Mr. Faber, whose heart had
well-nigh broken over his separation from friends and
disciples, was sitting over the fire ; and, in an access of poetic
frenzy, had heated the poker red hot, and, tapping the
bars, was watching the sparks fly upward. He had also
passed his fingers through his long hair, which rose in wild
confusion ; and when Marshall knocked, and Mr. Faber
turned round with a red-hot poker in his hand, the
visitor's courage quite failed him.
From this time, the end of 1845 or beginning of 1846, I
have little to guide me in the order of events.1 In a letter
at the time of Father Marshall's death, Cardinal Newman,
bearing testimony to his "high qualities," says that he met
him in Eome, at Propaganda (1846-47) ; and I believe that
it was in the Eternal City that he was prepared for the
priesthood and ordained, and received that plenitude of the
Roman spirit, which was only second to his love of the
Madonna, who had been the beginning of all his joy. He
was brought under the notice of Pius IX., magnus aestimator
animarum ; and Father Marshall's mission in Ireland, in
1852, direct from the Pope, to which we are coming,
seems to prove that the Vicar of Christ had not forgotten
him.
In the interval he worked at Liverpool, where Mgr.
Talbot, of Roman celebrity, saw Father Marshall's famous
1 Perhaps some old friends of Father Marshall may thiuk it worth
while to help me with corrections or additions.
Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges." 589
" Kule of Life " over his chimney-piece. It ran as follows :
" Conceive an intense and passionate enthusiasm for all forms
of corporal maceration — hair-sheets, whips, chains, pot-
sherds, nettles, fastings, vigils, chameunias, &c.; mortify your
desires." About this time, at dinner, a gentleman — I think a
convert — to whom Marshall acted as chaplain, addressed him
thus : " Pray, Father Marshall, what is the precise position
of the laity in the Catholic Church ? Have they a voice in
her deliberations and government ? What is their special
office?" "To feed the clergy, sir," said Marshall; "and
see that you do it well." " We soon parted," he continued;
" and, later on, I met him in the streets of Kome. I thought
he would have cut me; but he crossed over, and, stretching
out his hand, said, ' How do you do, Father Marshall ? I
have quite come round to your opinion ; ' and he asked me to
dinner." It is said that this story was told to Pius IX.,
and received his approval. These specimens of wit and
wisdom are evidence that there was nothing of the buffoon
in Father Marshall. I have been with him in almost every
variety of circumstance, and never have I known him use
his wit for its own sake. I am always reminded of him
in reading Sidney Smith, whose portrait bears a striking
resemblance to Father Marshall, as I remember him in his
early prime : in both wit was ever the phosphorescence on
the wave of deep and earnest conviction.
My first sight of my predestined liberator was in the
pulpit of SS. Peter and Paul, Cork, a year or two before his
solemn mission from Home ; and I am sorry to say that the
sermon made no impression on me. At that time my head
was too full of Carlyle, M. Cousin, and the mixed meta-
physics of the dissecting room. He read the Gospel
of the Good Samaritan, and when he closed the book,
Dr. Fleming, a young and very distinguished Protestant
Professor of the Queen's College, who sat by me
turned sharply round, and said, " Well read." Later on
I myself fell under the influence of Father Marshall's
reading powers, which were quite extraordinary. It was
probably then that he paid a visit to the Queen's College.
At the time, as he told me, he was ignorant of the fact that
590 Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges:'
the institution was under the ban of Eome.1 "Had I
known it," he said, " I would not have set foot within its
gates." He was shown over the place by one of the
Professors ; and thinking, as he said, of Oxford, he asked,
" Where is the Chapel ? " To which the Professor replied,
laughing, " We have no Chapel, we are the Godless."
A few minutes later they reached the chemical laboratory,
at that moment possessed by some offensive odours.
"You have got a god here," said Marshall; "I can smell
him."
In May, 1852, Father Marshall arrived again in Cork,
and began his famous month of sermons in the Capuchin
Church of the Most Holy Trinity, the object of which was
only fully understood when he finished by imparting to the
city the Benediction of Pius IX. The words of the Bene-
diction I do not remember, but the fact that it was conveyed
in the form of a Brief was taken as evidence that Father
Marshall came as the ambassador of the Vicar of Christ ; and
in the end he left no doubt on our minds that his long
course of sermons, finishing with one on Loyalty to the Pope,
were primarily intended as a commentary on the Pope's
condemnation of the Queen's Colleges. These colleges
are now, indeed, " shorn of their beams," for the " Queen's
University " is no more ; but the lesson of those days is the
lesson of to-day ; and lest it may seem that I am exaggerating
the importance of an apparently provincial struggle, some-
thing must be said about the theatre wherein it was fought
out.
I think I am safe in saying that for the first fifty years
of this century Cork was a place of considerable importance,
and the centre of a great deal of intellectual life. The
incidental allusions which I remember in my young days,
into which came the names of many of the greatest
celebrities of the day, have left the impression that at that
time literary society in Cork was brilliant beyond the
1 The Decrees of the Synod of Thurles containing the various
Rescripts of the Pope on the subject of the Queen's University, were
approved at Rome, on May 23rd, 1851, and published in Ireland later on
in the same year.
Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges." 591
measure of most provincial towns.1 It is needless to say
that while wits and literateurs, home and foreign, enlivened
her dinner-tables, they brought no increase of faith or
morals, but rather the contrary. The history of the struggles
of the Irish Church in the first years of this century has yet
to be written. The Penal laws against Catholic education
had told especially on the upper classes whose condition,
making education a necessity, drove them into Protestant
schools. It is, perhaps, impossible now to collect evidence
as to the result of this persecution : my own impression is,
that, great as was the triumph of faith in places like Dingle,
where, when deprived of pastors, the people held on to
religion by the Eosary which the Dominicans had left them,
the preservation of her Catholic gentry was even a more
wonderful proof of the vitality of faith in Ireland.
The selection of the Professors for the Cork College was
evidently directed by someone who well understood what
was wanted.2 It would be hard to find a body of men
better equipped for the work then starting in the golden
sunshine of ministerial favour and endowment. Boole
(Mathematics), Alcock (Biology), De Vericour (Modern
Literature), were the leading spirits, and, I think, in the
order given.
Boole was a man of extraordinary attractiveness and
ability. How well I remember his algebraic ecstasies over
the black board, setting formulas to music, and turning to us
with chalk lines on his face, on which his fingers had been
keeping time with his calculations. He was a mathematical
Wordsworth, and their religion came to about the same
thing — belief in
" Something far more deeply interfused,
Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns."
In 1851, as " Dean of the Faculty of Science," he delivered
1 1 believe Thackeray said that the Cork people were the most book-
reading people he ever came across. -
2 The hidden life of the " Queen's University of Ireland " has yet to
be revealed. Probably Archbishop WhateJy had a large share in it. Tie
was an astute diplomatist, and I believe managed to persuade many
people that he was not really an enemy of revealed religion,
592 Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges. '
a lecture " on the Claims of Science," 1 which was published,
and is the only relic of the college which seemed to me worth
preserving. It is written in clear and simple language,
without any attempt to coin scientific gibberish as the cloak
of fallacies and conscious perplexities.2 There could be
no mistake as to the " Claims of Science." " All scientific
truths," he tells us, " are founded upon the observation of
facts ;" 3 but neither the God who made us, nor the mind
in which He is mirrored, held any definite place in this
philosophy of " facts." " In some sense," he observes, "the
moral and intellectual constitution of man are proper objects
of scientific inquiry;"4 but alas! in his context, "this some
sense " came to no sense at all. The lecture is chiefly a
summary of those views of Lord Brougham and Sir
Robert Peel, which, as I have said, Cardinal Newman had
analyzed with unsparing irony. In 1852, the same great
champion of the claims of God and reason, returned to
the battlefield in his Dublin lectures on " University
Education."
Father Marshall was a few months earlier in the field,
and, as I have said, I do not imagine that either the college-
people, or the general public had any idea of the storm that
was brewing. I am inclined to think that it was his intention
to hold his hand. This man, who, to many, seemed the
very type of a fiery clerical agitator, had clear views as to the
importance of " Priestcraft." Neither did he shrink from
the word; quoting one who said: "There is nothing
so mighty in this world ; for it is the craft of the High Priest
Jesus Christ." So, in the pulpit, week after week, he gave
, his hearers the plain truths of the Gospel, such as they
might hear in any mission, while in personal intercourse
with individuals, amongst whom I was one, he gradually got
a party together. I fear that if I had suspected in the
beginning that Father Marshall was kindred in spirit with
1 The Claims of Science. London, 1851.
2 See the " undefinable latencies, and nebulous potentialities'' of
• Mr. Huxley in his recent Romanes Lecture. (Ecuhttioii and Ethics, page 4.)
;i Pajje 8.
4 Page 15.
Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges" 593
Archbishop Cullen, and the " obscurantist" party, I should
have avoided him. Catholic supporters of the Queen's
Colleges were in no mood to be corrected by a recent convert.
All had been done which had been commanded. The Deans
of Residence had withdrawn ; no Catholic ecclesiastic held
office in the Queen's University ; and the grave periculum
fidei Catholicae, anathematized by the Vicar of Christ, seemed
a remote danger so long as we went to Mass and the
Sacraments; and counterbalanced what it is the fashion
to call the <4 Reconciliation of Religion and Science."
In the pulpit, Father Marshall's sense of the ludicrous
was in complete subjection, which was all the more remark-
able, as I do not think he ever made even notes of his
sermons, which, in style, in no way differed from his
ordinary conversation. The only speaker who ever reminded
me of him was Mr. Bright. Bright's subject, indeed, was
the Budget of 1853 ; but there was a similar fascination in
their simple manly eloquence.1 The concluding sermon,
on Loyalty to the Holy See, the climax of his course,
is alone clear in my memory ; but before he reached
it I was won by his chivalrous spirit, and the way in
which he charged his enemies, lance in rest, and always
seemed to get the best of it. His love of our Lady was like a
passion in his soul; and "Father Marshall's Mariolatry"
was the first thing that stirred up the Protestant ire of Cork.
His feelings, however, never checked his sustained vigorous
march of words, and when tears started, as they often did,
the effect was most singular, for they seemed to spring
from his eyelids. One passage I remember, when meeting
the absurd objection of excess of honour to the Mother
of God; he said: — "If we covered the earth with temples
in her honour, and if all the genius of man were spent
in her praise, what would it come to compared with the
glory which God Himself gave her, when the Everlasting
1 In Father Marshall's case, his old'and faithful friend, Bishop Moriarty
of Kerry, attributed his power to an extraordinary knowledge of English
literature. I am sorry 1 did not put these recollections together hi the
lifetime of Bishop Moriarty. He had many things to say about Father
Marshall.
VOL. XV- 2 P
594 Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges."
kissed her pure and sacred lips, and the Son of God called
her His own dear Mother." In Father Marshall's sermons,
the glory of the Madonna invested women with similar light.
St. Agnes, the child-martyr, was his heroine, years before
"Fabiola" had made her the brightest star in our literature ;
and he took occasion, from her example, to pull down our
admiration of that mere brutal courage, which, as Walter
Scott says, is common to bulls and bull-dogs and all highly-
fed male animals.
An echo of Father Marshall's sermon on the Pope
reached Dublin, and Archbishop Cullen pressed him to
publish it, but in vain ; it was never his way to look back ;
one thing done was the signal to begin another. The
argument of this sermon, from beginning to end, ran thus : —
In all the ages the Vicar of Christ has governed in the
spirit of that God whose very nature is love ; and obe-
dience in the same spirit is the sign of predestination.
Then came a series of illustrations from the history of
heresies, in which he put forth all his extraordinary power
of uniting clearness with condensation. In every case the
Pope had began with warnings, more like those of a mother
than a judge, and when love answered love, causa finita
erat. On the other hand, whenever royal usurpation, secular
interests, national pride, or corruption aroused men's jealousy
of the spiritual power, things soon went on from bad to worse,
and then, and only then, when revolt threw away the
scabbard, did the Popes un sheath the awful sword of excom-
munication. He finished with the Eastern schism, taking
no notice of the gross, unintellectual, and political revolts
of the sixteenth century. "Look," he said, " at that Land of
the East, from whence Christ has come, in whose cities
apostles preached and martyrs died ; and then, for ages, the
nursing mother of saints and doctors, now lying in stillness
like death, without life or motion, save that of the crawling
things which death generates, like your own noble river
when the tide is out."
He terminated with the papal blessing to the city, which
he read in the Latin from the pulpit, in great state, flanked
by acolytes with their candles, and then, that no doubt
Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges" 595
might remain as to the interpretation, his voice rang
out like a trumpet in his mother tongue, with the words :
" And may my blessing rest on all that he has blest, and
my curse on all that he has cursed." How many of his
hearers had now advanced from realms of speculation into
those of action ? I do not know. For my own part, I was
undisturbed, my views about papal condemnations being
as vague as those of the lady who said — "Pray, Father
Marshall, what is the precise meaning of anathema sit."
" Let him be damned, madam," was the answer. The
reality of my dangerously near relationship to Arius and
Pbotius had to be brought home, and home it was soon
brought with sacred vengeance. Soon after this I was
invited to dinner, and a tete-a-tete, probably designed, with
Father Marshall. Dinner done, we walked out into the
beautiful gardens of the villa, our host making up the party,
and the subject of the day was started. How wonderful
now seems to me the patience of that imperial intellect as
he listened to the nonsense with which for two years I had
been indoctrinated. I was eloquent on the virtues and religious
proprieties of our Catholic professors ; and argued that we
had, at any rate, the sympathy of many Catholic ecclesiastics,1
the elite of their Order, and that the worst enemies of
religion in our times were pious obscurantists — timid moles
who feared the light. I do not remember how long the
discussion lasted. He met my panegyric on our respectable
Catholics, by saying, " If priests support those colleges, what
sort are they? dining-out, dandified priests. If laymen, ask
them to open their hands, you will see the little yellow
image of the Queen" — but the fact that I myself held a scholar-
ship stood very much in the way of this argument. The
conclusion, however, was triumphant, and the steps by which
he reached it have ever prevented me from seeing anything
in the view that God does not use logic as an instrument of
conversion. He saw, I suppose, that reason and conscience
1 Probably I said that they were appealing to the Pope " better
informed," for it was only the other day that I came upon a letter in
which it was said that people were expecting that the Pope would with*
draw his condemnation.
596 Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges"
were giving way under my vain attempt to build upon bal-
loons ; and gradually he brought me lace to face with the
great question of my eternal salvation, in words that seem
still to ring in my ears :—
" Do you not see [he said] that the danger to your soul is
ever in proportion to the attractions of the enemy ? Were the
devil now to jump out of one of those bushes, hoofs, horns, and
all, bringing hell with him, we should all take to our heels.
The real danger is when he comes in the shape of some beautiful
young lady, or fascinating professor." And then seeing the
moment was come, he finished thus : " Youmj man, if you follow
their science, you will be a fool ; and if you follow their religion,
you iu ill be damned. "
I cannot analyze my feelings at that moment, and, as
to thoughts, they were all gone. Something stronger had
come than the " consideration " of Prince Henry, that " like
an angel came, and whipp'd the offending Adam out of
him." It was all at once like a blow on the head and
a sword through the heart, and I cried in sheer misery;
for all the dreams and hopes of life seemed gone. I remember
nothing more that evening except the ineffectual efforts
Father Marshall made to cheer me up with droll stories as
we drove back to Cork.
With the morning came light, and from that day to this
I can never think of that contest without gratitude to God
for my conversion, and amusement at the process. My
conqueror took me at once in hand, lent me Balmez and
De Maistre; and, in a month or two, Cardinal Newman's
Lectures on University Education appeared in numbers,
as they were delivered. There, in language " musical as
is Apollo's lute," was philosophy identical with that of
Father Marshall, and the same absolute faith in the divine
guidance of the Holy See.
" After all [he says] Peter has spoken. Peter is no recluse,
no abstracted student, no dreamer about the past, no doter upon
the dead and gone, no projector of the visionary. ... If
there ever was a power on earth who had an eye for the times,
who has confined himself to the practicable, and has been happy
in his anticipations, whose words have been deeds, arid whose
commands prophecies, such is he in the history of ages who sits
Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges." 597
from generation to generation in the Chair of the Apostles as
Vicar of Christ, and Doctor of His Church."1
It is needless to say, that at the age of eighteen, and in
the throes of such a spiritual and intellectual revolution,
comparison and criticism had then no place in my mind. I
had begun to learn again, and the sensation was delightful.
Keturning now to De Maistre, I see clearly that it was from
that extraordinary genius, so far in advance of his age, that
Father Marshall drew his Petrine doctrines. The strongest
things in Du Pape are simply conclusions from the primary
truths that God rules the world, and rules it for the sake of
His Church and His elect, and that the Pope is Princeps,
omnium mortalium Pater, maxime vero credentiumf which
is hardly more than is expressed in the words of the
Protestant Edmund Burke, when he styles him, " The
Supreme Chief of Christianity/' Father Marshall's devo-
tion to the Pope did not go beyond that of Father Faber,
but with De Maistre he carried it into regions which the
purely spiritual genius of Father Faber did not enter. It is
clear that De Maistre holds that the government of the
Christian world by the Popes is under the Divine guidance;
and, indeed, if we suppose the Church to be divine only in
doctrine, and human and subject to error in practice, it is
impossible to explain her continuity. De Maistre has a
power, only equalled by Pascal, of condensing centuries
into syllogisms, any one of which is enough to strangle a
thousand petty objections. He seems to argue thus with
critics : — You say the Popes mismanaged Constantino,
and Henry VIII., and Napoleon. Have you any reliable in-
formation as to what would have happened if they acted
otherwise ? God does not force the wills of men ; He
solicits, nay, implores, and the Pope has to imitate Him,
and to do what he can, when men refuse to do what he would.
Again, while things of the day are measured by the day, all
time is the measure of the Pope's administration ; and here
1 Discourses on University Education, p. 25. Dublin : 1852. Rcpublishecl
in Idea of a University.
2 Dedication to Pius VII. (Euvrcs Completes, xii. G,
598 Father Marshall and the " Godless Colleges."
it is that De Maistre brings history and the testimony of
opponents to bear with overwhelming force ; testimony
swelled since his time by men like Guizot, Macaulay, and
Lecky, to the effect that at particular periods, the Church
was the saviour of civilization, and of all that is bound
up with it ; and when these particular periods are strung
together, we find that they span the ages from Peter to
Leo XIII. It was in this spirit that Father Marshall argued
with the men of " 52," who did not know as much as we
know now.
Godless education in every form is now more than ever
in the field, with unlimited endowments and immeasurable
promises. "When and where have these promises been ful-
filled? In Ireland, forty years ago, it was met by Cardinal
Newman, the most powerful agent of common sense in high
intellectual places that we have had since Edmund Burke
convinced so many at home and abroad that Voltaire and
Kousseau were, as he said, no better than the " mere jays and
magpies of philosophy." It is no small triumph that the
Queen's University and Galway College have sunk, although
fragments of the wreck are still afloat in the Colleges of Cork
and Belfast. When the day comes when secular rulers will
see in the principles taught by Cardinal Newman, the sole
foundation of that order and civilization by which nations
live, Father Marshall will be remembered as one of his most
earnest and eloquent supporters.
W. B. MORBIS.
[ 599 ]
WHAT IS TO BE SAID FOE THE SALVATION OF
INFANTS WHO DIE WITHOUT RECEIVING
BAPTISM ?
THE question of the salvation of children who die without
receiving Baptism possesses a peculiar interest for
the student of theology. From the earliest ages of the
Church it formed a subject of anxious inquiry, and even
St. Augustine, who so thoroughly understood the relations
of the natural and supernatural, admitted that it was sur-
rounded with difficulties which he failed to understand,
and presented problems for solution which he was unable
to explain. " Cum," he says, writing to St. Jerome, " ad
poenas ventum est parvulorum, magnis mihi crsde, coarctor
augustiis nee quid respondeam prorsus invenio." From the
days of St. Augustine down to the present, as error after
error arose regarding the necessity and efficacy of Baptism,
the question received an increased amount of attention. It
can scarcely be said, however, that our store of knowledge
in this particular has been increased, or that time, which
solves so many difficulties, and explains away so much that
was hitherto obscure, has thrown very much light on the
present subject of inquiry. All, or nearly all, that can be
said on the future condition of infants dying without
Baptism, has been said long ago, and modern theologians
for the most part have occupied themselves in collecting
and collating opinions already propounded, and drawing
forth from the great storehouses of theology left us by the
early fathers and theologians, the tenable views on the
subject.
Two things appear certain : — (1) infants who die without
receiving Baptism can never enjoy the Beatific Vision ;
(2) they are not condemned to the hell of the damned.
The first of these propositions follows at once as a
carollary from the Catholic doctrine regarding the trans-
mission of original sin and the necessity of Baptism. One
of the effects of original sin — and this the saddest of all —
y/as to deprive our first parents, and in depriving them, to
600 What is to be said for the Salvation of Infants
deprive their posterity of all right to the Beatific Vision, and
the consequent happiness which its privation entailed,
Man's original elevation to a supernatural state was purely
gratuitous on the part of God. God might, had He so
wished, have created him in a purely natural state; He
might have assigned him as his ultimate destiny a purely
natural end, which he would attain by the proper exercise
of his faculties, aided by such means as would satisfy the
requirements of his nature. He might even have sent him
into this world stripped of many of those ennobling qualities
which, although not supernatural in the strict sense of the
word, were nevertheless connatural to his state of original
justice.
" Poterat Deus [writes St. Thomas] a principio quando
hominem condidit etiam alium hominem ex limo terrae formare,
quern in conditione naturae suae relinqueret, ut scilicet mortalis
et passibilis esset et pugnam concupisentiae ad rationem sentiens
in quo nihil humanae naturae derogaretur quia hoc ex principiis
naturae consequitur ; non tamen iste defectus in eo rationem
culpae et poenae habuisset, quia non per voluntatem iste defectus
causatus esset."
The endowment, therefore, of our first parents with the
attributes of original justice, and their destination to a
supernatural reward, were due entirely to an act of the
divine bounty, to which as human beings they could never
establish a title. Nevertheless had they remained faithful in
their exalted position, and observed the easy commands of
God, they would have escaped the penalty of death, and as
a reward of their free correspondence with grace, after a
time to be determined by the Creator, they would have been
transferred from the earthly paradise to the immediate
vision of the Deity. The sad history of their fall is familiar
to everyone, and we are all heirs to its disastrous effects.
" In uno omnes peccaverunt," and each and every child of
Adam is born into this world, dethroned from the exalted
state in which the common father had been created, stripped
of the attributes of original justice, and deprived, if un-
redeemed, of all right to the Beatific Vision.
Pedernption, as the word itself implies, signifies a buying
who die loithout receiving Baptism ? 601
back, and its effect in the case of man was to regain for
him a right to the supernatural destiny which he had lost
through original sin. But while redemption did this much,
something further was needed. It took the place, so to
speak, of a " remedium remotum," and there was required a
" remedium proximum " — some sacramental or quasi-sacra-
mental rite — whereby the graces it merited would be applied
to the souls of individuals. Man, even when redeemed,
with his glorious faculties of intellect and will, could never
aspire to a supernatural reward as long as there was no grace
to wipe out the stain of original sin and elevate the natural
powers of his soul. There is a greater difference between
the natural and the supernatural than there is between the
lowest grade of existence in the natural order and the
highest grade in the same order ; and as no being in an
inferior order could aspire to the attributes of a being in a
superior order, so man with all his ennobling qualities, could
never, unless aided by grace, aspire to a supernatural reward.
Catholic theologians even say, that it would exceed the
limits of Divine omnipotence to create a being to whom the
Beatific Vision would be a natural reward ; for while grace and
the " lumen gloriae " are created things, and might therefore,
it could be supposed, be amongst the " debita " of a possible
human being, still their very nature and the extraordinary
effects they produce, so far exceed the claims of man, that
they can under no circumstances be regarded as within the
scope of his natural requirements. " Uno verbo," writes
Franzelin,1 "dicendum est Deus omnipotens potest in sua
creatura operari donum gratuitum quod sit supra debitum
hujus creaturae ; sed non potest efficere creaturam cui
hujusmodi sit debitum, quia donum huic creaturae debitum
quod simul sit omni creaturae indebitum (supernaturale)
videretur repugnantiam involvit."
From the very nature of the case, therefore, there was
a need of some rite whereby the merits of the Eedeemer
would be applied to the souls of individuals ; and wTe cannot
doubt but that, even during the period of the unwritten
1 Pe Deo Uno, Th. ?iv., p. 185,
602 What is to be said for the Salvation of Infants
law, when men were saved by foredrawing on these merits,
the " voluntas salvifica " provided some such rite, although
neither Scripture nor tradition supplies any very definite
information as to its character. It is highly probable that
the " remedium naturae " — as it was called — was not well
denned, and that any external protestation of faith in the
future Kedeemer would be accepted by God as sufficient.
In later times, when God entered a special covenant with
His people, He adopted circumcision for male children as at
once the sign and instrument of the covenant and the rite
by which original sin was to be blotted out from the soul.
Neither the " remedium naturae " nor circumcision produced
grace in the same way as the Sacraments of the New Law.
"Novae legis," says the Council of Trent, " septem sunt
sacramenta quae multum a sacramentis antiquae legis
differunt. Ilia enim non causabant gratiam, sed earn solum
per passionem Christi dandam esse figurabant." These
" infirma et egena elementa " neither contained nor conferred
sanctifying grace. It is highly probable that infants were
justified " propter fidem parentum," and that circumcision
was pretty generally selected in the case of males, arid the
"remedium naturae" in all other cases as a means of
externating their faith. Although not " verae causae gratiae,"
they were thus intimately connected with the remission of
original sin ; and without the application of the one or the
other, infants were not justified under the law of nature or
the Mosaic law.
Under the new dispensation it may be taken as proved
that, excepting the case of martyrdom, Baptism is absolutely
necessary for salvation. In the third chapter of the Gospel
of St. John, it is laid down, that Baptism is quite as neces-
sary for the spiritual existence of the soul as natural birth
is for the existence of the body. " Unless a man be born
again of water and the Holy Ghost, he cannot enter the
kingdom of God. That which is born of the flesh is flesh,
and that which is born of the Spirit is spirit."1 From the
twenty-eight chapter of St. Matthew and the corresponding
1 yy. 5, G.
who die without receiving Baptism ? 603
chapter of St. Mark the same necessity might be clearly
established. The mind of the Church on the matter is well
reflected in her anxiety to have the sacrament administered
to all those " qui in discrimine vitae constituti sunt;" and
better still, perhaps, in the " dicta " of the early fathers and
theologians. *' Utique," writes St. Ambrose, commenting on
those words of St. John, " nullum excipit (Christus), non
infantem non aliqua praeventum necessitate." St. Augustine
actually undertook to convince the Pelagians of the doctrine
of the transmission of original sin from the fact that Baptism
was necessary for salvation ; and the Pelagians themselves,
when hard pressed, while still persisting in its denial, were
obliged to admit the necessity of Baptism for entrance into
heaven. From the moment, therefore, that the Gospel was
sufficiently promulgated, Baptism became in the case of
infants, unless they were martyrs, the " unicum medium
justifications ;" and all such as die without receiving it
could never enjoy the Beatific Vision. " Poena originalis
peccata," writes Innocent III., " est carentia visionis Dei
actualis ;" and the Council of Trent, using the word Baptism
in its widest sense, has defined " Si quis dixerit Baptismum
liberum esse, hoc est, non necessarium ad salutem anathema
sit." This, therefore, brings us to our next subject of
inquiry, and we are naturally led to ask, what is to be the
future condition of children who die without receiving
Baptism ?
In discussing the present point, we are not left com-
pletely in the " via tenebrosa." " Credimus," say the
Councils of Lyons and Florence, " illorum animas qui in
mortali peccato vel cum solo original! decedunt mox in
infernum descendere poenis tamen disparibus puniendos."
Two things, therefore, appear certain : — (1) the souls of those
who die in sin, whether it be original or mortal, are subjected
in the next life to sentence of damnation ; (2) the punish-
ment to be inflicted varies in each case according to the
nature of the sin.
To the ordinary Catholic mind the word " damnation,"
used in reference to the future condition of a human soul,
presents the idea of a region of unceasing woe and despair
604 What is to be said for the Salvation of Infants
where the justice of God punishes the transgressors of His
law with the worm that never dies, and in the fire that is
never extinguished. Such a sentence God has pronounced
on those who die in a state of mortal sin. For them the
reign of mercy is over ; they are for ever excluded from the
immediate vision of the Deity, and their unhappy fate is to
suffer in the fiery prison, " ubi nullus ordo sed sempiternus
horror inhabitat." God has likewise pronounced a sentence
of damnation on those who die in original sin ; they too are
excluded from the immediate vision of the Deity ; but as to
the nature of the punishment they endure, or the privation
to which they are subjected, nothing has been defined, and
the Church allows us freedom of inquiry.
Bellarmine mentions no less than six different opinions
on the subject ; but with some of these, as they have already
received the condemnation of the Church, we shall have no
concern. Amongst those that are still tenable, the most
notable, perhaps, is that attributed to St. Augustine, and
which once found favour with the Latin fathers, and a
large section of theologians. According to this opinion,
infants who die without Baptism will suffer in the next life,
together with the pain of loss, some small amount of physical
or sensible pain. Bellarmine endeavours to explain the
words of St. Augustine, so as to bring them into harmony
with the common opinion of theologians ; and, undoubtedly?
the great Latin father had very unsettled views on the
matter. "Quae," he writes, " qualis et quanta sit haec
poena definire non possum." It was, however, to be the
mildest of all. " Mitissima," he continues, " sane omnium
poena erit eorum, qui praeter peccatum quod originale
traxerunt nullum insuper addiderunt." He even inclines to
think that existence in such pain is preferable to a state of
non-existence. " Ego non dico parvulos sine Christi baptis-
mate tanta poena esse plectendos ut eis non nasci potius
expediret, cum hoc Dominus non de quibuslibet pecca-
toribus, sed de scelestissimis et impiissimis dixerit."
Whatever may have been the real views of St. Augustine,
and he is usually credited with the doctrine of the " tortores
infantium," it may be taken as the common opinion of
who die without receiving Baptism/ 605
theologians, that unbaptized infants, whatever other priva-
tion they endure, are free, at least, from all pain of sense.
" Comniunissima deinde," writes Mazzella, " in scholis
facta est sententia, parvulos cum solo peccato origi-
nali decedentes non puniri poena sensus." x St. Thomas,
Bonaventure Scotus et "ingens antiquorum acies," are quoted
by Perrone as opposed to the opinion attributed to
St. Augustine, and according to Vasquez, quoted by the same
learned author, many of the scholastics relying on the
words of Innocent III.: — "Poena originalis peccati est
carentia visionis Dei, actualis vero poena peccati est
gehennae perpetuae cruciatus," went so far as to say that
the common opinion was of Catholic faith. It may, there-
fore, be believed with all confidence, that infants dying in
original sin, will not be submitted to sensible pain in the
next life. " Quantum glorificavit se et in deliciis fuit ;
tantum date illi tormentum et luctum." (Apoc. xvii. 7.)
St. Thomas, commenting on these words of St. John, argues
that the nature of the punishment to be inflicted in the next
life will correspond in some way to the fault committed in
this ; and concludes that, as those who die in original sin
have experienced no personal delectation in its commission,
neither shall they be obliged to endure any physical suffering
in punishment.
A further question then arises : — Are such infants equally
free from all pain of mind, or do they experience any mental
anguish in consequence of the glorious privileges they have
lost ? Here again theologians are divided. Bellarmine
regards it as much more probable that they will experience
pain of mind: " Etsi levissimum mitissimumque ;" and if
not immediately after death, at least after the last judgment.
" Tune enim illuminabuntur abscondita tenebrarum et
manifesta erunt consilia cordium." At the last judgment
they will realize the glorious destiny they have forfeited, and
how, although through no personal fault of their own, they
have been excluded from the immediate vision of the Deity,
and the society of the just made perfect. " Dicimus igitur/'
De Deo Creante, Disp. 5, Art. 6.
606 What is to be said for the Salvation oj Infants
he writes, " parvuios sine Baptismo decedentes dolorem
animi habituros quod intelligent se beatitudine privates, a
consortio priorum fratrurn et parentum alienos, in carcerem
inferni detrusos et in tenebris perpetuis vitam acturos.1'1
The weight of authority is, undoubtedly, on the other side-
" Valde tamen," writes Mazella,2 " communior est inter
scholasticos sententia quae nullam animi tristitiam parvuios
ex privatione visionis intuitivae passuros esse statuit."
Vasquez, Billuart, Scotus, and St. Thomas are quoted in
support of the latter opinion ; and Dr. Murray, 3 after
carefully analyzing the subject, sums up by quoting and
endorsing the words of Henno, " satis probabile est pueros
illos ex privatione beatitudinis aeternae non esse tristitia
amciendos." Some are inclined to think that their original
destination to a supernatural reward has, by a merciful
dispensation of God, been concealed from them ; and that,
as a consequence, they feel perfectly happy in their present
dethroned position. "Et ideo," concludes St. Thomas, "se
privari tali bono, animae puerorum non cogiioscunt ; et
propter hoc non dolent : sed hoc, quod per naturam habent,
sine dolore possident." Others hold that these infants are
fully aware of the greatness of the reward which, in other
circumstances, they might have merited ; but that, never-
theless, God has so arranged matters, that they are now
perfectly happy, and experience no useless regrets, no vain
longings in consequence of what they have lost. The
happiness of the elect is, indeed, well known to them ; but,
feeling no capability within themselves for such a glorious
destiny, they are neither jealous of those who have attained
it, nor are they troubled in mind, because it has fallen to
their own lot to be excluded from its enjoyment. They have
for ever escaped the fires of hell — the worm that never dies,
and the fire that is never extinguished — and they thank God
for this grand manifestation of His mercy towards them.
"Scribit enim," writes St. Boriaventure,5 "homines illos
1 Tom. v., lib. vi., cap. vi.
I Ibid.
8 Tract Dex Ecclesia, vol. i., Disp. i., sect. x.
4 Q. 5, de Malo, a. 3.
5 Apud Bellarminum, i. c., lib. vi., cap. vi.
who die witliout receiving Baptism ? 607
simul consideraturos beatitudinem quam amiserunt ; et
poenas aliorum damnatorum quas evaserunt ; et quamquam
prior consideratio dolorem, posterior gaudium adferre possit,
tamen ita unam temperandam per aliam, ut consideratio
amissae beatitudinis impeditura sit gaudium de evasione
poenarum, et consideratio evasionis poenarum impeditura sit
dolorem de privatione beatitudinis; atque ita futurum, ut
illi neque tristentur unquam, nequelaetentur."
Many theologians, and their opinion, considering their
number and respectability, seems highly probable, go even
further, and say that infants, dying in original sin, enjoy in
their future state the highest degree of natural happiness
which it is possible for human beings to enjoy. With
intellects unclouded by evil thoughts, and hearts set from
the disorderly affections that pursue fallen humanity here
below, they know and love God with a natural knowledge
and affection, and in the enjoyment of that natural know-
ledge and affection they find all the aspirations of their
souls fully satisfied. This opinion is fully in consonance
with God's usual merciful dealings with man ; it finds favour
with theologians of the highest name, and derives no small
amount of authority from the action of the Holy See.
""Quamvis," writes St. Thomas, " pueri non baptizati sint
separati a Deo, quantum ad illam conjunctionem, quae est
per gloriam ; non tamen ab eo penitus separati sunt. Imo
ipsi conjunguntur per participationem naturalium bonorum ;
et ita etiam de ipso gaudere poterunt, naturali dilectione et
cognitione." x And Suarez writes : — " Infero fore, ut illi
parvuli tune habeant veram Dei cognitionem naturalem, et
amorern ejus super omnia, atque adeo reliquas virtutes
naturales . . . itaque neque patientur rebellionem carnis,
neque interiorem neque ex teriorem pugnam ; quia etiam
haec esset poena sensibilis, et ommia haec pertinent ad viam
illi vero sunt suo modo in termino ; atque in his fere
conveniunt omnes theologi," l St. Bonaventure, Vasquez,
and modern theologians for the most part support the same
opinion. Lessius, who always thinks and writes so
1 Apud Mazellum i'>.
608 What is to be said for the Salvation of Infants, dc.
profoundly, gives a vivid pen-picture of the appearance
which unbaptized infants will present on the last day, and
we take the liberty of transcribing his words as they are
found in Dr. Murray.1
11 Congregabuntur [he writes] in unum locum, seorsim tamen
ab impiis quia ad eorum sortem non pertinent. Videbunt
judicis majestatem, eumque adorabunt. Videbunt sanctorum et
impiorum congregationem eorumque bona et prava opera cognos-
cent. Audient sententiam judicis in utrosque, sibique gratula-
buntuv quod non sint de impiorum numero. Agent Deo gratias
quod ante usum rationis abrepti ; quia longe maxima pars eorum
si ad aetatem venisset in eandem damnationem incidisset,
praesertim infidelium filii. Itaque non murmurabunt contra
Deuni ; sed magnopere se illi obstrictos sentient, quod periculis
tantorum filiorum exempti fuerint. Excipient et ipsi sententiam
judicis sed benignam ; qua etsi a visione Dei et coelesti regno
excludentur, tamen statum naturae dignitati congruentem asse-
quentur, quo contenti et laeti in omnem aeternitatem vivant et
Deum laudent. . . . Unde etsi dicantur damnati, quia ceolesti
gloria ad quam erant conditi, in aeternum sunt privati; tamen
credibile est, eorum statum longe feliciorem ac laetiorem fore,
quam sit alicujus hominis mortalis in hac vita."
Some theologians seek to find an argument in support of
this opinion in the words of Innocent III. : — " Poena origi-
nalis peccati est carentia visionis Dei ;" and, undoubtedly,
the action of the Holy See supplies a strong proof in its
favour. Towards the close of the seventeenth century,
Cardinal Sfrondate published a book in which the opinion
under consideration was advanced. The religious feelings
of some of the French bishops were wounded, and the year
immediately following the publication, five of their number,
including the celebrated Bossuet, presented a petition to the
Holy See, praying for the condemnation of the work. The
then reigning Pontiff, after praising their zeal, promised to
give the matter the most serious consideration. " Officii
itaque nostri," he writes in reply, " esse duximus, librum
ipsum, resque a vobis in eo adnotatas insignium theolo-
gorum discussioni committere ut omnibus maturae con-
siderationis trutina perpensis, quod justum merit, subinde
decernere valeamus." Innocent XII., it may be assumed,
1 Tract. De Ecclesia, vol. i., Disp. i., sec. x.
" The Contemporary Review " <C-c. 609
kept his word, and the investigation was conducted with all
the seriousness which the circumstances of the case and the
issues at stake demanded. No condemnation, however,
appeared ; and we are justified, therefore, if not in citing the
highest authority in support of the opinion, at least, in
concluding that it contains nothing opposed to the recognised
principles of Catholic theology.
This paper has already exceeded all reasonable limits,
and yet it is no matter of surprise that nothing like a satis-
factory answer has been given to the question proposed.
The dicta collected from the writings of our leading theolo-
gians show how hopelessly they are divided on the subject,
and it is highly probable that God's merciful dealings with
infants who die without receiving the graces of Baptism,
will remain enveloped in mystery. " Donee illuminabuntur
abscondita tenebrarum et manifesta erunt consilia cordium."
D. FLYNN, C.C.
"THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW" AND THE
ENCYCLICAL ON BIBLICAL STUDIES
IN the April number of The Contemporary Review the
Pope's Encyclical on the Bible was very freely and
very severely criticized by the unknown author of The
Policy of the Pope. This writer poses as the spokesman of
a group of " intelligent Catholics" — sapiunt quia sentiunt
mecum. But at first, one is tempted to fancy that the
article is a clever piece of satire, after the fashion of the
Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum, the work of some enemy
who wishes to throw ridicule on enlightened Catholics while
he belabours their less intelligent brethren. This hypothesis
would go far to explain the great freedom with which the
Pope is treated, and some strange slips on the subject of
Papal infallibility. Thus, we read on page 578 : " The
Sovereign Pontiff, whose infallibility providentially stops
short at definitions." And again, on page 581 : " Their first
VOL. xv. 2 Q
610 " The Contemporary Review" and the
and predominant feeling is of profound relief that a Papal
Encyclical is not a binding definition ex cathedra." And
in the concluding sentence of the article : " Bat, surely, we
are neither unreasonable nor rebellious when we refuse —
until commanded by an infallible decree — to abandon such
convictions as that two contradictory assertions are not
mutually corroborative, or that gross human error is not
divine truth." Are these the words of an intelligent
Catholic ? To those who do not accept the doctrine of the
Pope's infallibility, all Papal utterances are liable to error,
and the "infallibility" of a definition is nothing but a
technical name, meaning that Catholics are bound to believe
it. Holding this, a Protestant may very reasonably be
thankful that this imaginary " infallibility" is providentially
restricted to definitions ; and when he finds what he takes to
be grave blunders in an Encyclical, he is relieved to think
they will not do so much harm as they would in an ex
cathedra decree. But why should a Catholic who believes
in real infallibility rejoice in its limitation ? And why
talk of an infallible decree commanding us to admit
contradictory statements, and allow gross human error to be
divine truth ? Surely the doctrine of the Pope's infallibility
does not bind us to accept any such definitions. To believe
in that doctrine is to believe that such decrees are impossible.
Language like this might lead us to regard the author as
a disguised enemy indulging in subtle irony at our expense.
But there are many things in the rest of the article that tell
against this theory, and we cannot accept it as a satisfactory
solution. Can it be that the paper is an ingenious object-
lesson in the document-hypothesis ? If so, the above
passages might be the work of one writer, while those
which express genuine Catholic sentiments must be ascribed
to another hand. The idea is a fascinating one, but it will
hardly suffice to help us out of the difficulty. And in spite
of the author's statement that his position is clear and
unequivocal, I am compelled to abandon it as an insoluble
mystery.
But whoever and whatever the writer may be, there is
no mistaking the drift of his criticism on the Encyclical,
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 611
and his account of the reception accorded to it by the
Catholic world. I take leave to tell him that he has missed
the meaning of the document, and still more strangely
misread the facts. Let me not be misunderstood. I make
no charge of unfairness. If the critic is really a bewildered
Catholic, alarmed by the papal utterance, his painful position
commands our sympathy. And, much as I deplore the tone
of his language, I desire to treat the question without
bitterness, and am willing to believe that he is in good faith.
But no honesty of purpose can make his statements accurate,
or save them from doing harm, if they are suffered to pass
unchallenged.
Let us begin with his account of the facts. The
Encyclical, he tells us, "has been passed over in respectful
silence even by those militant Catholic journals which
usually lavish the largest type and the most enthusiastic
eulogies upon the least important utterances of the Holy
See ; and, strange to say, in most Catholic cities on the
Continent, it is to this day (March 20) impossible to obtain a
copy of the document for love or money. It would scarcely
be fair to general readers, many of whom belong to other
Christian Churches, to trespass upon their time, by offering
an exhaustive analysis of a treatise which the most uncom-
promising Catholics do not deign even to glance at."1
Now, except on one point, where he speaks of the
Continent, the writer makes no qualification or restriction to
these sweeping statements. And readers of The Contemporary
who are unacquainted with Catholic affairs will imagine that
those to whom the Pope has spoken neither hear nor heed
him. In answer, let me mention the following facts, which
all who care to do so can verify for themselves. An English
version of the Encyclical appeared in The Weekly Register
of December 9th, and 16th, 1893. The Tablet gave the
Latin text in its issue of December 23rd. This was followed
later on by an English translation, from the pen of Bishop
Hedley, which has been published in pamphlet-form.
Besides this, The Universe, to mention one of the cheaper
* Page 578.
612 "The Contemporary Review" and the
journals, published the Encyclical in English ; and this
version also has been reprinted separately. And I believe
the other Catholic papers of this country took good care to
bring this neglected document within the reach of their
readers. It has lately been announced that Lord Braye has
presented the Pope with an Address from the Catholic
Bishops of England thanking him for his Encyclical on the
Bible. A more practical instance of the attention paid
to the Pope's words may be seen in the laudable enterprise
of Messrs. Burns and Gates, the well-known Catholic
publishers, who have put forth a list of Biblical works,
headed by a passage from the Encyclical.
A discussion, which has been carried on during the past
three months in the pages of The Tablet, affords fresh proof
that the Pope's words have by no means fallen to the
ground. The first of a series of unsigned articles on the
"Deluge" and the "Higher Criticism" appeared in the
pages of that journal on February 3. Other papers followed
at intervals; and the writer's arguments were subjected
to a searching criticism by several able correspondents. It
would seem that some Catholics of undoubted learning and
intellectual power, are by no means prepared to adopt the
narrow and rigorous interpretation of the Encyclical which
finds favour with the author of The Policy of the Pope.
We may now turn to this writer's account of the Pope's
teaching. I do not find it formulated in any sentence
available for quotation ; but I trust I shall do him no
injustice in attempting to sum it up in words of my own.
The Encyclical, it would seem, is retrograde and obscurantist.
The Pope has, apparently, made himself the spokesman of
prejudiced theologians, and dealt a cruel blow to the few
Catholics who are entitled to speak with authority on
Biblical criticism. He sends us to the fathers and the
schoolmen, and warns us away from the real masters of
Biblical science, the Dutch and German critics of the present
day. This, in effect, is the burden of the whole article.
Take, for instance, the following sarcastic application of a
passage in the Encyclical : " In the next place, they (i.e., the
Catholics for whom the critic speaks) heartily endorse the
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 613
argument of Augustine, which finds such favour in the eyes
of his Holiness himself, that if even the meanest of the
mechanical crafts cannot be learned without the help of a
qualified teacher, much less can an intricate subject which
has its roots in many difficult sciences be mastered by the
contemplative recluse who is at once utterly ignorant of its
rudiments and obstinately determined to shut his ears to the
explanations of its accredited professors."1 These pro-
fessors, if I mistake not, are " those German and Dutch
critical scholars who have so largely contributed to our
knowledge of the Bible." 2
Now, in all this our critic is sounding a very needless
note of alarm. Far from being obscurantist and retrograde,
the Encyclical, as I read it, is enlightened and progressive,
and designed to promote the true interest of Biblical science.
The only Catholics who have reason to be troubled at its
appearance are those benighted professors of whose short-
comings the critic speaks in such feeling terms. His
knowledge of Catholic professors and students, by the way,
is like Mr. Welter's knowledge of London, "extensive and
peculiar/' He tells of " men who glory in ignoring the very
languages in which it (the Scripture) was written; " " who,
besides the drawback of crass ignorance, lack the conviction
that, however deftly science may be ultimately harmonized
with religion, they will both remain for ever incompatible
with unveracity," and of "champions of tradition who
publicly teach and uphold doctrines which they privately
reject and abhor." On the other hand, he knows all about
the " chosen few,5' and tells us confidently that "not a single
one entertains the slightest doubt as to the truth of these
propositions." 3
I am well aware that it must sound a strange paradox to
talk of progress and science in connection with a document
which does indeed praise the early commentators and
denounce some dangerous views of modern scholars. And
my readers will probably expect to find this statement
followed by a foolish and futile attack on the critical school.
1 Page 581. a j>age 579. s page 584.
614 "The Contemporary Eevieiv" and the
If so they will be agreeably disappointed. I will gladly pay
homage to the great learning, the high powers, and the
diligent labours of the Dutch and German critics. If they
sometimes go where we may not follow, we may still learn
something at their hands. I will not say fas est ab hoste
doceri; for I hold no scholar as an enemy. It is the fashion
to set up artificial barriers between the present and the past,
or between writers of different race or party in the same age.
Some people talk as though " science " and " criticism " had
arisen by spontaneous generation, or dropped like a bolt
from the blue. For light and leading we must look to the
masters of a system newly "made in Germany; " everywhere
else is nothing but darkness and confusion. It is sad to find
tokens of this narrow and sectarian spirit, but we can hardly
wonder at its existence. Those who sit at the feet of the
kings of modern thought may learn very much that it is
well worth knowing, but they may easily be led to form an
exaggerated notion of their teachers' importance, and look
with contempt on other and earlier schools. "It is always
the tendency of discipleship," says Mr. Herbert Spencer,
" to magnify the effects of the master's teachings, and to
credit the master with all the doctrines he teaches. In the
minds of his followers, M. Comte's name is associated with
scientific thinking, which, in many cases, they first under-
stood from his exposition of it." And after quoting some
words of the founder of Positivism, Mr. Spencer adds :
" That is to say, the general mode of thought and way of
interpreting phenomena, which M. Comte calls ' Positive
Philosophy,' he recognises as having been growing for two
centuries ; as having reached, when he wrote, a marked
development, and as being the heritage of all men of
science."
It is much the same here. Like the other sciences,
Biblical criticism is the outcome of gradual growth and
development. It has reached a high perfection in the hands
of the Dutch and German critics, but it was in the world
before them. And much that is excellent in their methods
is really the common heritage of all Biblical students, whether
of their school or not. Kuenen himself speaks of Eichard
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 615
Simon, the French Oratorian, as the " Father of Biblical
Criticism." *
But there were brave men before Agamemnon. The
first fathers of the science must be sought in a much earlier
age. This is the real meaning of the historical portion of
the Pope's Encyclical ; he is showing us the slow but sure
growth and development of Biblical science, and encouraging
us to go forward in the same path. It would, surely, be a
mistake to suppose that he is thinking of nothing but
theological commentaries and exegetics when he refers us to
the labours of the early ages of the Church. Much of the
work done by men like St. Jerome and Origen, and, let us
add, Eusebius and Lucian, was critical and scientific. But
this meaning is more marked and unmistakable when the
Pope comes to speak of a later period, and dwells on the
chairs of Oriental Languages established by Clement V., and
the publication of the Polyglot Bibles of Alcala and Antwerp.
Those Bibles have been surpassed by subsequent editions,
but they mark an epoch, and gave afresh impetus to Oriental
studies in Western Europe. One of the band of scholars
associated in the production of the Antwerp edition, Andrew
Maes, was in some sense a pioneer of our modern " Higher
Criticism." Following the example of his predecessors, who
encouraged the labours of these earlier Orientalists, the Holy
Father insists on the importance of studying the Semitic
tongues.
When we look at the Encyclical in this light, we may
well regard it as a hopeful sign. It is not so much a declara-
tion of doctrine or a denunciation of error, as an exhortation
to labour, It will encourage those who are already at work
in the field of Biblical studies, and send many more among
us to swell their numbers. And if we are true to the patterns
set before us by the Pope, we shall avail ourselves of any
help within our reach, from whatsoever source it comes.
Even the critic who takes such a gloomy view of the present
state of Catholic studies might ;find some crumbs of comfort
in the words of his Holiness.
1 Historisch-Kritisch Onderzoek naar het Ontstaan en de Verzameling
van de Boeken des OucJen Verbonds, i. 1.
616 "The Contemporary Beview" and the
But I may be reminded that the Pope plainly says that
the uncorrupted sense of Scripture is only found in the
Church, and those who have not the true faith only " gnaw
the rind." Does not this show that the whole system of the
critical school is condemned as utterly worthless, and can
have nothing in common with the Biblical science to which
his Holiness is exhorting us ? Pardon me ; it does nothing
of the sort. Harsh as it may seem at first sight, the saying
does not in any way deny the real merits of rationalist or
unbelieving critics. It would still be true, even if their
writings were wholly free from doctrinal errors. And it
would be equally true of the most esteemed Catholic scholars,
if they had their science and learning and critical acumen,
and nothing more. All these gifts, excellent things in their
way, would only enable them to "gnaw the rind." It may
not be amiss to illustrate this principle by an instance taken
from another field. "There is nothing," says Sir William
Jones, in the preface to his Persian Grammar, " which has
tended more to bring polite letters into discredit, than the
total insensibility of commentators and critics to the beauties
of the authors whom they profess to illustrate ; few of them
/seem to have received the smallest pleasure from the most
elegant compositions, unless they found some mistake of a
transcriber to be corrected, or some established reading to be
changed, some obscure expression to be explained, or some
clear passage to be made obscure by their notes . . . The
state of letters seems to be divided into two classes, men of
learning, who have no taste, and men of taste, who have no
learning." The accomplished Orientalist is a little too hard
on the race of editors ; and there has been, moreover, great
improvement in these matters since his caustic words were
first written. But the " man of learning, who has no taste,"
is no fabulous or extinct creature. He still comes, to the
Iliad, let us say, armed with scientific philology and Wolfian
criticism, knowing all about the age and authorship of the
poem, but deaf to its music and blind to its beauty. Contrast
such a critic with Keats, reading Homer at seconcUhancl
through Chapman's version, yet feeling
" Like some watcher of the skies,
a new planet swims into his ken."
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 617
Is it too much to say that the pedant only " gnaws the rind,"
while the young poet, in spite of his imperfect scholarship,
goes right to the heart of Homer's song ?
Now, the critic who knows all about the Scripture except
the mysteries of the faith enshrined in its pages, is as far
from the real heart of the matter as the reader who under-
stands everything in Homer except the poetry. In the eyes
of rationalist critics, the Pope's claim to speak with authority
on the meaning of the Bible may seem absurd and unwar-
ranted. And so it is, if the book is simply the national
literature of the Jewish people, and nothing more. In that
case, Oriental scholars and critics and archaeologists are
surely the best authorities, and the a priori principles of
theology may well be disdainfully swept aside. But it is far
otherwise, if there is a Revealed Religion, and the Bible is
one of the chief channels through which it comes to us ; then
even the uncritical believer will understand more of its true
meaning than a whole host of unbelieving critics. Not that
their learning is worthless, or his lack of it no loss ; but that
faith is more important than critical science. Haec oportuit
facere, et ilia non omittere. This is why the Pope, while
exhorting us to a scientific study of the Holy Scripture, bids
us hold fast by the doctrine that the Bible is the inspired
Word of God, and as such is free from error. We must
never lose sight of this, or take up any theories that run
counter to it. There is really nothing unreasonable in this
teaching. Shall we be told that it is unscientific to come
with this a priori principle that precludes anything like a
free inquiry into the facts ? Why, all the arguments and
objections of the critics are based on a priori principles ; and
every fresh fact discovered, every record that leaps to light,
sets a limit to the freedom of their speculation. If inspiration
is a fact, and not a fiction, we must take it into account like
other facts. To hold that the Bible is inspired by God, that
divine tradition is the twin channel of the same revelation,
and the Church its chosen keeper and interpreter ; and, at
the same time, to treat the sacred volume as though it
were a merely human document, and explain it without
any reference to theology, involves a contradiction beside
618 "The Contemporary Beview" and the
which the most puzzling Biblical problem sinks into in-
significance.
But what are we to say of the alleged blunders and
contradictions pointed out by the Pope's Catholic critic?
Now, I am not going to trouble my readers with a detailed
answer to his list of objections. It would carry us too far, and
at the same time would serve no useful purpose. Those who
care to pursue the subject further will find help in the works
of the Abbe Vigouroux ; and, I may add, in commentaries
of a much earlier date, for many of the difficulties are by no
means new. The critic is, perhaps, not aware of this, as he
seems but slightly acquainted with the Biblical literature
which he condemns so severely. For instance, in his note
on the sacrifice of Jephthah's daughter, he says : — " For
many a long day this was obstinately denied by Catholic
hermeneutics as derogatory to the dignity of God. -It is no
longer denied now."1 Who would suppose from this, that
the view thus " obstinately denied " for many a long day,
was really the opinion of St. Thomas, and St. Augustine
and St. Jerome? The other explanation seems to have
been started by some Hebraists of the early sixteenth
century, who derived it from the Jews. But it found little
favour with such a representative theologian as Suarez, and
A Lapide says it was unknown to the fathers. M. Vigouroux
is merely following in the track of the best Catholic
authorities, when he understands the passage literally ; but
the other view is not untenable. But to return to the
objections, let me say a word on their general character, and
the possibility of meeting them. I have no wish to make
light of the difficulties presented by the text of the Bible.
Even when we put aside all that are merely imaginary, there
is still a formidable array left ; and, all things considered, it
is only what might be expected. On the other hand, I
should be sorry to overrate the answers of our apologists.
Much good work has been done, and some difficult passages
made clear; while in m^r-cftses we have had plausible
suggestions of possibl^Wtrtt^v Anything like special
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 619
pleading and hair-splitting is generally undesirable ; and an
ingenuous admission is often better than an ingenious
explanation. But is there no special pleading or perverse
ingenuity on the other side ? Some objectors seem to treat
the sacred text as a " hostile witness, under cross-examina-
tion." If great wits are near allied to madness, "higher
criticism" is sometimes perilously near to hypercriincism.
If we approach the question frankly and fairly — and why
should we do otherwise ? — we shall find many apparent diffi-
culties disappear. And if in some cases we cannot put our
hand on the right answer, the solutions suggested are at
least enough to show us the difficulty is not insuperable.
But what if we meet with a plain palpable contradiction in
terms, where we are not merely unable to see how it can be
reconciled, but can see that reconciliation is impossible ?
And here the critic presses us hard. According to his
reading, the Encyclical leaves us no loophole of escape.
The most minute mistake in a name or a number is now, it
would seem, fatal to the whole Bible. Let us hear his own
words : — " It is a very trivial and somewhat uninteresting
example ; but the fact is, that since the Encyclical has ap-
peared, the Bible has become metamorphosed into a Bupert's
drop ; so that it is enough to break off the smallest portion
of the tail, to cause the whole thing to explode shivered
into fragments. For the Catholic of to-day the Bible,
the Catholic Church, Christianity and Eevelation, all stand
or fall with the correctness of the account given of Esau's
wives." } Horresco refer ens ! It is clear that the writer is
speaking of the account now found in the text of Genesis,
for he proceeds to discuss it, and evidently imagines that if
he can show that it is contradictory, the above astounding
result will follow. Let me hasten to say that the Pope
has nowhere, I will not say defined, but countenanced this
grotesque doctrine. He tells us that God is the author of
the Bible, as the Vatican Council had already defined ; and
he warns us against the view which limits the inspiration to
certain parts of the Scripture, and admits that in others the
sacred writer himself has sometimes erred. But, at the
1 Page 59Q.
620 "The Contemporary Revieiv" and the
same time, he distinctly allows the possibility of corruptions
in the text, though we are not to assume this lightly without
proof ; and in saying that the sacred writings are altogether
free from all error, he is careful to acid the saving clause,
quales ab hagiographis editae sunt. Let us suppose, then,
that in some case a manifest mistake or contradiction could
be established. We should then know, like the soldier,
that "someone had blundered ;" but it would remain to ask
who was the real culprit. Putting aside St. Augustine's
suggested alternative, that we may be blundering ourselves—
which is far too modest for the modern mind — there remain,
the original writer and a long line of copyists and correctors,
and it may be translators, through whose hands the work
has come down to us. Why should we insist on ascribing
the blunder, not to any one of the transcribers who were
left to their own resources, but to the original writer who
was divinely inspired ?
I do not say that we must take refuge in this extreme
resource, in the case of Esau's wives. Other solutions have
been suggested which are, to say the least, plausible. And
if to some they may seem far-fetched or fanciful ; the critic
himself pace illius is needlessly rigid. He seems to take it
as axiomatic that no person can have more than one name,
and that no two persons can have the same name. The
wives of King Henry the Eighth would have furnished a
pretty problem of the same kind, if nothing but a brief
mention of their names and parentage had come down to
us. And we can imagine a critic convicting the chronicles
of gross contradiction for saying in one place that Anne
was the daughter of Thomas Boleyn, and in another affirm-
ing plainly that she was the daughter, not of Boleyn the
Englishman, but of the Duke of Cleves ; and, as if this
were not enough, they must make Catherine the daughter
first of King Ferdinand, then of Edmund Howard, and
finally of Thomas Parr !
In much the same way, we find the critic making merry
over a supposed mistake in the Book of Daniel :—
" But whatever Daniel may have learned did not hinder him
from making a blunder, which alone is enough to ruin our faith
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 621
in the historical character of his story — a blunder as damaging
as if a Londoner, writing an account of his alleged sojourn in a
North American pine forest, were to inform his readers in a note,
that during his first week there he was wont to gather pine-apples
every morning for his breakfast. The prophet, who is supposed
to have lived for years in Babylon, and to have been thoroughly
conversant with the learning, history, and language of the people,
makes King Nebuchadnezzar say that Daniel's name was changed
to Belteshazzar, ' according to the name of my God ' — i.e., Bel.
Now, this is absurd. Belshazzar — i.e., Bel-sar-ussur — does
indeed contain the name of the god in question, and means ' Bel
save the King.' But, then, this was the name, not of Daniel,
but of Nabonned's son. Daniel's name, Belteshazzar, has no
more to do with Bel than pine-apples have to do with pines : it
signifies, ' protect his life.' The two names are, therefore, toto
cczlo different, and no Jew who had spent a twelvemonth in the
country could have confounded them, or have proposed such an
impossible etymology for one of them."1
The whimsical illustration of the Londoner gathering
his pine-apples in the pine forest, is hardly a happy one ; for
this is not a mistaken etymology, but a confusion of things.
The name of the fruit is derived from the name of the tree,
just as Belteshazzar is supposed to be derived from Bel.
No one really familiar with English would be likely to think
pine-apple meant the fruit of the pine tree. But mistaken
or fanciful derivations of words are by no means confined to
strangers but slightly acquainted with the language. With
certain etymologies of the Talmud before me, I should be
sorry to say what a Jewish captive, or even the King himself
might or might not do with the Assyrian names.
But is there any mistake at all in the present case?
Before we can settle the matter in the critic's summary
fashion, we must know the original form of the name given
to Daniel. The comparatively recent discovery of the
Cuneiform " Bel-sar-utsur " (as I should prefer to write it)
has explained the meaning of the King's name. And there
can be little doubt that the Biblical " Belshazzar " is merely
a corruption or contraction of it, perhaps the Aramaic writer
spelt it as he pronounced it. - Now, it is, to say the least,
possible that Daniel's name may be explained in the same
1 Page 588.
622 " The Contemporary Review" and the
way. In other words — it may be but a variant form of
Belshazzar, and represent the same Assyrian name. The
insertion of one letter, t, in the one name is not more difficult
to explain than the omission of the r in both. This is not
merely a conjecture, for the ancient Syriac translation uses
the same form, Belt'shatsar, both for Daniel and for the last
Chaldean King. I am quoting, I may add, from a Syriac
MS., which is probably much older than any extant copy of
the original text.1
We turn from these minor difficulties, to larger questions
that touch the character of the Bible as a whole. And here
we find the critic calmly saying " this view of the religion of
the Bible as a slow and gradual development, is the true
line of cleavage between the honest convictions of Catholic
scholars and the preconceived notions of professional theo-
logians." Well, well ; let us hope that there are honest
convictions on both sides. And I am afraid that " pro-
fessional theologians" are by no means alone in harbouring
preconceived notions. But what are we to say of this true line
of cleavage ? It may be allowed on all hands that some of the
theories put forward by the critic are separated by a very
decided line from Catholic theology. But the acknowledg-
ment of gradual growth and development is hardly the best
distinguishing mark. To many of us, it will seem that these
things are found in a far truer sense in the theological
conception of the origin of the Bible. That account of the
matter has been exhibited in such a grotesque form to the
readers of The Contemporary Review, that it may not be amiss
to put it afresh in a somewhat different light. We acknow-
ledge the whole Bible from the beginning of Genesis to the
end of the New Testament as the inspired word of God. So
far it is all one, and not to speak of places where the text
may have suffered some slight corruption, or where the
words of erring men are reported, it is all true and consistent
with itself. But with this unity there is combined a
_ » Translatio Syra Pescitto Vet. Testamenti e Codice Ambrosiano Saec. fere
Itxll photolithographic edita, curante et adnot. A. M. Ceriani. For some
curious Talmudical etymologies, in part play on words, cf. Geiger,
). 15, Be
Lehrbuch zur Sprache der Mischnah, p. 15, Berachoth ix. 5.
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 623
wondrous variety ; it is the unity, not of a dead mass, but of
a living being. Even the revelation itself, the divine message
to mankind, has a growth, an evolution, like the life of
nature. What is dimly intimated at first, is made more
marked and manifest in later utterances ; what is faintly
foreshadowed from the beginning, is told in louder tones in
the prophets, and made yet more clear in the brighter light
of the New Testament. And even when the last page is
written, the message is further expanded and unfolded in the
gradual growth and development of Catholic theology. But,
besides this there is another source of almost endless variety.
Inspiration does not destroy or impair the natural gifts and
character of the men who are made its chosen channels.
Just as the books are now in Hebrew, now in Aramaic, and
now in Greek, so each individual writer speaks in the dialect
of his time and place, in his own voice and in his own way.
The instruments have each a separate tone and a beauty of
their own, though the same divine musician breathes through
all.
In all this, we may see a real growth and development ;
but it is a very different thing from the evolution of a true
religion out of a false one. It is much the same with the
document hypotheses, and the alleged alterations and
additions of reforming prophets or priests. The more extreme
theories on this subject are certainly hard to reconcile with a
true idea of inspiration. But in saying this we do not deny
that the inspired writers made any use of earlier documents,
or that a book mainly written by one hand may have been
completed by another.1 As for the dilemma that the
Bible was either written for those outside the Church
who cannot understand it, or for those within who no longer
need it, the answer is not far to seek. I should be sorry
to say that outsiders can get no good from the Bible. Even
men who acknowledge no revelation may learn something
from its pages. Much more can those who read it in faith
as the word of God derive benefit from studying the sacred
book ; and to some, it is happily the means of coming to a
fuller knowledge of the truth. But this, I take it, is not the
1 On this see Kaulen, Einleituny in die Heiiiye Schrift, p. 164.
624 "The Contemporary Review" and the
primary object for which it was written. It is chiefly meant
for those within the true Church, who, with all deference to
the critic, have a very real need of it. We must have a
very strange notion of the Pope's infallibility, if we think
that it makes the Scriptures superfluous. The Holy Father
has no new doctrine of his own to teach us; he does but
impart to us the unchanging truth that comes down from
the beginning through the channels of Scripture and tradition.
Even those Catholics who unhappily never read the Bible
themselves are still fed from its pages when they hearken
to the Church. At the same time, those who neglect the
devout study of the Scripture, deprive themselves of a great
benefit. And one reason for rejoicing at the appearance of
the recent Encyclical, is the thought that it will do much to
lessen their numbers. But whatever the " vast majority "
of us may do, it is really too bad to mention Mr. Lilly's name
in this connection. The passage which the critic quotes
from a dialogue in Ancient Religion and Modern Thought,
does not refer to " Bible questions " in general, but to such
matters as the date of the books, the names of the human
authors, and their conceptions of science and history.
Mr. Lilly does not pose as a Biblical critic, but he has a real
knowledge of the Scriptures, and makes good use of it in his
writings. Those who can call to mind some notable passages
in his Chapters in European History, will read the critic's
language with mingled indignation and amusement.
There is no occasion to follow the author in his excursions
into other fields ; and I will say nothing here on the simplicity
of Zosimus, the vacillation of Vigilius, and the real or fabled
failings of the other pontiffs he has brought on the scene.
But it is otherwise with his reference to the Holy Father's
words on the study of history. A consideration of this may
haply help us to understand both the present Policy of the
Pope and the judgment of its critic. The Pope, we are told,
advised his children to
11 Set themselves diligently to study the science of comparative
history. Since then not one of the hundreds of millions of his
loyal children throughout the world who listened in wonder to
his paternal advice has acted upon it. And for the best
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 625
and saddest of all possible reasons. Although there is a
science of comparative philology, and another of comparative
anatomy, we seek in vain for the name of comparative history in
the list of sciences which theology deigns to employ as her
'inferiors and handmaids.' Indeed we venture, with all due
respect to a Papal utterance, to doubt whether any such science
is conceivable. History herself, even without the disturbing
element of comparison, has not yet satisfactorily made out her
claim to be recognised as a science."
Now, unless we adopt a very narrow and superficial
definition of the word, it must surely be allowed that there
is a science of history. " There can be no doubt," says
Mr. Matthew Arnold, "that Wolf is perfectly right; that
all learning is scientific which is systematically laid out and
followed up to its original sources." But what shall we say
of the " disturbing element of comparison " ? On this point
let us hear one of our most scientific historians, the late
Professor Freeman : " The establishment of the Comparative
Method of study has been the greatest intellectual achieve-
ment of our time. It has carried light and order into whole
branches of human knowledge which before were shrouded
in darkness and confusion." These words occur on the first
page of Comparative Politics. In another part of the same
work we find him saying, "We are learning that European
history, from its first beginnings to our own day, is one
unbroken drama, no part of which can be rightly understood
without reference to the other parts which come before and
after it." 2 The whole volume is a valuable contribution to
the comparative study of history, and might well have been
named after that inconceivable science, but that it is devoted
mainly to one branch of history, that which deals with
politics or systems of government. But Mr. Freeman was
by no means the first in the field. Headers of M. Comte will
remember what importance he attaches to the comparative
method, and the use he makes of it in the field of social
science. He speaks with scorn of the " irrational spirit of
speciality" which threatened io make history " a vain
accumulation of incoherent monographs." And he looks to
1 Tage 582. 2 Page 303.
VOL. XV. 2 E
626 "The Contemporary Beview" and the
a different kind of history to support the " social sentiment,"
"1'histoire rationelle et positive, envisaged comme une
science reelle, et disposant 1'ensemble des evenements
humains en series coordonnees qui montrent avec evidence
leur enchainement graduel." 1 The same pregnant principle
which gives us the philosophy of history, has an important
effect on merely national history. Nothing is isolated; the
life of the nation is treated as an organic whole, and the
various factors are combined and compared. This is what
our Teutonic neighbours call Pragma tismus? The modern
scientific treatment of history is certainly a great advance
from the histories which were, too often, little more than
overgrown party pamphlets, or works of unimaginative
fiction. Whatever their faults and failings, historians of
the new school have two main merits. In the first place,
by the method of observation, they make a rigorous and
exacting examination of the facts. And then, by the help of
the method of comparison, they endeavour to get behind the
facts, to reach their causes, and trace the laws that govern
the course of history.
Now, if we turn to the Pope's chief utterance on the
subject of history, his letter to Cardinals De Luca, Pitra,
and Hergenrother, August 18, 1883, we find him teaching
the selfsame lesson. On the one hand, he insists on a
careful study of the records, and he gives a practical force to
his words by putting the Vatican Archives at the service of
students. On the other hand, he sets before us the example
of St.. Augustine, the father of the philosophy of history,
from whom we may learn the true knowledge of the
causes, and he warns us against the errors of those who
have forsaken his footsteps. It may seem a far cry from
St. Augustine to the modern masters of historic science.
Nevertheless, there is a real connection between the two
1 Philosophic Positive, t. iv., page 327.
2 So Kuenen : " De geschiedenis dor Israelictische literatuur zal aller-
eerst geschiedenis moeten zijn en als zoodanig behooren te beantwoorden
aan al de eischen, die onze tijd aan den geschiedschrijver stelt. Zij moet
zijn pragmatisch ; zij mag haar onderwerp — de heilige literatuur van Israel
— uiet isoleren." e. z. v. Hixtorisch-Kritisch Onderzoek, page iii. Hegel
uses the word in a different sense, Philosophic der Geschichte, page 8.
Encyclical on Biblical Studies. 627
extremes. Comte owes something to Bossuet, and Bossuet
in his turn, learnt of the great African father. Here, too,
the Holy Father is sounding a note of progress, encouraging
us to labour in the field of history as in that of Biblical
science. And both these utterances, let us remember, are
but parts of a large and generous and enlightened plan. On
a former occasion he showed us the path of true progress in
philosophy ; and besides taking this deep interest in the
studies, the intellectual culture of his world-wide flock, he
has given us help and guidance on most of the burning
questions of the day. The interests of labour, and the rights
of property, liberty, and loyalty, the duties of Christian
citizens, the dangers that lurk in the rash remedies for
social troubles, the blessings of peace, and the burden of
large armies, all these far-reaching questions have occupied
his care. Why should we meet his messages with captious
criticism, and raise doubts and difficulties, or presume to offer
him advice ? Is it in the interest of science ? Surely not :
non tali auxilio.
It is the glory of scholars, and critics, and masters of
physical science to labour in the cause of truth, unfolding
and interpreting to us the book of nature and the history of
mankind. It is the glory of the Catholic Church to hold
fast and hand onward in fulness, ever broadening in brighter
light, the higher science of revealed religion ; and the interests
of the two are really one. There is DO chasm to be crossed,
no barrier to be broken. The blunders of uritheological
critics, and uncritical theologians, of men who mistake their
pious opinions for dogma, and their brilliant hypotheses for
established fact, may indeed raise a phantom feud between
the two temples of truth. Hence come those attacks on
religion in the name of science, or on science in the name of
religion, that sometimes fill us with sorrow, but never with
anxiety or fear. Who doubts the issue ? Who fears the
truth ? Sooner or later, whatever is false in the systems of
scientists or the theories of theologians, shall fall away and
perish, and the truth shall triumph.
In this happy result, the wise words of the Holy Father
will surely have their share. They may be misread by some,
628 "Horce Liturgica:" or Studies on the Missal.
and pass unheeded by others, but they will find out their
own, and do their work ; and their far-reaching influence
will still be felt in the future when contemporary critics and
contemporary champions are buried in oblivion.
W. H. KENT, O.S.C.
:" OR STUDIES ON THE MISSAL
" PROPRIUM SANCTORUM "
SOME MASSES FOR THE MONTH OF JULY
FIKST Sunday in July. Feast of the Most Precious Blood.
This day Holy Church, in grateful remembrance for
the great price of our redemption, sets before us Jesus,
" who has loved us, and who has washed us from our sins
in His own Blood" (Apoc. i. 5), that we priests, who are
the dispensers of this Blood to the world, may adore and
worship the loving design of God in choosing us to be
ministers of His mercy. If the angels were ministers of
His justice when they broke open the fountains of the great
deep, and opened the windows of heaven (cf. Gen. viL 7),
we, His other angels, are the ministers of His loving kind-
ness to man ; for by our ministry the fountains of the great
deep of His tender compassion are broken up, and the
deluge of His grace, which gushes forth from those windows
of heaven, the Five Wounds, pours forth for the healing of
men. Therefore, on this great priestly feast, let us renew
"the one hope of our calling" (Eph. iv. 4), and come and
adore the Christ, the Son of God, who hath redeemed us
with His own Blood " 1
The Introit (Apoc. v.) is the song of the twenty-four
elders, which they, the priests of heaven, sing prostrate
before the Lamb : " Thou hast redeemed us, 0 Lord, in Thy
Blood, out of every tribe and tongue, and people and
nation, and hath made us a kingdom to our God." We, His
1 Invit. ad Matt.
" HorcB Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal. 629
priests, of whom He has made a special kingdom when He
chose us out from all His creatures, have been redeemed in
a special way by His Precious Blood. We have been signed
and sealed therein as its ministers to those over whom we
are set in the kingdom of our God, the Church.
The Collect is addressed to the Eternal Father, " who so
loved the world as to send His only-begotten Son to redeem
the world" (St. John iii. 16). We pray that we may ever
have a love for this, the price of our redemption, which is
also our safeguard against all present ills, even as was the
blood of the Paschal victim sprinkled upon the lintels
(Exod. xii. 22) ; and it is also the source of all our future
joys : in quo salvi erimus.
The Epistle (Heb. ix.) is from the same chapter we read
at Matins, and is St. Paul's glorious description of the
eternal priesthood. The covenant, of which we are members,
is one sealed with Blood, even the Blood of a God ; and in
the Mass we, clothed in the Person of the great High Priest
Himself, go into the Holy of Holies, and there, face to face
with our God, we plead, by the Blood of the Sacred
Victim, that we and all God's people may be cleansed from
the works of death, and serve the living God. As Jesus
offered Himself, by the Holy Ghost, a spotless victim to His
Heavenly Father, so does He call upon us to join with Him
in this sacrifice, and keep our body and soul in the grace of
the Holy Ghost, that we may also offer ourselves up as a
sinless victim, together with Him.
The Gradual (1 John v.) is a hymn to the Sacred
Humanity, of which the Precious Blood is the witness ; and
this Blood also beareth witness to the Divinity as well ; for,
if it were not divine, how could it wash away sin ? The
witness of the Blood calls from the earth to Him whose Son
shed it ; not as Abel's, which called for vengeance (Gen. iv. 10),
but it sends up a cry for mercy which the Father cannot
refuse.
The Gospel (St. John xix.) is the account of the last
shedding of the Precious Blood. Loving us, our Jesus
loved us to the very last drops of His Blood. " The
.Redeemer came and paid the price. He shed His Blood, and
630 " HOTCB Liturgiccv :" or Studies on the Missal.
bought the world. Seek ye to know what He did buy ? See
what it was for us He gave ; so shall you find what He did
buy. The Christ's sweet Blood is thus our price. The
value whereof, what was it ? What worth save that of all
the world ? What worth save that of all people . . . For
all mankind gave He all that He gave." l This great
price of our redemption we are going to offer to the
Eternal Father in the cup of benediction which we bless,
and which is the communication of the Blood of the
Christ. So now, as the Offertory begins, let us renew our
faith and hope in the all-saving power of this Blood, and
offer it to the Eternal Father as a most perfect worship arid
all-sufficing homage ; and beseech Him that this Blood be
communicated to us in all the fulness of its virtue.
The Secret reminds us we are going to draw nigh to Him
who is the Mediator of the New Testament, and are going
to offer up that very Blood which paid the price, and which
speaketh better things than Abel's; so, entering into the
dispositions and intentions of the Mediator, let us unite
with His sacrifice, and be one heart and soul with him.
In the Communion (Heb. ix.) we are reminded that
we, who were at one time afar off, are now brought
near to our God by the presence within us of the Blood
of the Christ, who is our peace.2 The Sacred Heart is
within us, and the Precious Blood is coursing through the
Lord's Body, quickening it in all the joys of the glorified
life. The fountain of that Blood "which was shed to
exhaust the sins of many " (Heb. ix. 28) is now within us.
May it so work in us that, without sin, we may look out
for His coming as our eternal reward. The Post-Communion
continues the same thought, and in a most beautiful prayer
begs that we, who have been admitted to the Holy Table,
and have there drunk in joy the waters from the Saviour's
fountains, may have the blood spring up in us in a fountain
of living water, welling up into life eternal. This beautiful
prayer is full of matter for meditation, and forms a most
suitable thanksgiving after Holy Communion.
1 Homil. S. Awjas. ad Matt. 2 Cf. iii. Resp. ad Matt.
" HOTCB Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal. 631
July 2. The Visitation of the Blessed Mary the Virgin.
The first triumph of the Sacred Heart was wrought by
means of Mary's voice, and the Baptist was the first to feel
the effects of her maternal love. One lesson we may gain
from the Mass is, that all things come to us from the
Father of lights (cf. James i. 17), through our ever-dear and
blessed Lady. We who are so intimately connected with her
Son are also more closely connected with the Mother than
the rest of men. She brought Him forth, and we daily give
Him a sacramental existence. She nourished Him, and we
give Him the meat and drink which He loveth, the souls of
men. She tended and cared for Him, and in the Blessed
Sacrament He is committed to our guardianship. She
carried Him to the Baptist, and was the means of His
satisfaction, and we are the means of bringing Him
home in His loving-kindness to many a thousand souls.
She stood by the Cross, and joined in a most perfect manner
in the Sacrifice ; and we, by the very nature of our priest-
hood, are bound to do the same. All Mary's offices find
their counterpart in ours. But to-day we especially think of
" the day of the visitation " (cf. Mich. vii. 4, and St. Luke
xix. 44), as it comes to us through our Mother Mary, and
we will thank her for the grace of our vocation which we
have through her prayers, and will place our priestly life in
a special manner under her loving patronage.
The Introit from Ireland's saintly poet seems at once
to strike the note of resemblance between our ever-dear
and blessed Lady and ourself. We hail her as the holy
parent of the King of heaven and earth ; and to that same
Everlasting King we give each day in the Mass a sacra-
mental existence.
The Lesson (Cant, ii.) recalls our Lord's visitation to
our soul in Holy Communion wherein the Beloved cometh
to us leaping over the mountains and hills of physical
difficulties in the great mystery of transubstantiation,
as He was borne in great haste in His mother's womb to
St. Elizabeth. He standeth behind the wall of our heart,
knocking and waiting, oh ! so patiently, until we open unto
Him, even as He waited to enter into the Baptist's heart.
632 " Horce Liturgies :" or Studies on the Missal.
He looketh out with an eye of love, and regardeth us, oh ! so
tenderly, from within the lattice of the sacramental species,
even as He east His merciful eyes from within the virginal
cloister upon the soul of His destined precursor. His sweet
voice calleth us by the endearing names of " friend," " pure
one," and ''fair one," and biddeth us arise and follow Him
to the marriage feast. He, therefore, trusting in our love
that the harvest of His own planting will not fail Him, bids
us go with Him and abide in the holes of the Kock (" now
this Rock is Christ," says St. Paul, 1 Cor. x. 4) ; and the
holes therein are the Five Wounds sin has dug in His
sacred body. There is our dwelling-place, large enough to
contain the whole world ; there is the resting-place for
priests; "Thine altars, 0 God" (Ps. Ixxx.), the place of
sacrifice where He wills us to live, face to face with Him ;
there will our voics sound sweet in the ear of the Eternal,
and there shall we feel for ever His love.
In the Gradual we celebrate the divine maternity with
which we have so much in common, and we lovingly con-
template the mystery, that as she, the Virgin Mother of God,
held within her womb Him whom worlds cannot contain, so
do we hold in our poor feeble hands the vast Creator.
The Gospel is St. Luke's account of the mystery of the
Visitation, wherein we may find some valuable lessons for
our own priestly life. We may note the haste with which
our dearest Mother rose up to carry the blessing of the
presence of her Son to others. We want no better lesson
of pastoral zeal than that of our sweet Mother hastening
over the mountainous paths urged by the love of Christ who
was within her (cf. 2 Cor. v. 14). Another lesson we may
learn is that of attention to the courtesies of life. When
our ever-dear and blessed Lady so courteously saluted her
cousin, the greeting was a means of grace to both St. Elizabeth
and her unborn son. Living as we do in the world, yet in
a great measure out of the world, we are apt, perhaps, to
forget those small courtesies of life which are the manifesta-
tion of that charity, that true gentlemanliness which ought
to find its perfection in the priesthood. Our manner of
dealing with our equals and with our inferiors has a great
" Horce Litiirgicace:" or Studies on the Missal. 633
deal to do with the success of our pastoral work and office and
alas ! often instead of being a means of grace, it repels them
from the priest, and causes them to remain in sin. One last
lesson does she teach us by her Magnificat. When our work is
blessed with success, we must refer it all to Him who is
mighty ; for though we may plant and water, the increase
is alone His, for He maketh the former and the latter rain
(Joel ii. 23) to fall upon our work, and causeth our floors to
be full of wheat, and the presses to overflow with wine and
oil (ibid.).
July 5. SS. Cyril and Methodius, P.O., in their Mass
gives us the important lesson of unity and obedience to the
authority God has set up in His Church. This spirit, which
is a characteristic of the priestly life, and is recognised as
such by the outside world, will lead us on this day to pray
for the re-union to the one fold of those sects who have cut
themselves off from the divine unity of the Church. Their
fathers did eat of the sour grapes of disobedience, and now
their children's teeth are set upon edge (cf. Jer. xxxi. 29) ;
and in God's mysterious providence they are to-day paying
the penalty of their forefather's sins. May the prayers of
these two great saints, who knew their missionary strength
lay in Rome, plead for them that " they may come to the
knowledge of the true name of Christ," and be joined in the
Sacrament of unity to the Church which called them out
of their original darkness, and now prays that they may
be set free from the darkness of heresy and schism. The
providential extension of this Mass of the two great mis-
sionaries so devoted to the Holy See, seems an indication
of God's goodwill towards these nations, and His will that
we should pray more earnestly for them, for ' ' the time for
having rnercy has corne" (Ps. ci. 14). The Communion tells
that we have the fulness of light through no merit of ours, but
through the boundless mercy of Him who is the very Light
which enlighteneth every man that corneth into this world
(John i. 9), and who is now hr our heart, and is searching
Jerusalem with a lantern (Zeph. i. 12), and is casting its raysirito
all the chinks and corners thereof, revealing, alas ! so much
that is unworthy of His gracious presence. Let us thank Him
634 " Hora Liturgica :" or Studies on the Missal.
for this mercy towards us, the mercy of self-knowledge;
and beg Him that the light of His countenance which is
signed upon us (Ps. iv. 6) in the priestly character, may so
shine before men that they may glorify our Father who is in
heaven.
July 17. St. Alexius, C. Priests have to lead the life of
Jesus on earth, and His life has to be made manifest in us
(2 Cor. iv. 10). And what was that life ? Hidden, despised,
poor, and humble. Like the saint, we have left our earthly
father's house, and have taken up our dwelling in our
heavenly Father's house, and there in the eyes of the world
lead a hidden, despised, and humble life. What a priest's
life is, is hidden from the world ; what the joy and rapture
which fill his heart as, morning after morning, he stands face
to face with his Maker, no worldly man can know, and no
human tongue can tell. It is a life hidden with the Christ in
God (cf. Coll. iii. 3), and none know it save those to whom
it is given. But as it is not the iron bars that make a prison,
so the priestly life does not necessarily mean that we, in fact,
do lead the hidden life. We have openly cut ourselves off
from the world, and chosen the Lord for the lot of our
inheritance (Ps. xv. 5). Our will must follow our outer act,
and in the words of the Imitation: " Ama nesciri et pro
nihilo reputari"
In the Epistle St. Paul traces for us with a warning
hand our path. Our wealth, our riches, our great gain, is
piety, that gift of the Holy Ghost which is so abundantly given,
together with our vocation, and is one of the signs thereof.
The desire of wealth for wealth's sake, and ambition in its
more subtle forms, are temptations we are very liable to
from the very nature of our life. How often the thought
comes to us : were I in such a position what could I not do ?
And meanwhile we forget that which lies at our hand, and
by which alone at the present moment we can serve God.
St. Paul warns us, and St. Alexius by his example confirms
the warning, that he who would become rich falls into
temptation, and into the snares of the devil, and into many
unprofitable and hurtful diseases which draw men into
destruction; for covetousness is the root of all evils. We
" Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal. 635
may have known of some whose love of money and of that
softness of life which money brings, who have fulfilled the
Apostle's words : " who have erred from -the faith, and have
entangled themselves in many sorrows." Oh ! we who are
priests of the most High God, let us fly these things, and be
contented with what God in His providence gives us, know-
ing full well that He will not let us perish. He knows our
wants for the position in which He has placed us. He loves
to choose the weak, the humble, and the despised as His
instruments, and makes of the least the greatest.
July 22. St. Mary Magdalen, Penitent. Which of us has
not sinned, and sinned deeply ? Which of us is worthy by
the depths of our love to wash with our tears the feet of the
Christ, and dry them with our hair? to kiss them, and pour
upon His head the right spikenard of much value ? That
we have sinned, is no bar; it is our own want of love — our
coldness. It was because the Magdalen loved much that
she dared to fulfil her pious offices towards our Lord. And
did we who have had so much forgiven, and so often, but
love as she did, with the love of sin forgiven, then would our
Lord be pleased to accept our services as pleasing to Him,
and commend us. An abiding sorrow for sin, which is the
well-spring of love, is taught us every day in the Mass at the
Offertory: " In spiritu humilitatis et animo contrito;" and
this sense of our sin being ever before us (Ps. 1.), is the fitting
spirit for one who makes offering for sin, and has to be more
intimately engaged about our Blessed Lord's Body than did
the Magdalen. May this holy penitent win for us some of
her sorrow for sin and some of her love ; then shall we be less
unworthy to approach the Sacred Feet of our Master.
July 23. St. Apollonaris, P.M. This Mass has many
instructions upon the priestly life which is so essentially that
of a martyr, in spirit at least, that we need do no more than
refer to the teaching of the Prince of the Apostles, who bids
us be the forma gregis animo. We are also by profession
victims, and must suffer for our .own sins and for the sins of
our people ; and woe to the priest who suffers not, and whose
higher yields to the weakness of his lower nature. And the
God of all grace, who has called us to His eternal glory in
636 " Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal.
Jesus the Christ, after we have suffered awhile will make us
perfect, will strengthen and establish us in the glory and
divine rule which is His, and which is ours also by reason
of the priesthood. But as we are to bear humbly whatever
comes to us from His hands, so must we, as the Gospel
says, practise in all ways the slow martyrdom of the will
and intellect in humility as a daily value. For if we be the
great ones of the earth in His kingdom, by His own free
election and calling, we, who have no merits of our own to be
proud of, must needs be humbler than those who have not
been so elected and called. Since we know by experience
how utterly unfit we are of ourself for the great work of
the priesthood, as day by day our spiritual insight of the
awfulness of the mystery grows clearer, and our own
nothingness in His sight is seen. This self-knowledge,
gained day by day in the Mass, should keep us in the slow
martyrdom of humility, which, if well founded in our soul,
will indeed bring forth a rich harvest of other graces, and
make us the forma gregis.
July 31. St. Ignatius, C., teaches us in all things to
strive after the greater glory of God, and in no way can we
advance this glory so well as by living up to our vocation
and saying our Mass well. The Divine Sacrifice is the great
act of our life, and gives to the Eternal Father the most
supreme and all-satisfying glory, for it is done in and by
Jesus, so that it is God who worships Himself. This, the
essential glory of the Mass, is always given to God, and no
want of worthiness on our part can hinder the worship of
God the Victim to the Father. But there is also the
accidental glory which God receives from the Mass, and this
is in our hands to make less or greater at our will. Surely
the union which exists between us and our Lord, that
mystical kind of an Incarnation which makes of each priest
another Christ, will make us strive to do all we can to
increase that dear glory of God by the devotion and love, by
self-immolation, with which we offer Mass. In this way we
can add immensely to His glory, and as our Mass pervades
our whole day, which is either a preparation for or a
thanksgiving after the sacrifice, so will the desire to conceive
Some of our Martyrs. 637
this accidental glory be always in our heart, and stir us up
to neglect no opportunity of " seeking the better gifts "
(1 Cor. xiv. 1). How can we be content with any sanctity
save the very highest ? We who feed on the Bread of Life,
and are instruments by which Jesus is the Adorer of the
Father, must surely be called to poverty of spirit, subjection
of our will to God, and for God, and the immolation of our
bodies by poverty and mortification. We must be, surely,
religious in very deed, as those who are called so by the
name ; and the same spirit which animates those who are
bound by the three vows to God, must also be ours. We are
bound by the vow which we pay to the Lord morning by
morning in the heavenly Jerusalem, and this vow needs no
other binding force to make us be consumed with the desire of
ever seeking to give more glory to the God who so glorifies
us. Thus, walking worthy of our vocation (Eph. iv. 1),
saying well our Mass, is our truest means of giving glory to
God ; and as God gets the most perfect, essential glory from
the Mass in itself, so does He get the most perfect accidental
glory from us when we have the same mind as was in Jesus
the Christ.
ETHELRED L. TAUNTON.
SOME OF OUE MAETYES
PETER O'HIGGINS (continued]
We now turn to Beijing's rejoinder : —
RICHARDI BELLINGII ANNOTATIONES IN OPUS J. PONCII " BELINGII
VINDICI^ EVERS2E." PABISIIS. 1654.
" Addit deinde Poricius Marchionem Orrnoniee duorum sacer-
dotum sanguine maculatum, patris scilicet Petri Higgins et patris
Henrici "Viti. Quam natura et ingenio a crudelitate abhorreat,
quantique faciat viri Ecclesiastici "cujuscumque Eeligionis noinen
et caracterem, probe sciunt qui Marchioni amicitia, aut familiari-
tate conjunct! sunt, sed cum Poncius nulla alia accusatione
convenientius adversae religionis homini invidiam se comparare
638 Some of our Martyrs.
posse arbitraretur, quam fideliter jam referam Ponciano more
contexit historiam.
Anno 1642 cum Marchio Ormonise militibus tantum prae-
esset, et rerum summa potirentur Duumviri, Gulielmus Parsonius
et Johannes Borlaceus, exercitus partem ad firmanda adversus
finitimos Hibernos qui in armis erant longinquiora a Dublinio
Praasidia eduxit ; cumque Naseum in Comitatu Kildariensi, duo-
decimo a Dublinio lapide situm, terrore advenientium copiarum
psene desertum intrasset, vidit hominem turbae medium rudi
militum insolentia coactum exclamare ; hue citat equum, ibique
Patrem Higgins hunc esse comperit, qui viso Marchione, se, ait,
si is animus fuisset, cum aliis efugere potuisse, sed cum nequa-
quarn in leges peccasset, et afflictos saepius Anglos, insanientis
populi furore eripuisset, ereptasque victu et vestitu fovisset,
sperabat se tuto vivere posse cum Marchio oppidum cepisset. At
nunc se nihil aliud implorare, quam ut incolumis adducatur,
crimini si quod obijci possit more subditi foro debito responsurus.
Annuit Ormonius, et sedato milite, P. Higgins Thomae Armstrong
ex ordine equestri, qui in exercitu equitibus praeerat, custodi-
endum tradit, eique imperat, ut omnem militis violentiam
cohibeat; erat in oppido forte Carolus Coote cui accepta a Duum-
viris authoritate, Ecclesiasticos et minoris census Hibernos,
indicta causa morte afficere permissum fuerat, is si mortalium
quisquam vir sanguinarius ; captivum quern sui fori esse con-
tendebat ab equitum praefecto repetere voluit : sed Thomas
Armstrong militaris officii memor hominem ab Imperatore suae
fidei cornissum retinuit, paulo post ex peditibus plurimi, authore,
ut credebatur, Carolo Coote, tumultuario, minis etiam additis,
Papisticum ilium Presbyterum reposcere ceperunt, eoque ventum
est, ut hinc peditum turma, illinc equitum cohors, in praelium
descenderit ; nee prius recesserunt quam equites impetu facto,
pedites explosis tormentis, jam prope inermes dissipaverunt :
Postquarn vero Dublinium rediisset Ormonius Duumviris Kegio-
que Consilio viginti ad minus Anglorum supplicationes porrexit,
quibus Patrem Higgins qui tanta charitate, vitae etiam suae
discrimine eos texerat, libertate donari enixe implorabant, horum
plerosque Marchionem Ormoniae ad haac justiciae et gratitudinis
officiae invitasse satis notum est, nee dubitavit captivum omni
culpa liberatum brevi remittendum, fore, cum Eduardus Butler ex
famulis Marchionis qui forum primo inane praeteribat suspensum
patibulo vidit Patrem Higgins reversusque rem haBro indicavit,
perculsus inopinatse Innocentis caede Ormonius, ignorabat utrum
tarn iniquo facinore, Duumviri magis in justitiam quam in
prudentiam peccaverint, quippe consultius videbatur quando
Angli afflicti et desperati per omnem Provinciam errabant eorum
Protectorem praemiis etiam cumulatum dimittere, ut plures eidem
officio incumberent, eodem die cum in senatum venisset, Eegisque
Consiliarii frequerites adessent, a Duumviris petiit si eorum
Some of our Martyrs. 639
mandate quidain Higgins quern captivurn ipse adduxerat, quique
afflictos Anglos tot beneficiis devinxerat, cuique si quam culpam
commisserat juridice discutiendam fore promiserat, morte mulc-
tatus fuerat, illi ac si res nova esset admirantium vultus induunt.
Eesponderunt tamen earn esse Caroli Coote authoritatem ut
inconsultis Duumviris, talia peragere possit, instabat Ormonius
ut Carolus Coote in jus vocaretur, eum in leges peccasse qui sub-
ditum bene meritum legitimo et civili judicio sistendum rapuerit,
minime id se a Duumviris expectasse eum cujus cujus causae quod
justa esset favebat, morte tarn subita tarn infami afficiendum
dixit, utrinque acriter res disceptata est, adeo ut se exercitus
imperio abrogaturum minitaretur, sed cum Duumviri qui procul-
dubio illius sceleris et conscii et participes erant, partes Caroli
Coote vehemter agerent, solemniter coram omnibus Ormonius
protestatus est, cum aliud nil possit, ilium, nunquam Carolum
Coote, in eandem secum exercitum admissurum, cujus eum voti
semper memorem extitisse satis constat."
Sellings, the Secretary of the Confederation of Kilkenny,
was at heart an Ormondist, and one of the chief promoters
of the disastrous truce made by the Catholic party with that
wily and unscrupulous statesman. Bellings also, in politics,
opposed the Papal agent, Scarampi, and the Papal Nuncio,
Rinuccini. His purpose in the passage just quoted is
to defend Ormond from the charge made by Pontius,
who was thoroughly devoted to the Nuncio. But as
Bellings, owing perhaps to the exigencies of controversy,
evidently took pains with his answer, we may accept his
account of the circumstances of Father 0 'Higgins' death.
His statement is the fullest of any.1 From it we learn
that Ormond, who was at the time General of the English
or Protestant army, was on his way to reinforce some
garrisons when he passed through Naas : that he gave
Father 0 'Higgins in charge to Sir Thomas Armstrong, who
commanded the cavalry : that Coote, who had received
from the Lords Justices the power of life and death over
priests and Irishmen of low degree, happened to be in Naas
at the time, and claimed the Dominican as his by right :
that when Armstrong refused to give him up, some of the
1 Carte, as appears from his reference, knew of this passage in
Bellings, so did Clarendon (Borlase), though no reference is made by the
latter, but his acquaintance with it is evident, for in many places his
description is simply a translation.
640 Borne of our Martyrs.
infantry (it was believed at Coote's instigation) attacked the
cavalry, but after discharging their muskets, were routed by
a charge : that on his return to Dublin, Ormond presented
petitions from at least twenty Protestants that the priest's
life might be spared ; all of them owed their property and
lives to him, and most of them drew up their petitions at
the suggestion of Ormond himself : that the latter expected
that Father O'Higgins would soon be released from prison,
and that he was amazed when a servant of his, Edward
Butler, who happened to cross the Green on the morning of
the execution, told him he had seen the dead body hanging
from the gallows : and that Ormond in the Privy Council
demanded that Coote should be tried for it, and though his
appeal was disregarded, he declared before them all that he
would never again allow Coote to accompany the troops,
and he kept his word.1
But by far the most valuable part of Belling's narrative
is undoubtedly that in which is contained Ormond's promise
to Father O'Higgins : " Cuique si quam culpam commiserat
1 The Hist. MSS. Report ix., part ii., page 344, states that in
llinuccini's Memoirs (transcript in the Earl of Leicester's possession),
fol. 447 a., an account is contained of " Iliggins and White, priests,
illegally put to death by Sir C. Coote." It is disappointing to find that
instead of being an independent narrative, it is only an acknowledged copy
from Belling's description of the double execution. The whole passage
given above is quoted in the Memoirs, and is followed by an extract from
O' Daly's De Geraldinis. llinuccini had such splendid opportunities for
getting information about those who died for the faith, that one cannot
but regret he did not use them. As the following passage, which is
the introduction to the quotations from Bellings and O'Daly, will interest
many readers, it is here copied in full. It has never been published before.
In it, as may be observed, the two priests are called martyrs, and this
statement of Rinuccinrs (or of his auditor, Massari), though unofficial, is
nevertheless most valuable testimony : —
"Pan hereticorum furore duo alia Capucinorum hospitia, nempe
Vadipontanum et Molingarrense in eadem vicinia Dubliniensi extincta
f uere ; quorum lm heretici Kesidiarii suppresserunt, 2m cum capella
hereticus Ormonii exercitus incendio delevit. Alii quoque regni religiosi,
presertim Dominicani, strictioris observantise Franciscani, Augustiniani,
Carmelitac, et Jesuitse atque alii ecclesiastici similem Dublinii et alibi
passi sunt jacturam et persecutionem quam nonnisi per transennam tango,
quod moQumenta me deficiant. Specialem autein meretur mentionem
P. Petrus Higinus et P. Henricus Vitus quorum martyria ex Belling!
annotationibus, &c.'3 Then on the next page opposite the words " more
subditi foro de.bito responsurus annuit Onnonius," Kinuccini has written
as a marginal note " erat maxime iudebitum."
Some of our Martyrs. 641
juridice discutiendam fore promiserat" — if he had committed
any offence, he promised him that he would get trial by
law. This shows that some accusation or other had been
lodged in court, and that Ormond or Father O'Higgins was
aware of it. It is impossible to conceive what charge could
be brought against such a man, as long as truth and justice
prevailed. Even Protestants, during the war of 1641, when
religious animosity was at its height, bore testimony to his
boundless charity. But when a Catholic was in question,
truth and justice were of no account in the eyes of Coote
and his fellows. Again, it is not easy to conceive how
Ormond could make legal proceedings the subject of a
promise, as if they were a favour or the result of special
clemency. How could he ?
The answer is, if we mistake not, contained in some docu-
ments still to be seen in the Kecord Office, Dublin. Father
Peter O'Higgins of Naas was an outlaw for high treason 1
This will surprise some readers, but anyone acquainted
with the history of the period — with the fiendish hatred
entertained towards priests, and the uncontrolled power of
gratifying that hatred which those in authority possessed,
and exercised on all occasions — will at once understand how
matters were in the present case. In 1641, false charges
were daily made against prominent Catholics, and the
accusers were not questioned, provided the charges were
sufficiently grave. The best of all works, however, was the
extermination of the priesthood ; it was the end of many a
Protestant's existence, and an end which justified any means
whatsoever. The documents in the Eecord Office (Writs of
' Capias ' and Outlawries, 1641, Iron Chest, Record Treasury)
contain hundreds of the best Catholic names, and among
them those of priests (clerks) may be counted by the dozen.1
We shall now examine in detail those that refer to our
martyr. In 2 F., Iron Chest 1, is preserved the writ of
* Exigent/ dated April 27, 1642 (No. 21), in Latin, which
1 In Meath, Dublin, and Kildare,'the outlaws are remarkably numerous.
These counties formed at the time the greater portion of the Pale, or that
portion of Ireland where the King's writ ran. It was a proverb then,
" West of the Barrow, west of the law."
VOL. XV. 2 S
642 Some of our Martyrs.
begins thus :— " Charles, by the grace of God, King, &c., to
the High Sheriff of Kildare," and commands him to pursue
and to arrest, wherever they may be found, Elizabeth,
Dowager Countess of Kildare, of Kilkea Castle, in the same
county, and the other persons indicted of treason, whose
names therein follow. On the fourth line, high in the long
list, we see Petrum Higgins de Naas. That the good priest
and the others paid no heed to the King's command, appears
from the endorsement of the writ itself, where it is stated
that in virtue thereof, a certain Burrowes held in the same
year, 1642, a commission or court at Athy on July 30th ;
a second, on August 22nd ; a third, on September 24th ; a
fourth, on October 2nd ; and a fifth and last court, all at the
same place; and as the above-mentioned persons did not
appear at any of the courts, that they were then declared
outlaws by Thomas Weldon, Gilbert Rawson, Francis Dade,
and George Clarke, coroners. (Signed) Fra (ncis) Burrowes.
Then, in the "Entry Book. (No. 4) of persons indicted
of treason in the King's Bench, or removed by certiorari,"
on page 27 we find : " The persons undermentioned are
indicted of treason in the Court of Upper Bench, in Hilary
Term, 1641." — Kildare: 'Peter Higgin of Naas, in the same
countie, clerk.' Opposite one name in the column, but not
close to it, are the words, " indicted upon evidence," which
the present courteous deputy-keeper of the Eecords
considers equally to refer to all on that page, including
Father O'Higgins. (We can estimate the truth of that
evidence.) There is also in the British Museum (Add. MSS.
No. 4,772) a catalogue of persons in Ireland outlawed for
treason, 1641-42 : and under the heading, " Persons indicted
of treason in the King's Bench in Hilary Term, 1641, and
outlawed for same, is "Higgins Petrus of Naas."
Elizabeth, daughter of Christopher Nugent (Lord Delvin)
and Lady Mary Fitzgerald, was the widow of Gerald, four-
teenth Earl of Kildare. She was, so far as we know, a
woman of piety. The sole motive apparently, for the pro-
scription was her influential position and her attachment,
to the ancient faith.
The only actions of the Countess that her descendant, the
Some of our Martyrs. 643
Duke of Leinster, mentions fin his work, The Earls of
Kildare,1 are the following: — " In 1634, she demised Kilkea
Castle to the Jesuits, who retained possession of it till 1646."
Was this the high treason? Long afterwards, "on 16th
December, 1664, two strings of pearls, one containing 106,
the other, 110 pearls, were presented to the church of
Loretto by Elizabeth Nugent, Countess of Kildare. They
were taken to Italy by Eichard Arsdekin (S. J.), the author
of a famous treatise."2 Was this such an act as a traitress
would be likely to perform ? No papers could be got in the
Duke of Leinster's archives that would throw light on the
Writ of Exigent, though the Duke mentions that his ances-
tress was proscribed on account of the rising in 1641. At
this distance of time, in default of precise contemporary
information, it is only possible to conjecture how the
Countess, Father O'Higgins, and others, came to be regarded
as traitors. She was proscribed (women were not out-
lawed, properly speaking, wavietur — let her be waived or
set aside, is the technical term applied to her in the writ ;
men were outlawed — utlagentur) probably because she pro-
tected or harboured priests, and the priests were outlawed
because they remained in the country, despite the edicts of
banishment. These proclamations of general persecutions
were frequent ; beside those of 1605 and 1613 . already
mentioned, fresh ones were issued in 1623 (Lord Falkland's),
1625, and 1641, in virtue of which, it is said, about a thousand}
priests were driven out of the country. This may have been
the last straw, and may have determined the Catholics to
wage war, and to continue it. In the Lismore Papers,
lately published, there is a letter of Lord Cork's, that goes
far to explain our subject : — " July 20th, [1641. We have
lately had a popish priest here hanged, drawn, and quartered,
and many more in prison, which, I think, will be brought to
a like cloudy end, for that they did not depart the kingdom
by the prefixed day limited by the late statute which made it
high treason for any friar, Jesuit* or popish priest that is a
natural born subject of our King's, to stay or be found in
this kingdom."
1 3rd ed., p. 24. a Appendix, p, 360.
644 Some of our Martyrs.
The non-appearance was regarded as conclusive proof
of guilt. " And as to the forfeitures for refusing to appear,
the law distinguishes between outlawries in capital cases,
and those of an inferior nature, for as to outlawries in treason
and felony, the law interprets the party's absence, and with-
out requiring further proof, accounts him guilty of the fact."1
The consequences of Father O'Higgins not appearing, are
seen in Coote's hanging him with impunity, as a matter of
course. But, even if he had appeared, he would have been
executed. As regards his own behaviour in this, he may
never have heard of the Athy Commissions (they may have
been held in secrecy — snares such as this were laid for
Catholics), or he may have disregarded them, " suae inno-
centiae conscius cum nihil timeret " (Poncius) ; or he may
have kept out of the way till Ormond appeared, knowing
what would befall an " outlaw " once he was in Coote's
power. At any rate, neither Ormond nor the Lords
Justices, so far as we know, attached the slightest importance
to his non-appearance at Athy.
Dr. Burke, who mentions our martyr, distinguishes him
from a Father Peter Higgins, who died for the faith in
Dublin, March 23rd, 1641; but the distinction appears to be
unfounded. His first argument is/.that Father O'Higgins is
commemorated in the General Chapter of 1644, and Father
O'Higgins in that of 1656, in which the list of martyrs and
others remarkable for holiness is entitled : "Appendix aliquot
precipuorum virorum Provinciae Hiberniae quorum justa
memoria in Actis superiorum Capitulorum subticetur." This
would be a valid reason if, as Dr. Burke supposes, the General
Chapter of 1656 mentioned no martyrs whose names occur
in that of 1644. But this is precisely what is to be proved
as regards our martyr. Now/.the 1656 list does not profess
to include none whose names occurred in earlier lists
(1644-1650). Its heading does not run thus, " quorum
memoria tacetur," but " quorum justa memoria subticetur."
It professes to do justice to some who were lightly passed
over in 1644 in or 1650, from want, as it seems, of further
1 Jocob's Law Directory, art. " Outlawry."
Some of our Martyrs. 645
information. There is a great difference between mention-
ing for the first time, and supplementing a description. If
Dr. Burke's postulate were granted, then there would be two
Father Richard Barrys, one commemorated in 1650, the
other in 1656. He does not, indeed, draw this inference,
but elsewhere he does in virtue of his postulate make out
that among the martyrs there are two Stephen Petits and
two Raymond Keoghs. In the present instance, however,
it must be said in Dr. Burke's favour, that the 1644 account
tells us far more than the 1656 one ; in fact, the latter does
not contain half so much as the former ; and the only
new statement in it is that Father O'Higgins was Prior of
Naas (which was already made in the 1650 list).
Dr. Burke's second argument is not so weak. The
Father O'Higgins of 1656, was Prior of Naas ; the Father
Higgins of 1644, is not said to ha.ve been a Prior; in fact, the
opposite is clearly implied. He was a simple religious. For
these Acts state that during his incarceration he thrice made
his confession to his Prior, who came in disguise to the
prison. Dr. Burke thinks that the Prior of St. Saviour's,
Dublin, is here meant ; and from this he infers that Father
Higgins was a member of the Dublin community. We
cannot so answrer this argument as to leave it no force, but
we may say in passing that the Prior of St. Saviour's is not
necessarily meant. It may have been some other Prior
Conventual, or the Prior Provincial. No doubt, according to
Poncius, Father O'Higgins had resided in Dublin, " in hac
civitate et par tibus vicinis semper habit avi ;" but according
to Poncius, also, he- was apprehended in Naas. It
may have been his successor in office there who absolved
him while he was in prison in Dublin. His tenure of the
priorship may have expired in the meantime ; or he may
have resigned his office, as being no longer able to discharge
its duties.
Now to come to the proofs of our thesis that the 1644
account refers to our martyr. First, the date and manner of
the death :" Suspensus obiit die 23 Martii, 1641." Now Carce
says that Father Higgins of Naas was hanged on March
24th, 1642. Second, the circumstances, of the arrest, &c,,
(J46 Some of our Martyrs.
narrated in the 1644 account : " qui post initum a Catholicis
Kegni Hiberniae pro Fide et Patria bellum ab hereticis
captus, post tetrum carcerem et diuturnam inediam, nemine
licet accusante, quin potius plurimis ex ipsis hereticis
innocentem verbo et scriptis acclamantibus." "During the
war which the Irish Catholics waged for faith and fatherland,
he was taken prisoner by the heretics and confined in a
dungeon, where for a long time he suffered from hunger.
No one accused him of any crime ; on the contrary, many
heretics attested his innocence with voice and pen."
And, " ejus in tormentis constans animus et animi in
vultu expressa laetitia ex ipsis hereticis complures ad
lachrymas et singultus movit." " The sight of his
heroism in sufferings and of the joy that overspread his
countenance moved many of the heretics to tears and sobs/
These circumstances are identical with those which O'Daly
and Pontius narrate. We therefore conclude that the martyr
is the same (a second Father Higgins is not mentioned by
O'Daly or by Bruodin : and in all the names of outlaws,
in the Iron Chest, that of " Peter Higgins of Dublin" is not
to be found). The 1644 account further informs us that
others of the heretical party in their rage treated Father
O'Higgins's dead body with more than disrespect. Then an
effort was apparently made to have the martyr's remains
interred in the Dominican convent of St. Saviour's. This
was near the Liffey, on the site of the present Four Courts.
As this mark of honour would not be allowed, the remains
had to be taken outside the city, probably to the spot
where traitors and outlaws were buried .Yet even this could
not satisfy the hatred which rankled in the breasts of
Coote's followers : they stopped the funeral ; one of them
shattered the martyr's head with his musket, and others
stabbed or mutilated the body.
We subjoin the passages from the General Chapters
of 1644, 1650, and 1656, as some of our readers may wish to
compare them : —
"Gen. Cap. 1644: P. Fr. Petrus Higgin qui post initum a
Catholicis Regni Hiberniae pro Fide et patria libertate bellum,
ab hereticis captus, post tetrum carcerem et diuturnam inediam,
Some of our Martyrs. 647
nemine licet accusante quin potius plurimis ex ipsis hereticis
innocentem verbo et scripto acclamantibus, facta ter sacramental!
confessione Priori suo simulate habitu ad eum accedenti, et
absolutione toties percepta, publice de innocentia sua, fide
Catholica, et Ordine Praedicatorum quern professus est
testimonium reddens, patibulo in foro civitatis Dubliniensis
suspensus obit die 23 Martii, 1641. Ejus in tormentis constans
animus et animi in vultu expressa laetitia, ex ipsis hereticis
complures ad lacrymas et singultus movit, alios ad majorem
rabiem, qui in defunctum cadaver furorem sum restimentes
necdum ludibrio omnium exposuerunt, sepulturam ei intra
civitatem denegarunt, extra portas cum duceretur sclopeti ictu
caput ei fregerunt, variisque id genus injuriis affecerunt."
"Gen. Cap. 1650: Reverendus P. Fr. Petrus Higin, Prior
Nasensis, captus in suo conventu ac Dublinum abductus magna
constantia mortis sententiam excepit nee minori subiit, publice
ibidem suspendio necatus."
"Gen. Cap. 1656: Eodem anno (1641) E.P. Fr. Petrus
O'Higgin, Prior Nasensis, exhniae constantiae Palmam Dublinii
adeptus est. Adductus Proregi ibidem, et quod orthodoxam
fidem seminaret in populo accusatus, tentatur lautis promissioni-
bus, si ad sectam Anglicanam transire vellet, quod ubi constantis-
sime recusavit damnatus ad laquem glorioso certamine victor
obiit."
It is somewhat strange that only one of the four authors
quoted above, namely, Sellings, implies that Father
O'Higgins was an outlaw. Ormond's promise, and Ormond's
words subsequently in the Privy Council, on which Sellings
lays such stress, show that the Dominican was denied the
ordinary proceedings of a court. This was part of what was
meant by "outlaw'' as applied indiscriminately to the best
Catholic laity, and to the priests of the pale. They were to
be dealt with by martial law, to be got rid of as speedily as
possible, on account of their religion. Hence Coote con-
tended that the priest was his by right, and the Lords
Justices approved his zeal. It will be remembered that
Carte speaks of the executions by martial law that were then
carrying on in Dublin, and that Borlase says that ''he
(Orrnond) found himself upon some disadvantage for thinking
the proceeding to be other than it ought to have been."
Had Ormond succeeded in obtaining a trial, there would
probably be papers in the Eecord Office that would clear up
the whole matter. But in the actual circumstances it is not
648 Some of our Martyrs.
to be wondered at that no official record exists of all that
took place after Father O'Higgins' imprisonment.1 He was
no longer a subject of legal notice properly so called. Let
us look again at Jacob's Law Dictionary : " Anciently out-
lawry was looked on as so horrid a crime that anyone might
lawfully kill a person outlawed, as he might a wolf or other
noxious animal, but the law herein was changed in Edward
the Third's time, which provides that a person outlawed
shall be put to death by the sheriff only, having lawful
authority for that purpose." And the sheriff, or governor, or
provost-master general of Dublin, Sir C. Coote, if he ever
reflected on the death of Father O'Higginsj one victim
among hundreds, was not the man to publish anything to
his own infamy or to that of his masters.
Yet the fate of Father O'Higgins will be remembered,
and his name be held in honour, when those of his
persecutors will be buried in oblivion. He and the two
other Dominican Priors whose martyrdoms were described
in the April number, lost their lives for Christ's sake, and
so have found them for ever.
KEGINALD WALSH, O.P.
i As so many priests were outlawed at the time, Borlase, Carte, and
Poncius, may have considered it superfluous to mention Father O'Higgins'
outlawry in particular ; 01 they may have considered it would be obvious to
every reader from the manner of his execution.
[ 649 ]
liturgical Iftotes
ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS
THE POSITION OF THE CELEBRANT AT THE LAST GOSPEL
KEY. DEAR SIR, — May I ask you to answer in your next issue
of the I. E. RECORD the following question, as I think there is
some diversity in the practice : —
Q. What is the position of the Priest at the last Gospel —
" Initium, aut Sequentia Sancti Evangelii " ?
In the rubrics of the missal — " Ritus celebrandi missam, De
Epistola," &c. No. 1 — <c Et missale sic locat ut posterior pars
libri respiciat ipsum cornu altaris, et non ad parietem sive ad
partem ejus contra se directam." No. 2 — " Stans ut supra."
This seems clear. Does it apply in toto to the last Gospel
particularly when the Initium is from the card? (The rubric
merely says, " genuflectit ad cornu Evangelii.") ... In the first
" ad ipsum cornu," the meaning is the same.
De Herdt says distinctly that it does : — " Accedat ad cornu
Evangelii ubi oblique (uti deducitur ex modo legend! alterum
Evangelium) stans seu parum conversus per suam sinistram ad
populum dicit." " Dominus vobiscum, deinde, Initium, aut
Sequentia Sancti Evangelii."
Is this the common interpretation and common practice,
particularly when the card is used ?
An answer will oblige.
SENEX.
Our correspondent may take it for granted that the
position which the celebrant should occupy while reading
the last Gospel is the same, whether the Gospel be read
from the Missal or from the chart. Neither in theory nor
in correct practice is there any foundation for a distinction.
For it is not the position of either book or chart that deter-
mines the position of the celebrant at any part of the Mass,
though the position which the celebrant takes up does in
some cases determine the position of the book, and even of
the chart ; as, for instance, at the last Gospel in a Solemn
Mass, the sub-deacon should hold the chart in accordance
with the position of the celebrant,
650 Liturgical Notes.
The question, then, is, whether the celebrant, while
reading the last Gospel, should turn towards the corner of
the altar, as he is directed to do while reading the first
Gospel. If we were to rely on analogy, we should answer
unhesitatingly in the affirmative; for the reason which
prompted the Church to define the position of the celebrant
at the first Gospel holds equally with regard to the last
Gospel. That reason is manifestly that the people should
hear the Gospel, and understand that they are expected to
listen to it. Now, in many cases, the last Gospel is con-
sidered by the Church to be even more important than the
first, although the feast in the Mass of which the first Gospel
is read may be of higher rite than the Sunday ox feria, or
vigil, from which the last Gospel is taken. This analogy
has determined writers to teach, as De Herdt does in the
extract given by our correspondent, that the celebrant
shoulds tand in the same position while reading the last,
as while reading the first Gospel ; and the same analogy,
together, no doubt, with the teaching of rubricists, has
determined intelligent practice.
Till August 30, 1892, the theory and practice in this
matter were as we have just described. Analogy, and
analogy alone, was the guide ; and, however convincing an
argument from analogy may be, it does not remove all
doubt. This is especially true when dealing with positive
laws, as in the present case. Hence, some time ago, one
who, like our correspondent, was more than usually
impressed by this doubt, asked the following question of
the Congregation of Rites : —
" Kubricam Missalis (tit. vi., n. 1) non usquequaque claram
auctores et professores Liturgiae sacrae interpretantes decent,
ultimum evangelium in fine Missae eodem prorsus modo dicendum
esse prout primum, i.e., Sacerdote oblique stante, sive parum per
suam sinistram converse ad populum. Cum alii, tamen praesertim
seniores sacerdotes, negent talem esse sensum hujus rubricae,
quaeritur, utrum ultimum evangelium a sacerdote oblique stante
rectari debeat ? "
To this question the Congregation replied, on the date
above mentioned, Affirmative ; and, as neither question nor
reply leaves any room for doubt, the matter must be regarded
as finally settled.
Answers to Correspondents. 651
THE OBLIGATION OF EECITING THE BEQUIEM OFFICE
In the I. E. EECOED for January of the current year we
gave a negative reply to the following question :—
" Is each priest who receives a stipendium bound to recite
the entire Requiem Office by a strict obligation of commutative
justice ? "
The negative reply to this question was based — (1) on
what we understood to be the practice of priests, and (2) on
what we assumed to be the intention of the donors of the
stipendia. With regard to the practice of priests, we have
always been of opinion that even the most scrupulous among
them would not consider themselves debarred from accepting
the stipendium, though they might have been late for a part
of the Office, or, though, during the Mass, when they them-
selves could not sing, or when there was a sufficient choir
without them, they read their own private office. We confess
that we may be mistaken in this opinion, but we had never
hitherto had any doubt about it.
We also believed, and still believe, that the donors of
stipendia for a Requiem Office have no intention of im-
posing a grave obligation on each individual who receives a
stipendium to read all the Psalms, Lessons, &c., of the Office,
and to take part in the singing of the Mass. All they wish or
intend is that the priests present, taken collectively, will
endeavour to make the chanting of the Office and Mass, as
solemn and as becoming as they can.
Whether or not this opinion be true, it would seem that
the conclusion we drew from it, and the preceding, is no
longer tenable. This appears from a Decree of the Congre-
gation of Eites issued as far back as 1857, of the existence
of which we were unaware, until our attention was called
to it by a learned and esteemed correspondent. We subjoin
the decree, which is printed both in the Gardellini collection
of the decrees of the Congregation of Bites,1 and in the
Collectanea, S. C. de Propaganda Fide.2
"S. C.SS. Bit. 9 Maii 1857. _
" PETROOORICEN. — Utrum parochus aliique sacerdotes Exequiis
mortuorum Officiisque quotidianis pro iisdem assistentes, ac pro
1 n. 5236. 2 n. 91^.
652 Liturgical Notes.
ea functions stipendium accipientes, teneantur per se Officium
defunctorum persolvere, ita ut sollummodo assistentes, et non
cantantes vel psallentes, fructus non faciant suos ; an vero suffi-
ciat ut assistant, et schola Officium persolvat, ipsis interea pro
suo lubitu alias preces fundentibus, v.g. Breviarium recitantibus
pro sua quotidiana obligatione ?
" R. Affirmative quoad primam partem ; negative quoad
secundam."
Into this prayer, as printed in many of our best and most
reliable books, a curious mistake has crept. The mistake
consists in substituting suo for tuo in the phrase quod jam
in ore tuo ponebat David, Propheta de te. A glance shows
that the sense requires tuo, and that suo makes nonsense ;
yet, as we have said, the error is so widespread, owing to
the number and character of the books in which it has
appeared, that very many of our readers, we venture to say,
never even heard of the correct form. The error appears
in many of our breviaries, in many of the cards containing
the prayers to be recited after Mass, and in other equally
trustworthy collections. We are glad, therefore, to be able
to set our readers right, and to be able to give them in the
shape of a decree of the Congregation of Indulgences itself
an argument still stronger than that derived from the
rules of grammar. The decree, as will be seen, is a recent
one, and is taken from the Analecta Ecclesiastica, April,
1894.1
"Redactor Ephemeridurn cui titulus : ' La Semaine Reli-
gieuse ' quae in civitate Tolosana typis mandatur exponit quod in
oratione * En ego bone et dulcissime Jesu, etc., cui adnexa est
quotidie plenaria Indulgentia ab his lucranda, qui earn recitant
post susceptam Communionem et ante imaginem Crucifixi in
quibusdam libris circa finem ejusdem orgationis nonnulla verba
diversimode leguntur. In aliquibus enim legitur ' quod jam in
ore suo ponebat ; ' in aliis vero, ut, in collectione Orationum
piorumque operum a R.R. P.P. Indulgentiis dittatorum edita
Bomae anno 1886 ' in ore tuo ' quaeritur igitur ab hac S. Congre-
gatione Indulg.
» Pa^e 172.
Answers to Correspondents. 653
"I. Utrum dicendum sit in oratione praefata ' ore iuo ' an
vero ' suo.'
"II. Utrum sit indifferens ad lucrandam Indulgentiam 'suo'
vel ' tuo.'
" S. Congr. relatis dubiis respondit ad I™ standum omnino
textui collectionis.
" Ad 2um provisum in 10.
" Datum Romae ex Secret, ejusd. S. Congr. die 29 Martii 1894.
"Authentioae editae Eomae anno 1886 ex decreto hujus
S. Cong. diei. 24 Mail 1886.
"Fr. IGNATIUS CARD. PERSICO, Praef.
*J« "ALEX. AKCHIEP. NICOPOL, Secret.'1
DECREE MAKING VALID ALL INVALID ERECTIONS OF THE
STATIONS OF THE CROSS
The decree which we give below was issued about the
same time, and is taken from the same source, as the one
just given. The details connected with the erection of the
Stations of the Cross are so many, and some of them are so
minute, that a priest who procures the necessary faculties for
erecting them only once or twice in his lifetime may easily
overlook one of vital importance. Such is the one mentioned
by Father de Parma, in his petition to the Holy See, which
called forth the present decree, namely, the neglect to obtain,
before the erection, the consent, in writing, of the ordinary
of the diocese. There are others, however, which are
equally important, and just as easily overlooked. Hence,
from time to time, either proprio motu, or, as in the present
instance, moved by the petition of the General of the
Franciscans, the Pope convalidates all previous invalid erec-
tions. It will, then, we are sure, be a relief to many priests,
both secular and regular, to know that all erections of the
Stations of the Cross, made previous to the 7th April of
the present year, are now valid, no matter what essential
particular may have been neglected at the time of the
erection.
"Beatissime Pater,
" Fr. Aloysius de Parma- Minister generalis totius ordinis
Minorum, ad pedes Sanctitatia Tuae prostratus sequentia humi-
liter exponit. In erectione Viae S. Crucis Stationum non semper
654 Correspondence.
et ubique omnia ea adamussim observata fuerunt quae a S. Sede
pro valida erectione praescribuntur praesertim quoad consensum
in scriptis ante erectionem obtinendam. Quapropter, ne Fideles
Indulgentiis pio exercitio Viae S. Crucis concessis frustrentur,
humiles Orator Sanctitati Tuae enixe supplicat quatenus omnes
erectiones hucusque ob quoslibet defectus invalide factas, benigne
sanare dignetur.
" Quam gratiam, etc.
" Vigore specialium facultatem a SSmo Dno N. Leone
Papa XIII. tributarum, Sacra Congregatio Indulgentiis Sacrisque
Eeliquiis praeposita defectus omnes de quibus in supplici libello
benigne sanavit. Contrariis quibuscumque non obstantibus.
" Datum Bomae ex Seer, ejusdem S. Congr. die 7 Aprilis 1894.
" L.* S.
" Fr. IGNATIUS CARD. PERSICO, Praef.
$< " ALEXANDER ARCHIEP. NICOPOL, Secret."
D. O'LoAN.
Correspon&ence
"THE NEW NUT-BKOWN MAID"
BEV. DEAR SIR,— The interest created by the publication of
the ballad under the above title, in the I. E. EECORD for May,
has induced several friends to contribute their remarks, critical,
illustrative, or supplementary, on the text as printed in your
review. These, together with emendations and considerations,
the result of further thought and correspondence, will be sub-
mitted to your readers in the following lines, which you are good
enough to promise shall be published in a forthcoming issue of
the I. E. KECORD : —
i.
The main crux of the ballad formerly centred in Stanza
VIII., line 4: "By longes the blynde." Two correspondents
supplied the right explanation of these words, from different
sources of inspiration. They refer, clearly as it seems now that
the difficulty is solved, to the Eoman soldier who pierced the
sacred side of Christ. In mediaeval literature this soldier is
called "Longinus, the blind Knight;" and he is said to have
Correspondence. 655
recovered the use of his sight by some drops of the Precious
Blood and Water which spurted on his face. Amongst the
Minor Poems of the Vernon MS., published in 1892 by the Early
English Text Society, mention is twice made of this beautiful
legend. In a poem called the " Lamentation of Our Lady,"
attributed to St. Bernard, of which there is given an old English
translation, at p. 323 we read, in a more modern English dress: —
" Beside the Eood there stood a Knight,
Full blind he was and lame also ;
They all said he was called Longeus ;
They made him go beneath the Cross ;
They took to him a goodly lance,
And put it to my dear Son's side ;
And Longeus thrust with great fierceness ;
It pierced to my Son His Heart,
And Water and Red Blood
Ban down of His Wounds five."
This poem, of seven hundred and thirty-six verses, is full of
tenderness and beauty. The old English version is attributed to
Richard Maidenstoon ; but nothing is here said either of the bodily
or of the spiritual cure of the Knight, who is herein called Longeus,
or Longinus, which would be popularized into Longes, though
Longeus agrees better with the metre of the Ballad of "The
New Nut-Brown Maid."
In the same volume, in another poem, on page 37, another
side of the incident is related, and is here reproduced, under the
like conditions as before : —
" At noon there pierced Jesus, Longinus, a blind Knight ;
He wiped his eyes with Jesus' Blood, through which he had
his sight."
Mary of Agreda attributes this grace to the prayers of our
Lady, who, when she witnessed the outrage on the dead Body of
Jesus, instead of words of upraiding or imprecation, exclaimed :
" May the Almighty look on you with the eyes of His mercy, for
the pain you have caused me." The French translation of the
passage, freely rendered into our mother-tongue, says : —
" And it may be that our Saviour, touched by the prayer of
His most holy Mother, allowed that the Blood and Water which
poured from His divine side should spurt some drops upon the
face of Longinus ; and by these gracious means should restore to
656 Correspondence.
him his bodily eyesight, of which he had been almost deprived ;
and, at the same time, should enlighten his soul, so that he
could recognise the Crucifix, whom he had so cruelly pierced."
Blessed Sir Thomas More somewhere says: " If he were as
long as Longinus " — probably in reference to the wall pictures and
miniatures of the day, in which the soldier was often represented
as a very tall man. And, again, he writes : " Surely, if he be as
long as Longinus, and have a high heart [compare the Ballad :
Stanza XXV., line 2, highness ; in both cases, high stands for
pride], and trust] upon his own wit, looketh he never so lowly
that setteth all the holy fathers at nought, that fellow (I say)
shall not fail to sink over the ears and drown." l
Amongst other Stanzas, the following may be noted : —
n.
Stanza II., line 4 : In manner ; so to say.
line 5 : for Through right wiseness, read Through
rightwiseness ; justice.
in.
Stanza III., line 5 : for With, read Why.
IV.
Stanza X., line 3 : "In Sathan's barge;" a corrupt line,
hardly improved by reading (as it has been suggested) targe for
barge.
line 7 : for Thy witness, read By rightwiseness ; in
justice.
line 10: "action," Possibly, Act of Love, i.e.,
Redemption, a form which makes the line rhyme with the last
one of the stanza.
v.
Stanza XIII., line 1. Bead to rend and draw.
line 9 refers to the sacrilegious custom, named
in the following stanza, of swearing by the members of our
Lord's sacred Body.
VI.
Stanza XVI., line 2 : for What time, read " What mine (my)
poor reason is;" an answer to XV. line 10: "No reason find
ye can."
line 6 : bliss ; probably a corrupt reading.
1 English Works, p. 162.
Correspondence. 657
VII.
Stanza XVII., line 11 : twined; In Halliwell's Illustrations
from Lydgate, MS. Ashmoli, 39, f. 53, are found these lines : —
" That never twineth out of thy presence,
But in heaven abideth aye with thee."
VIII.
Stanza XXIII., line 12 : for Eight as, read, As if.
IX.
Stanza XXV., line 2: His, or Its highness; either— (1) His
highness (pride) is never content to admit my commandment ; or
(2) Man is never content to admit its^ highness (loftiness, holi-
ness), i.e., of the commandments. Probably the first gloss is the
truer of the two.
line 7 : for cloth, read mouth.
x.
Stanza XXVIII., line 6: Teen, or tene. The expression
"trey and tene" seems to have been an accepted one in olden
time. It may be found in one of the proverbs of Hendyng :—
" For when man is in trey and tene,
Then heareth God his bene (boon ; prayer)
That is bid with heart :
When the bale is highest, then the boot is nighest ;
Quoth Hendyng."
Other points in the interpretation of The Neio Nut-Brown
Maid are obscure, and will repay consideration at the hands of
students of old English literature. The punctuation of the
ballad is of very uncertain exactitude ; or rather, probably, it is
only correct, by accident, in certain passages. Still, with all its
faults, or errors, of form or expression, the reproduced poem, as
a relic of the past, is valuable, and deserves to be preserved by
those who think that the ways and words of our Catholic
ancestors should not be allowed to fall into entire oblivion.
I remain, Eev. Dear Sir, your obedient servant,
OBEY SHIPLEY.
VOL. XV. 2 T
[ 658 ]
^Documents
DECEEES OF THE CONGREGATION OF THE HOLY OFFICE.
CEREMONIES TO BE OBSERVED WHEN TWO OR MORE
MARRIAGES TAKE PLACE AT THE SAME TIME
S. C. S. Officii 1 Septembris 1841.
Quando plures simul copulantur, accepto primum singulorum
consensu, et rite celebratis singulis matrimoniis, dictaque pro
singulis a parocho forma Ego vos coniungo in matrimonium, etc.,
nihil obstat quominus benedictiones annulorum et reliquae
benedictiones fiant in communi per verba generalia.
DECISIONS REGARDING THE NUPTIAL BENEDICTION
S. C. S. Officii 1 Septembris 1841.
1. Licite matrimonium contractum coram parocho benedici ab
alio sacerdote de consensu parochi vel Ordinarii. — 2. Quoad
Missam celebrandam de sponsis vel de sancto standum decreto
S. E. C. die 3 Martii 1818. — 3. Sacerdotem non teneri Missam
applicare pro sponsis nisi ab iisdem eleemosynam accipiat. — 4. In
eadem Missa posse sacerdotem plures sponsos benedicere. — 5. Ab
eodem sacerdote celebrante aspergendos esse aqua benedicta
sponsos ante altare genuflexos, non autem ab alio sacerdote. — 6.
Non licere sponsos benedicere in Missa defunctorum, sed potius
transferendam esse benedictionem ad aliam diem.
WHETHER THE NUPTIAL BENEDICTION MAY BE GIVEN TO
CERTAIN CLASSES OF SPONSI
S. C. S. Officii 1 Febr. 1871. Vic. Ap. Myssur.
1. Utrum gentiles mulieres nuptae, vel viduae, vel notorie
corruptae, quae ex gentilitate conversae christianum recipiunt
matrimonium, possint recipere benedictionem nuptialem intra
Missam.
2. An sponsi christiani qui pridie in pomeridiana matrimonium
in Ecclesia receperunt, et crastina sequenti die ad Missam ambo
veniunt, beneditionem intra Missam recipere possint, illis non
interrogatis de continentia in nocte servata,
B. Ad 1. Affirmative,
Documents. 659
Ad 2. Affirmative ; neque ullo modo faciendam esse inter-
rogationem de qua in dubio mentio fit : et ad mentem. Mens est
quod in illis matrimonio iungendis admonitio praetermittenda non
sit Sacrosanctum Concilium Tridentinum hortari (Sess. xxiv. cap. I.
De Reform. Matrim.) ut coniuges ante benedictionem sacerdotalem
in templo accipiendam in eadem dorno non cohabitent.
ADDITIONAL DECISIONS EEGAEDING THE NUPTIAL
BENEDICTION
S. C. S. Officii 31 Augusti 1881.
Benedictionem nuptialem quam exhibet Missale Romanum
in Missa pro sponso et sponsa semper impertiendam esse in
matrimoniis catholicorum, infra tainen Missae celebrationem,
iuxta rubricas, et extra tempus feriatum, omnibus illis coniugibus,
qui earn in contrahendo matrimonio quacumque ex causa non
obtinuerint ; etiamsi petant postquam diu iam in matrimonio
vixerint, dummodo mulier, si vidua, benedictionem ipsam in aliis
nuptiis non acceperit.
Insuper hortandos esse eosdem coniuges catholicos, qui
benedictionem sui matrimonii non obtinuerunt, ut earn primo
quoque tempore petant. Significandum vero illis, maxime si
neophyti sint, vel ante conversionem ab haeresi valide contraxe-
rint, benedictionem ipsam ad ritum et solemnitatem, non vero ad
substantiam et validitatem pertinere coniugii.
THE CONGEEGATION OF EITES
DECISION EEGAEDING THE NUPTIAL BENEDICTION
S. C. SS. Bit. 14 Augusti 1858. Montis Albani.
1. An possit sacerdos, quum matrimonia extra Missam
celebrantur, sicut in ecclesiis civitatum Montis Albani dioecesis
frequenter evenit, sponsis benedictionem impertiri, et orationes
recitare quae in Missali in Missa pro sponso et sponsa habentur,
quaeque dicendae sunt turn post Pater noster, turn ante Placeat,
quando non agitur de nuptiis, in quibus est deneganda supra-
dicta benedictio. Et, quatenus affirmative, an teneatur.
2. Licetne Missam pro sponso et sponsa et benedictionem
ad diem proxime sequentem vel in aliam multo remotiorem
differre, etsi coniuges ante benedictionem sacerdotalem in templo
suscipiendani in eadem domo cohabitent ?
3. Utrum prohibitio nuptiarum tempore Adventus et
6gO Notices of Books.
Quadragesimae intelligi tantum debeat de Missa pro sponsis, ac
de precibus pro nubentium benedictione in Missali positis ; an
ipsum etiam attingat matrimonium, quod cum soils celebratur
cneremoniis, et precibus quae in Kituali reperiuntur.
4. An facta per Episcopum licentia contrahendi matrimonium
temporibus a S. Concilio Tridentino vetitis, conseatur etiarn
permissa benedictio coniugum per preces et orationes in Missa
pro sponsis contentas. Et quatenus negative, an possit Episcopus
in casu earn facultatem concedere.
E. Ad 1. Negative in omnibus.
Ad 2. Negative in casu.
Ad 3. Affirmative ad primam partem ; negative ad secundam,
dummodo accedat Episcopi venia.
Ad 4. Negative in omnibus.
IRotices of Boohs
ST. EDMUND, KING AND MAETYE. From Original MSS.
By Eev. J. B. MacKinlay, O.S.B. Published by Art and
Book Company : London and Leamington.
IN this book we have given not only the life of St. Edmund
(King of East Anglia, from 855-870), but also an account of the
various translations of his body, of his miracles, of the devotion to
him, and of his patrimony. The account is gleaned from original
manuscripts, and at the head of each chapter and section is
given a list of those on the authority of which the subjoined
narrative is based. The whole constitutes a work that is really
valuable, both from an historical and an archaeological point
of view. It is interesting also even to the ordinary reader, even
to one who has no special interest either in St. Edmund, or in the
old abbey, church, and town of Bury St. Edmund's : and to those
who have such an interest it must be doubly interesting.
In the first part of the book, which is devoted to the king's
life, there are some good accounts of East Anglian manners and
customs under Edmund, and of the condition of the people under
the Komans and the Anglo-Saxons, and during the Danish wars.
As we should expect, the story of the king's struggle with the
Notices of Books. 661
Danes is full of dramatic incidents, but the most dramatic of all
is the capture and martyrdom of the brave king. Everyone
knows that, when all hope was lost of a successful issue to his
struggle with the Danes, he delivered himself up to his enemies,
in order to save his people from utter destruction. But people
are not so well acquainted with that scene in the Palace Church
of Heglesdune, when Edmund having determined now to give
himself up, with only his old director, Bishop Humbert, by his
side, waited at the altar, wrapt in prayer and defenceless, until
the Danes who had advanced on the town should come and seize
him. Nor do people in general know the striking features by
which St. Edmund's sufferings before death so much resembled
our Lord's passion ; so much so, indeed, that the old chroniclers
commonly speak of the Passion of St. Edmund. For, like our
Lord, Edmund was tried by a prejudiced judge, condemned on
the testimony of a false witness, and scourged. Hinguar tried
him for the murder of Lothbroc, Hinguar's father, and condemned
him of gross deceit, perjury, and murder, but offered him his life
if he gave up the Christian religion. On Edmund's refusal, he is
brought to the outskirts of Heglesdune, and first scourged. But
he is a strong man, and bears the scourging well. The Danish
sharpshooters, without injuring any vital spot, send their arrows
quivering into his flesh, until, as an old chronicler, St. Abbo, has
it, the] arrows on his body resembled the thorns on a thistle.
Once again Hinguar offers him life and a power subordinate only
to his own if he become a pagan : and again he professes his
adherence to the Christian faith ; and at last Hinguar, weary of
the agony, orders Edmund's head to be cut off.
In the next part of the book we have the story of the numerous
translations of St. Edmund's body from one place to another.
It remained incorrupt until it1 was carried to France by Louis
the Dauphin. The French were noted relic stealers, and
St. Edmund's were not the only relics that found their way to
France, when the French were driven back to their own country
after the death of King John. They also carried from the Church
of Kedbourn, a silver and gold cross, highly ornamented, which
was said to contain a piece of the true cross, and other relics
besides. The body of St. Edmund was finally deposited by Louis
in the Church of Toulouse ; but here it lost its privilege of incor-
ruption, and decayed. The greater part of the bones are still
preserved in the Church of St. Sernin, in Toulouse. The ancient
662 Notices of Books.
incorruption of St. Edmund's body is well authenticated, and
there can be no reasonable doubt that it is a fact.
Along with the fame of the incorruption, and the numerous
miracles performed by the saint, both for those who were devoted
to him, and in punishment of those who offended him, there grew
a widespread cultus of his relics. Kings and princes richly
endowed the corporate body that had care of them. At first this
was a body of secular canons, but after some time the charge was
given over to Benedictine monks. A magnificent church and
monastery were built. St. Edmund's was a vaster and more
massive structure than Durham Cathedral. But the whole was
destroyed at the time of the suppression of the monasteries under
Henry VIII. There are few remains, for gunpowder was used to
blow up the buildings, and Camden considers that " so far as the
works of man go, England never suffered a greater loss than this."
The monks removed to France, and kept up their monastery at
Paris, and after the Eevolution at Douai, where at the present
day there is a flourishing monastery of St. Edmund's.
In England, and even afterwards in France, St. Edmund's
monastery had always a more or less close connection with the
makers of English history. To cite only two facts, it was on
St. Edmund's altar, during the saint's feast, November 20, 1214,
that the barons laid their hands to swear never to sheath the
sword until the king granted the charter they saw unfolded before
them. Needless to add, the charter was the Magna Charta.
The other fact is, that in Paris the monastery of St. Edmund
was a great resort of the Jacobite refugees, and it was there the
embalmed body of King James was kept unburied until the
French Eevolution. Then the Sansculottes made a kind of cheap
show of it, charging from a sou to a franc for the privilege of
seeing a dead body so wonderfully preserved that the soul seemed
to have departed from it but a few hours before. The body was
buried at last in St. Germain-en-Laye, when the allies came to
Paris in 1813.
What we have said will give our readers some idea of the
wide interest attaching to a history of St. Edmund, of his relics,
his patrimony, and the cultus shown to him. The book is written
in an easy and flowing style, and is brought out as we should
expect it to be brought out by the Art and Book Company.
Altogether it is a credit to its author, and his Order, the English
Benedictines. P.M.
Notices of Books. 663
THE VICTOEIES OF KOME, AND THE TEMPORAL POWER.
By Kenelm Digby Best.
DIVINE WORSHIP. By Sacerdos. Edited by Kev. W. H.
Eyre, S.J.
THESE two little works have been sent by Messrs. Burns and
Gates, publishers, to whom the Catholics of these countries have
every reason to be deeply grateful for their labours in the interest
of Catholic literature of every description.
1. The first contains two papers : one on the Victories of
Rome, now republished, sketches briefly the battles in which the
Papacy has fought and conquered, and shows that "be the adversary
heathenism, heresy, barbarism, statecraft, or revolution, the
contest has always ended in the discomfiture of the gates of hell
and the triumph of the tiara;" the other, on The Temporal
Power, discusses the reasons of the necessity of the temporal
power of the Popes, and strongly asserts the claims of the
supreme Pontiff to liberty in teaching truth, in dispensing grace,
in inculcating virtue, to such freedom as is possible, in the present
order of divine providence, only in the hypothesis of actual
sovereignty. Both papers are eloquently written, and with a
devotion, too, towards the Church and the Holy See worthy of a
son of St. Philip.
2. This interesting little book, intended for the instruction of
the unlearned, gives a brief summary of the history of divine
worship, both before and after the coming of Christ, and dwells
on the unity of that worship throughout the Catholic world, as a
means of differentiating the one true from the many false
religions ; then explains the nature of and defends the religious
cult offered to the Blessed Virgin by reason of her special
excellence and dignity as Mother of God. It would be well that
books of this kind would come into the hands of Protestants and
others outside the true Church, in whose minds many false
notions of Church doctrines and practices exist.
J.K.
THE CHURCH : OR THE SOCIETY OF DIVINE PEAISE. By
Dom Prosper Gueranger. London : Burns & Gates.
THE object of this little bookr composed a few weeks before
his death, by the author of the well-known L'Annee Liturgique,
is to recommend " aggregation to the great Monastic Order of
St. Benedict by the reception of the Benedictine Scapular," as a
664 Notices of Books.
means of entering more fully into the spiritual life of the Church,
and to lay down certain rules for the guidance of those who are
thus aggregated. The latter half of the book is intended specially
for priests. It is pervaded throughout by a spirit of fervent
piety, and contains much salutary advice both for priest and
layman. P. J. B.
DEHAEBE'S SMALL CATECHISM. B. Herder. Freiburg in
Breisgau.
THIS is a simply-written, clearly arranged little catechism.
It is divided into three parts : the first treats of " The truths
we must all know and believe ;" the second explains " The Ten
Commandments, and the Precepts of the Church ;" and the third
treats of the " means of grace," the Sacraments, and Prayer.
The explanations though necessarily brief, are always accurate,
stated in clear and simple terms, and can be easily mastered by
children. P. J. B.
THE SUCCESS OF PATEICK DESMOND. By M. F. Egan,
Office of the Ave Maria.
THIS story which is reprinted from the pages of that excellent
Catholic magazine, the Ave Maria, is worthy of the deservedly
high reputation that Mr. Egan has won in Catholic literary
circles. It is written with that freshness of style, subdued humour,
and pure Catholic tone that mark all Mr. Egan's writings. It is
a story with a moral, and its aim is to show that worldly success
is dearly bought at the cost of honesty, and that the life which is
uninfluenced by religion is a barren, dreary life. It must not be
gathered from this that the book is a dull one, full of prosy
homilies ; on the contrary, it is highly interesting, and once begun
will be laid aside with reluctance till it is finished.
The characters of the hero, Patrick Desmond, of his friend
Jack Conlon, a clerical student, and of Eleanor Redwood are
drawn with great sympathy and skill, and the tyrannical house-
keeper, Belinda, with her Calvinistic ideas of God, and her
profound contempt for her fellow-mortals is delineated with much
cleverness and humour. It is refreshing to meet a work of fiction
like The Success of Patrick Desmond, combining high literary
excellence, with a wholesome moral tone. It will be a valuable
addition to any parochial library, and will make an ideal prize-
book for our colleges and convent schools. P. J. B.
Notices of Books. 665
INSTITUTIONES THEOLOGICAE, IN USUM SCHOLAEUM.
Auctore, G. B. Tepe, S. J. Vol. I. CONTIMENS TEACTATUS
DE VEEA KELIGIONE, DE ECCLESIA CHEISTI, DE
VEEBO DEI SCEIPTO ET TEABITO. Parisiis Sumptibus.
P. Lethielleux, 10, Via Dicta " Casstte."
FATHER TEPE intends to publish in four volumes, a complete
course of Dogmatic Theology for the use of schools. The first
volume has recently appeared. It treats of the " True Religion,"
" The Church," and the "Word of God." In the tract on " The
True Religion," two main questions are discussed.' The first has
reference to Revelation in general, and its criteria, miracles and
prophecy. The second refers to the Christian Revelation. It
contains four chapters, the first of which proves the historical
value of the Books of the New Testament. The second explains
the criteria by means of which we can judge of the truth of the
Christian Revelation. These criteria are the miracles and
prophecies of Christ, the testimony of the Apostles ; the death of
so many martyrs, the statements of the fathers and doctors of
the Church ; the testimony of nations generally ; and, finally, the
fulfilment in Christianity of the prophecies of the Old Law. The
third chapter proves the divinity of Christ. The fourth shows the
necessity of the Christian religion.
The Church tract discusses six questions, viz. : — The
Institution and Constitution of the Church; the Notes of the
Church ; the Members of the Church ; the Infallibility of the
Pope ; the Ruling Power of the Pope, and the Relation between
Church and State. The treatise on Scripture and Tradition
treats of the Canon of Sacred Scripture and its Inspiration,
the authenticity of the Vulgate ; the existence of Divine Tradition,
and the means of knowing it.
Father Tepe treats the True Religion treatise and the first
two questions of the Church tract apologetically, while he treats
the rest dogmatically. The nature of the questions discussed
requires this distinction. The True Religion treatise deals with
opponents who do not admit the truth of the Christian religion.
Hence it can contain no argument that, in whole or part, derives
its force from Christianity. Now the divine authority of Sacred
Scripture and tradition is known to us only from the declaration
of the Church of Christ. Therefore these sources can be used in the
tract on True Religion only as historical documents. The same
is to be said of the first two questions of the Church tract,
666 Notices of Books.
since we cannot use the divine authority of Sacred Scripture or
tradition, till we have proved that the True Church is infallible
in denning this divine authority, and what Church in particular
is the true Church. Having done this we can use the Sacred
Scriptures and tradition in the way pointed out by that Church ;
namely, as the sources of revealed truth.
Throughout the volume Father Tepe displays wonderful
research. He has evidently spared no pains in collecting
historical evidences in proof of his doctrines. Every portion of
his work is replete with extracts from the fathers of the Church
and Sacred Scripture, No doubt a work intended for the use of
schools should not contain more matter than is necessary for the
explanation or establishment of its doctrines ; still it can be said
that a large collection of appropriate extracts serves to express
more forcibly the strength of Catholic teaching. This is the case
especially when, as in Father Tepe's volumes, this abundance
does not detract from the order or clearness of the work.
Moreover, Father Tepe uses his historical knowledge with great
force in controversial questions, such as the alleged fall of Pope
Tiberius ; the condemnation of Galileo ; the nature of the powers
given to the Pope by the false decretals of Isidore, &c. We can
recommend the volume as an excellent treatise on the subjects
which it undertakes to discuss, and we hope that the coming
volumes will reach the high standard that their forerunner
leads us to expect. J. M. H.
SEPHORA : OR EOME AND JERUSALEM. Adapted from
the French of Adrien Lemercier. By Rev. James
Donohoe, LL.D. Published by the Editor, 249, Viatti-
street, Brooklyn.
THIS is a story of the time when Octavian and Mark Antony
proclaimed Herod the Great King of Judea. Sephora, its
heroine, is daughter of the Lagan, as the vice-pontiffs were
called, who under the Asmoneans filled the place of high-
priest at the Temple when the reigning descendant of the
Maccabees was unable or unwilling to do so. Her father is
sent to Borne by Antigonus, the last representative of the
Asmoneans, to use all efforts to gain over Mark Antony from
the side of Herod to his own, for he knew that the Senate would not
hesitate to name himself King of Judea, if Mark Antony recom-
mended it. The father brings the daughter with him, being
Notices of Books. 667
unwilling that she should be left alone in Jerusalem, to be per-
secuted by the very unwelcome attentions of a powerful Pharisee.
In Eome, however, she attracts the notice of Mark Antony, and his
attentions become so troublesome that the father and daughter
have to fly secretly from the city. They proceed to Jerusalem
by way of Alexandria, and here they meet the Eoman again.
The Lagan is informed that his embassy has been unsuccessful ;
and, as Mark's notice of Sephora again causes trouble, the
father and daughter have to set out from Alexandria as hurriedly
as from Eome. They go on in peace to Jerusalem, and the
story ends with the capture of the city by Herod through the
assistance of the Eomans, the death in the struggle of Sephora's
obnoxious suitor, the Pharisee, and her own happy marriage.
The story contains some very good descriptions of the
manners and customs of the times, of the topography of
Jerusalem and the surrounding district, and of some of the
Temple rites. As a tale, however, it is disappointing. The
plot is meagre, the delineation of character is wanting in
vividness and naturalness, and, though the book is small, some of
the situations are decidedly forced. The tone of the story is
semi-religious, somewhat after the manner of Fabiola and
Callista.
The book has been very well brought out, the printing being
clear and large, and the binding tasteful. P. M.
THE CONVERT'S CATECHISM. By Eev. Francis X. EEICHABT.
THIS short penny Catechism, intended specially for converts,
might be used with much profit by the laity in general. It
contains instructions on the principal truths of faith, the
Commandments of God and of the Church, the Sacraments, and
some devotional practices. Doctrines are expressed in simple
language with brevity and clearness, Scriptural proof being in
most instances added. A chapter on Indulgences would, we
think, enhance its value.
MANUEL DU PRETRE AUX ETATS-UNIS. New York :
Pustet & Co.
THIS Manual is written for the -accommodation of priests of
the United States in charge of missions, some of whose members
speak the French, and others the English language. The work is
divided into three parts. The first part contains disciplinary
668 Notices of Books.
decrees of the Council of Baltimore which affect missionary
priests ; the second part contains simple instructions in French,
to be delivered to the faithful on the Sundays and holidays of the
year : while those same instructions rendered in plain, forcible
English, make up the third part of the manual. While the
work will save the priest much labour, the simple, solid explana-
tions of doctrines which it advocates will minster to the spiritual
wants of many on whom elegant, elaborate expositions of the
Church's teaching and eloquent exhortations to virtue would
have been lost.
A similar book adapted to the needs of this country would be
of great utility to priests who have little time to prepare their
sermons. K. P.
MEDITATIONS Sun LA VIE DE N. S. J C. Par le
B. P, M. Meschler, S.J.
THESE Meditations, published in three volumes, contain a
series of beautiful exercises on the Life of our Saviour. They
set forth a number of fruitful reflections on the virtues that
shone in His character. The first volume brings us down to the
third Pasch of the Redeemer's public life. The second treats of
the intervening space to the Passion, whilst the last is concerned
with the sufferings of the God-Man, His glorious life, and His
existence in the hearts of the faithful. It is a work replete with
pious sentiment. The virtues of Him, who came to be our
Model, and the motives which should urge us to imitate them,
are laid before the reader in a style at once forcible and attractive.
As a meditation book it is excellent, and can be used with much
profit by those who would advance in spiritual perfection.
D. O'C.
CHEIST IN TYPE AND PKOPHECY. By A. J. Maas, S.J.,
Professor of Oriental Languages in Woodstock College,
M.D. New York : Benziger Brothers.
THIS excellent book is devoted to tne knowledge of Christ
which we get from the Messianic prophecies of the Old
Testament. Each of the prophecies is given in English, and
commented upon in footnotes. Each has an introduction and
corollaries, in which are set forth the Messianic nature of the
prophecy, the manner of its interpretation, whether literal or
mystical; answers to objections, and other points of general
Notices of Books. 669
interest in regard to the prophecy in question. There is a lengthy
general introduction regarding the nature and existence of pro-
phecy, and its value as a proof of Christ's divinity ; and here,
too, we have treated, at considerable -length, the theory of
Rationalists on the subject.
Dr. Maas's treatment of the prophecies is that of one who
is thoroughly acquainted with his subject. His commentary is
clear, merely explanatory of the text, without philological or
grammatical criticism in matters of unimportance ; whilst in
those of general interest, or of special importance in regard to his
subject, his exegetical and theological analysis is very full. The
occasional references to the Hebrew of the original text are easily
understood, even by one who has not a wide acquaintance with that
language. In the various introductions and corollaries his proofs
of the Messianic nature of the prophecies deserve an equal meed
of praise. The style and the order are both fair; but in the
introduction it would have been much better had the long lists
of references been put into footnotes, instead of being inserted in
the text.
The book is too diffuse for young students ; but for those who
have already studied the prophecy argument in the Incarnation
tract it must be of real value and of great interest. It will be
of especial use to priests who have finished their theological
course, without having had time to devote to a special study of
the Messianic prophecies ; for from it they will be able easily to
learn all that they could desire to know on the subject, one consi-
derable advantage that they will derive immediately from this
knowledge being, that they will read their Office with a new
understanding, and consequent appreciation. P. M.
TALES AND LEGENDS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. From the
Spanish of Francisco de Paula Capella. New York :
Benziger Brothers.
THIS handsome little volume, being a collection of tales and
legends of a devotional character, and written in a simple and
pleasing style, is very suitable for children, to whom it should
afford pleasant and useful reading. Though gathered by the
author in his native Catalonia, and associated with local names,
and interspersed with local reminiscences, many of the stories
are rather local adaptations of widespread traditions than
legends of indigenous growth.
670 Notices of Books.
CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. By Eev. Thomas J. Jenkins. London :
B. Washbourne. First English Edition.
As the quick disposal in America of four large editions is an
undeniable voucher of the popularity of Father Jenkins's book,
so the high recommendations of the episcopate of the United
States is the surest guarantee of the soundness of the doctrines
contained in it. No one will gainsay the vital importance of the
education question, and at least no reasoning Catholic will deny
the justness of the Church's claims to a sound Catholic educa-
tion for Catholic youth. But should anyone be disposed to take
a lenient view of the godless system of education in the State
schools, both primary and superior, of the United States, and in
the superior State schools or universities of this country, a
perusal of the volume before us would quickly put his mind in
touch with minds cast in a better mould, and more capable of
forming a correct judgment on the question. Father Jenkins
undertakes to put before the reader —
1. A view of the system of public schools in the United
States. Here he develops, in a few chapters, the influence of
teachers, fellow-pupils, and the text-books used in the various
departments.
2. The decisions of the episcopate in those nations where
similar systems exist. Here he devotes a short chapter to a
sketch of the hard-fought battle of our Irish prelates against the
State system, and their almost complete victory in the matter of
primary education over the national school system, as originally
planned.
3. The decisions of Pope Pius IX.
4. The decisions of the bishops of the United States, both
individually and in council.
5. The instructions of the Sacred Congregation and of the
reigning Pontiff.
From this very brief outline it will be evident that the cheap
little volume is verily a mine of recondite information on this
very important question of Catholic education. J. F.
LE CARDINAL MANNING ET SON ACTION SOCIALE. Par
M. 1'Abbe J. Lemire.
THE late Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster is universally
recognised as one of the finest figures of modern history. An
account of the salient traits of his character cannot but prove of
Notices of Books. 671
deep interest to all who know aught of the great English Church-
man. Father Lemire gives a brief outline of the holiness, the
patriotism, and the philanthropic spirit that animated Cardinal
Manning. The spirit of prayer, that informed his every action •
the love of fatherland, that so facilitated his labours amongst his
countrymen ; his unfailing sympathy with the masses, and con-
stant advocacy of their cause — all these characteristics are treated
very fully in the present work. For the English-speaking public
his memory requires no such tribute, for it is enshrined deep in
their hearts ; but French readers, for whom Father Lemire's book
is written, will find in these pages a faithful reproduction of
Manning's labours, and the motives that guided his various
undertakings. D. O'C.
INSTEUCTIONS FOE FIEST CONFESSION. From the German
of the Eev. F. H. Jaegers. B. Herder, Baden.
THIS little book seems to be intended as a guide and a help
to priests in the performance of a duty as difficult as it is
important — the instruction and preparation of children for first
confession. Though it goes over the principal points to which
attention must be paid, in giving such instruction, we doubt very
much if it would render much assistance. And though much
attention is paid to putting in various forms the points which are
to be impressed on the child's memory, it lacks a very necessary
qualification of books of its class, abundant and appropriate
illustration,
I/AEGUMENT DE SAINT ANSELME, ETUDE PHILOSOPHIQUE.
Par Le Pere Ragey, Mariste. Delhomme & Briguet,
Editeurs. Paris : 13, Rue de 1'Abbaye. Lyon : 3, Avenue
de 1'Archeveche.
THIS work of Fr. Ragey is an interesting addition to several
books he has already written on the history of St. Anselm. In
the present volume the author purposes to discuss the nature of
St. Anselm's argument for the existence of God and the validity
of the objections that are urged against it by its many opponents.
He also explains how, in his opinion, this argument differs, in
the first place, from that of Descartes, and in the second place
from some objections of St. Thomas, which theologians generally
suppose to be the argument of St. Anselm.
The work contains an interesting account of how St. Anselm
672 Notices of Books.
discovered his argument. He had long sought for some a priori
proof of God's existence. He spent many sleepless nights in his
search. On one such night this argument suddenly occurred to
his mind, and filled him with great joy. He wrote down his
discovery, and entrusted the tablet on which it was written to the
care of a brother of the monastery. The tablet disappeared in
some unaccountable way. He wrote it down again, but the new
tablet was mysteriously broken. Finally, he published the
argument in his Prosologium. A monk named Gaunilo soon
published a volume in which he denied the validity of St. Anselm' s
argument. St. Anselm replied, and the discussion thus begun
has ever since been a fruitful source of thought for philosophers
of every school. Father Eagey in his little book gives some of
the arguments that have been urged for and against the proof of
St, Anselm. Any person who desires to see how far the proof is
valid, can read this little work with great benefit.
J. M. H.
A PRIMES FOR CONVERTS. By Eev. John T. Durward.
New York : Benziger Brothers.
THIS little volume is the fruit of the author's zeal for the
salvation of those who still live without the pale of the one
true fold. In his preface, Father Durward writes: "The
thought has forced itself on my attention for some years that we
are priests not only for the faithful, but also for those outside ;
that, standing in the place of our Lord, we must repeat His words :
" Other sheep I have which are not of this fold, them also I must
bring." The author divides his little book into three sections.
And, having in the first treated some preliminary questions about
faith, religion, &c., in the second section he discusses questions
concerning the existence of the world, the necessity of creation,
the existence of an intelligent, self-existent, eternal, infinite
Creator, man's supernatural end, the necessity and existence of
revelation, the existence of one true Church, which is the
Catholic Church ; and in the third he explains what more is
required for the act of faith, besides the examination of the
motives of credibility.
The treatment is logical and clear ; the arguments are sound
and cogent ; references are given to more exhaustive works for a
fuller elucidation of some more difficult points.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD
AUGUST, 1894
ST. COLMAN, PATKON OF LOWEE AUSTKIA
story of St. Colman is very different from that of
-L most other Irish saints whose names are still venerated
in distant countries. He was not an apostle in any ordinary
sense of the word. He was not sent nor did he go to
preach the Gospel, nor to convert the heathen. He may,
indeed, have had in his mind some ultimate aim of the kind,
hut it had not yet matured nor assumed definite shape when
he was overtaken by the fate of the martyr. Neither was it
his immediate intention to settle in any of the monasteries
founded by his countrymen in the centre of Europe, nor to
devote himself to teaching, nor to study, nor to the pious
exercises of religious life. It is, we believe, more than probable
that he would in due course have become a monk, a teacher,
and a preacher ; but his most pressing purpose at the time of
his death was to wend his way to the Holy Land, to visii
Nazareth, Bethlehem, Caphernaum, Jerusalem ; to follow
the footsteps of the Master through Samaria and Galilee ;
to venerate the earth on which He had walked in the flesh,
where He was born, where He lived, and where He died ;
to meditate on Jordan's banks and on the Mountain of
Beatitudes ; to assuage his spiritual thirst at the fountain
of Siloe and at Cedron's holy brook; and, above all, to fill
his soul with memories of the Garden of Olives, of the Way
of the Cross, and of Mount Calvary.
This was the motive which urged Colman to leave his
country, and in obedience to which he one day found himself
XV. 2 u
674 St. Colman, Patron of Lower Austria.
in a strange land, unknown, unfriended, and unable to make
himself understood. It is also remarkable that, notwith-
standing that he was an utter stranger to the people who
afterwards adopted him as their patron and protector, from
the very first he took possession of their hearts, and retained
his hold upon them, only with increasing power, through
many changing centuries. It is really wonderful how his
fame spread from the wood near the little town of Stockerau,
where he was tortured and hanged, all over the province of
Austria proper, away through Styria, Istria, and Carniola,
through Hungary, Bohemia, Bavaria, and Poland. Kings
and princes were called by his name at baptism ; churches
and chapels were dedicated in his honour. Coloman, King
of Hungary, the nephew of St. Ladislas, and one of the
immediate successors of St. Stephen the Great, promoted
the fame of his holy patron wherever his influence extended.
Rudolph IV. of Hapsburg1 was equally devoted to his
memory. This most peaceful and mildest of saints had
always a great attraction for soldiers. One of them, a
brave Austrian knight, who served under the Emperor
Ferdinand III., lies buried near the tomb of his patron, in
the great Benedictine Abbey of Molck, on the banks of the
Danube ; and on the marble sarcophagus erected over his
grave appears the inscription : —
HEUS VIATOR !
HUG OCULOS, HUG MENTEM MODICUM REFER.
EX VEXILLO FIDELITATEM, EX LEONE VIGILANTIAM PENSA.
FIDELIS FUI
DEO, CAESARI, AMICIS
USQUE AD ARAS.
VIGILAVI DONEC OBDORMIREM IN MORTE.
BT QUOD SOMNUS ESSET SUAVIOR,
HANG UMBRAM QUAESIVI
TUTELARIS MEI SANCTI COLOMANNI.
luWir Rudolph der Vierte von Gottes Gnaden Erz-Hertzog zu
(Esterreich, zu Steyr und zu Carndten, Herr zu Grain, der Windischen
Marck und zu Portenau, Graf zu Habsburg, Tyrol, zu Pfyrt und zu
Kyburg, Margraf zu Purgau, Landgraf zu Elsass bekennen hiemit das
Wir dieses Kreuz aus Ehererbietung gegen Gott und aus souderbarer
Liebe zu den Heiligsten Marlyrer Colomannnm verfertigen,1' &c. — (GescMchte
und Wunderharer Werke des Heiligen Colmanni, Koniglichen Pilgers und
Martyrcrs, Dwell P. Godfridum Deppich, O.S.B., page 236.)
St. Colman, Patron of Lower Austria. 675
St. Colman's Irish nationality is universally and grate-
fully recognised in Austria.1 The standard work on The Life
and Miracles of the saint is that of Father Gotfreid Deppisch,
which was published in Vienna, by the University Press, in
1743. This learned writer was a Benedictine monk of the
Abbey of Moelck, on the Danube, and his work on
St. Colman is dedicated to the illustrious Adrian, abbot of
the monastery, and "Kector Magnificus" of the University
of Vienna. He took great pains to find out all that was
known about the honoured patron of his country. He
came specially from Vienna to the Franciscan Convent of
St. Antony of Padua, at Louvain,2 in order to consult the
Annals of the Four Masters, the works of Ussher, Stanihurst,
and Ware, but especially some manuscript materials that
had been left by Father John Colgan and Father Hugh
Ward concerning the origin and descent of St. Colman.
He was hospitably received by Father Antony McCarthy,
then guardian of the convent, who made all the re-
searches the learned Benedictine required, and submitted
them to him.3 The result could not be more satisfac-
tory. The author takes much trouble to place St. Colman's
Irish origin beyond all doubt ; and he devotes several
pages to refute the Scotch pretension that the saint
i"Bleibt also ausgemacht und unlangbar dass das eigentliche und
wahrhaffte Vatterland unsers Heiligen Colmann das Konigreich Ireland
und er folglich em Wander von Geburte gewesen seye." — (Deppisch,
tit. Colmcnm, page 21.)
2 The only reference made to St. Colman in any of the older Irish
books is that found in the Calendar of Donegal, in which we read:
" Colman ailithir in Austria mac Maoilscheachluinn mois mac Dohmnuill."
" Colman the pilgrim in Austria, son of Maolsechlaim Mor, son of
Dohmnall." This bears out Hugh Ward's contention, that the saint was
the son of King Malachy, who was deposed by Brian Boroihme. See his
work, De Patria Sancti Rumoldi, pages 235, 240.
8 " Weilen aber gar kein antwort, unwissend aus was Ursachen, darauf
erfolget, haben wir im Jahr 1739, da wir auf vieler Verlangen und wunsch
das Leben und Wunder-Wercke des Heiligen Colomanni in unser mutter -
sprach heraus zu geben ganglich entschlossen waren einen neuen versuch
au den obern offtgemeldten Closter zu'Loven gethan . . . Darauf haben
wir endlich ein sehr hoffJicher schreiben von dem Hockwurdigen Pater
Antonio MacCarthy des Irlandischen Minoriten Closters zu Loven Vor-
sterer glUcklich erhalten nebst einen Auszug von den Leben unseis
Heiligen Colomamri,&.c," — (Deppisch, Geschichte des St. Colomanni, pige38.)
676 St. Caiman, Patron of Lower Austria.
was a son of King Malcolm III. and of St. Margaret of
Scotland.
" We must now [he writes] bring forward proofs that cannot
be contradicted to show that the native land of our glorious
patron is no other than the kingdom of Ireland, and that he was
born and bred an Irishman. The oldest and the strongest is to
be found in that ancient chronicle of the Austrian Margraves of
Babenberg, which a learned priest, named Aloldus of Bechlarn,
composed in the year 1063, and which the illustrious Father
Jerome Hanthaler, annalist of the Monastery of Lilienfeld,
accidentally discovered, about three years ago, in the library of
Maria-Zell, in Austria, to the great honour and profit of historical
studies in our country.1 The next is that of Thomas Ebendorfer
von Haselbach, a canon of the Cathedral of Vienna, teacher of
Holy Scriptures, and celebrated Austrian historian, who lived in
the time of the Emperors Albert and Frederick III. This learned
author, amongst other valuable works, has left us a long and
beautiful eulogium3 of St. Colman, in which he tells us that ' God
sent us from Ireland, which is situated at the extreme end of the
world, a saint who was to be the intercessor and advocate of our
whole nation, and who would teach us by his example to despise
all earthly things, and seek only those which lead to heaven.' '
The author further quotes several passages from chronicles
and annals kept in different parts of Germany, many of
which are to be found collected by Father Jerome Fez, the
famous librarian of Moelck, and editor3 of two of the most
valuable collections of historical documents ever published
in Europe.4 It would, indeed, be a mere waste of time and
space to dwell further on a matter which is universally
admitted.
i "Pius Dei famulis Cholomannus ex Hibernia peregrinus adveniens
ut iret in Hierosolimam Domini nostri Salvatoris sanguine rigatain ignotus
habitu et lingua ab imprudente plebe hujus provinciae pro exploratore
Hungarorum vel Bohemorum suspectus, apud Stockerowe post multa tor-
menta cum duobus latronibus suspensus est Decimo sexto Kalendas
August!."
2 " Congruum est, dilectissimi, in hodierna festivitate beati Cholomanni,
Martyris et Patriae Nostrae, scilicet Austriae, Patroni Specialis, Deo
devotos esse et sibi gratias agere, quia de ultimis finibus terrae. scilicet
Hiberniae, nobis destinavit amicum sumn ut ipse pro nobis apud eum esset
intercessor et advocatus et ut suo exemplo despiciamus cuncta terrena et
festinemus ad bona coelestia nunquam deficientia "— (Deppisch, GescUchte
des Heiligen Colomttnni, pages 16, 17.)
» Thesaurus Anecdotorum Noviaisinms, 4 vols., fol. ; and Her urn AuKtria-
carum Scriptorea, 2 vols., fol.
4 See also Erchinfried's account in the CommentcmQrum. of Lambesius,
lib. li., chap. 8. Erchinfried was abbot of Molck.
St. Caiman-, Patron of Lower Austria/. 677
St. Colman seems to have belonged to some distinguished
family in Ireland, and was, possibly, as Ward suggested, son
of Malachy, high king of Ireland, who lived towards the end
of the tenth century. He was accompanied by a servant,
Gothalmus, on his pilgrimage to Jerusalem ; and is usually
spoken of as having made great worldly sacrifices in order to
devote himself entirely to the service^ of God.1 The pilgrim's
road to Jerusalem, in these days, lay through Austria,
Hungary, and Turkey ; and as it happened the throne of
the Holy Boman Empire was then occupied by the pious
Henry II. and his saintly queen, Cunigunde. St. Stephen
was king of Hungary, and the province of Austria was
governed by the wise and prudent Margrave, Henry of
Bahenberg. Great political troubles disturbed all these
countries at the time we write about ; for the Austrians
were beginning to assume that supremacy over their neigh-
bours which they vindicated under several chiefs of the
young Bahenberg dynasty, and have maintained to the pre-
sent day under the time-honoured aegis of the Hapsburgs.
When St. Colman arrived in the midst of their province, in
the year 1014, it was overrun by soldiers from Hungary,
Bohemia, and Poland. The minds of the people were
greatly excited ; and. when they found a stranger amongst
them, ignorant of their language, and hurrying on from one
village to another, they came to the conclusion that he was
a foreign spy, seeking information and an opportunity to '
betray them to their enemies. It was in vain that the poor
pilgrim protested his innocence, kissed his crucifix, and
pointed towards the east. What was regarded by them
as hypocrisy only enraged them the more. A cruel and
infuriated mob laid hold of him in the village of Stockerau,
and led him out to a neighbouring wood, where they bound
him hand and foot, and hung him from a gibbet, erected
specially for the purpose. Nor were they satisfied with the
1 " Cum beatissimus Martyr Christi Colomannus patriam suani Scotiam
dominumque terrenum sive regnum praedictum pro amore et regno
Christi relinquere disposiiissit." — (From Life of St. Gothalmus, by Bernardus
Darjifer.) See also Johannes Nanclerus, Chronogr., vol. ii. ; and Wolfgang
Lazius, De Migrations Gentium, lib. viii., page 420.
678 St. Colman, Patron of Lower Austria.
cruel death which they decreed to the servant of God. They
had recourse to other refinements of barbarism, which even
at this distance are enough to make one shudder.1 They
scourged him with whips before his execution ; they applied
burning irons to his body while he was struggling for life ;
and they tore and lacerated his flesh till he had scarcely the
human shape. The author of the hymn2 which was sung
in his honour in the Middle Ages accurately describes the
nature of his torture : —
" Scilices, ignita ova,
Flagra tibi, vulnera
Imprimebant, nee non nova
Tormentorum genera.
Carnes tuas vellicabant
Forcipe ferrarrii ;
Ossa tua lacerabant
Serra carpentarii."
When the evil work was done, its authors hurried off to
some kindred task, and so little thought did they bestow on
the poor victim they left hanging in the wood that their
crime seems to have passed without any special notice ;
for it was only a few years afterwards that some of the
inhabitants of Stockerau were startled at the sight which
they beheld at the spot where the saint had suffered.3
There was the gibbet still ; but fresh leaves had grown from
1 The manner and surroundings of the saint's death are thus described
by Erchenfried : —
" vSed fortissiinus athleta Cholomannus qui solvi et esse cum Christo
cupiebat, acria tormentorum flagra, lapides ovaque f ortiter ignita, canden-
tem quoque forcipem qua quidam perversus malleator corpus ejus
miserabiliter vellenJo cruciavit ; serram etiam qua crura ejus lacerabantur
coustanter praesidio Christi innixus nullificavit. Carnifices vero videntes
invictam viri Dei constantiam, animam ejus tormentis sicut aurum quod
in fornace probatur, excoctam extorsere suspendio."
2Mone's Lateinishe Hymnen des M'Melalters, vol. iii., page 253.
3 " Ita capitali sententia in eum prolata, de robore suspensus vitam
rdem in stipite exhalavit, sed multis pendens adhuc prodigiis innocentiam
laravit; nam et palus qui furcam sustinebat, laeta fronde vernare
vestirique flore coepit et coma quoque verticis et barbitium prolixe excrevit .
Corpus quamyis per sesqui annum penderet nulla tabe vel labe corruptum
conspiciebatur quin et terrae postea principis imperio mandatum, illaesum
perinde humi atque sublime permansit aliaque haud parva sanctitatis signa
prodidit, quae viri Deo gratissimi gloriam illustrarunt." — (Bavaria Sancta,
vol. iii., page 112.)
Si. Caiman, Patron of Lower Austria. 670
the dry wood, and flowers that gave forth a fragrant perfume
had blossomed from the beam. There was still the body
of the saint hanging in the air : but it was whole and
uncorrupted.
" Mire fragrans, indestructus
Permanens biennio."
The birds of the air had respected the temple of so pure
a soul. The hair and beard had grown down over the
pilgrim's frock, and a smile of heavenly peace and forgiveness
seemed to light up the countenance of the victim. The
people were struck with amazement when they witnessed
the spectacle. They began to fear that the vengeance of
God would overtake them and punish them for the crime
that was perpetrated in their midst. The clergy were at
once informed of the prodigy, and the remains of the saint
were reverently taken away and placed in the church of
Stockerau, where wonderful miracles testified to the sanctity
of the murdered pilgrim.
An account of all these strange occurrences soon reached
the ears of Henry, Margrave of Austria, who was greatly
struck by all he heard, and proceeded to make a careful
investigation into the whole history. When he was satisfied
of the undoubtedly genuine nature of all the events
narrated, he called together the bishops and clergy of the
country, and had the body of St. Colman transferred to the
important town of Moelck, where he himself resided.1
There, in the Church of the Benedictine Abbey, it remains
to this day,2 surrounded by the veneration and love of a
whole country. A rich mausoleum in Corinthian style is
erected over the shrine of the saint. "Justus ut palma
florebit " is written near its summit, and " Sepulchrum
1 " Hie Martyr Dei Cholomannus destinatus est ab Hainrico Marchione
digniori sepulchre et magna cum celebritate, ipso comitante translatus est
in Ecclesiam Medelik III. id Octobris."
2 A short time after the remains. of the saint were transferred to
Moelck, the King of Hungary took possession of them, and carried
them away for awhile, but they were duly recovered by the people of
Austria. Poppo, Bishop of Treves, arranged the first transfer; but
Providence evidently destined the saint to be the patron and protector of
Austria.
686 St. Colman, Patron of Lower Austria.
Sancti Colomanni Martyris," indicates the contents of the
shrine. Here pilgrimages still come from all parts of Austria,
and the glories of the saint are heard in the strong German
tongue.
" Himmels, Erden, Meeres Herr !
Was Gutes je dein Hand gemacht,
Nihm't all's zu dir sein Widerkehr,
Wie aller strohmen Schnelle tracht
Zum grossen See der Welt.
Siehe ! wie sein Meer sucht ein Bach
Sanct. Colmann, Konig, Inland's Licht
Der durch so viele lander brach
Und semen Schwellen Lauf gericht
Eilend in das Heileg Land."
Churches were dedicated to him at Stockerau, Moelck,
Laab, Aggstein, Vienna, Abenthull, Eysgarn, Aichabrunn,
St. Veit, Steyer, Lebenan, Berlach, and many other places.
A stone that was marked with the blood of the saint was
brought by Rudolf IV. to Vienna, where it may still be seen
in one of the walls of the Cathedral of St. Stephan.1 This
same illustrious duke had an elaborate cross manufactured,
in which he had large relics of St. Colman encased, and
surrounded by the relics of other saints. This precious
memorial of princely faith is still to be seen in the treasury
of Moelck, with an inscription2 bearing testimony to the
motives and object of the donor.
The learned Johannes Stabius, biographer of the
Emperor Maximilian I., wrote an elegant poem in praise
of the saint, commencing with the lines : —
" Austriae Sanctus canitur patronus,
Fulgidum sidus radians ab alto,
Scoticae gentis Colomanus acer
Eegia proles."
It is curious, that although St. Colman could not be said
i u \\Tyennae ad Sanctum Stephanuin in latere januae versus curiam
Praepositi Wyennensis inclusus est unus lapis in quo litteris aereis scriptura
sequens insculpta est. Hie est lapis super quern effusus est sanguis ex
serratione tibiarum Sancti Colomanni Martyris quern hue collocavit
111. Dom. liudolfus IV., Dux Austriae II."
2 "Rudolf us Dei gratia Achidux Austriae et Carinthiae, Dominus
Carniolae, Marchiae Portriaonis, Comes Habsburg, Veretis, Kyburg et
Athasis, Marchio Burgundiae et Landgravius Alsatiae me fieri feet in
honorem Sancti Colomanni."
St. Colman, Patron of Lower Austria. 681
to have been put to death in odium fidei, yet, on account
of the violent character of his execution, he is generally
regarded as a martyr. Not only do all the early writers of
Austria itself, but also the learned Baronius, and several
Popes speak of him as a martyr. His, however, is not the
only case in which custom has sanctioned a title which
technically belongs by right only to those who give their
lives for Christ as witnesses to the truth.
Several Popes conferred rich indulgences on all who
would visit with the proper dispositions, the shrine of the
great national patron. Those granted by Innocent IV.,
Honorius IV., Boniface VIII., Clement VI., Boniface IX.,
Benedict XIV., and by a great number of bishops, arch-
bishops, and the Patriarch of Constantinople, are enumerated
by Father Deppisch, in the admirable work on St. Colmaii,
to which we have already made frequent allusion. It is but
right to add that Gothalmus, the faithful companion and
servant of Colman, who shared with his master the hard-
ships of the journey and his cruel death, shares likewise in
his glory ; for he, too, is honoured as a saint, and his memory
is faithfully cherished, and can never be dissociated from that
of his master. Father Deppisch gives a full description of
the solemnities that were celebrated in his time at Moelck
and in other Austrian churches, in honour of St. Colman.
We understand that they have lost nothing of their impres-
siveness and popularity in later times, and that they are
always attended by some representative of the royal
Hapsburgs, who regard St. Colman as one of the most
faithful protectors of their own interests, and of those of
their people.
J. F. HOGAN.
[ 682 ]
THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE PENTATEUCH
PART I.
" Thy Word is tried to the uttermost,
And Thy servant loveth it."— Ps. cxviii. 140.
FROM the earliest centuries has the Church been harassed
by heresies, but in these latter times the Reformation has
taken theology out of the province of the Church, has given the
upper hand to reason, and has made faith subservient to it,
setting up individual reason as the basis of man's belief. The
Bible has been reduced to the level of an ordinary book, and
to this, as forming the groundwork of the Christian
religion, have the rationalists turned their attention. The
Pentateuch, inasmuch as it is the first part of Scripture,
has had to bear the brunt of these attacks.
As, however, the Church has always come forth
triumphant from the attacks of heretics ; as the system of
Catholic Dogma has, by the gradual press of circumstances,
become rnors explicitly defined ; so, too, have the books of
Holy Writ been more diligently weighed, become more
thoroughly understood, and risen superior to the attacks
of their assailants. In fact, the more the Catholic religion
has been assailed, the more fully do we behold its per-
manent integrity, its ever-youthful vigour. That religion
is revealed to us in Scripture. The more, then, "neo-
logical scepticism " casts doubts on Holy Writ, the more do
we revere and esteem the sacred writings, seeing in them a
work to which all attacks have not proved harmful.
The Pentateuch forms the foundation on which was built
the Jewish Law — a law which was but the type and pre-
figuration of the religion of Redemption. The five books
of Moses have come down to us through all these ages
uninjured, intact, and unaltered substantially, by means of a
divinely -protected channel. Our faith in the veracity of
Moses must, then, remain firm till such time as rationalists
and historico-critical investigation can prove the preposter-
ousness of our belief in the divinely-inspired book. This it
never has done, and, what is more, never will do.
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 683
True, numberless works have been written denying not
merely the inspiration of Scripture, but even the very
existence of such a person as Moses. Hengstenberg,
Ch. Havernick, Keil, Natali, Ubaldi, and others of equal
erudition, have written defending the authenticity of the
Books of Moses ; and the doubts that have been cast, and
the objections raised, have again and again received crush-
ing retorts. Heedless of these, other critics boldly renew
their attacks, and continue to broach their opinions, as
though they were the most evident of facts. It is, moreover,
surprising to notice the dogmatic way in which they speak.
Kuenen,1 for instance, speaks of his " Deutero-Isaias," the
" priestly Leviticus," the "prophetical Deuteronomy," the
"Kedactor" of this or that book — all mere figments of his
own imagination — as if these opinions were historical facts
which had gained for themselves universal credence.
Moreover, one cannot help remarking the utter triviality
their arguments not unfrequently betray. Colenso, for
example, charges the Pentateuch with inaccuracy, because,
in saying that six hundred thousand armed Hebrews came
out of Egypt, it employs a " round number." Is then a
Another example will show the dogmatism to which the "critics"
have recourse. In the Hibbert Lectures (1882), Professor Kuenen
expresses himself on " Yahwism," as he calls it, or the national religion of
the Jews, to the following effect : — "Yahweh [thus he writes Jehovah] is
a national god or deity as conceived by the Jews. In the time of Josiah
and the Pontiff Hilakiah, the Deuteronomic Thorah is introduced, and the
Prophetic Yahwism or Prophetic Universalism is enforced. The champions of
this universal religion are the pre-exilian prophets as Micha, Isaia, Jeremiah,
and the * Deutero-lsaia ' — the spiritual son of Jeremiah (sic). There are,
however, two parties, the prophets who preach Yahwism as an universal
religion, and who, predicting the influx of the Gentile world to the fold of
Yahweh, are rejected and persecuted by the other party, the adherents of
which believe in Yahwism as a strictly national Judaism. In the course of
time a new phenomenon occurs ; Ezechiel sets forth the plan, Ezra and
Nehemiah produce the priestly legislation, or the priestly Leviticus, and
national Yahwism is established. The priests of Yahweh, from Ezekiel to
Ezra, see their attempt crowned with complete success. Now it is that
the Levitical Laws form one nation for one religion, and one religion for
one nation, with the temple as the only place of worship." This, we believe,
to be the sum of Dr. Kuenen's scheme of Yahwism ; and we cannot but
wonder at the arbitrary and dogmatic way in which Dr. Kuenen asserts as
Bible fact what cannot be proved from the Bible. A short reference will
be made to Yahwism in Part III. of the present essay.
684 'fhe AutJienticity of the Pentateuch.
11 round number " so totally inaccurate ? Thirteen months
later this number is stated quite definitely in the census,
made by Moses of persons of twenty years and above who
were able to bear arms, thus :-- niWorn D^b* nwbw *£»
niND'iyiy D^'Dm (603, 550). Besides, we must remark that
in Exod. xii. 37, to which Colenso refers, Moses did not
commit himself to a definite figure, but says tzwp (kashlsh)
" about six, &c.," using the modifier 3 (ka), " about."
Against those who oppose the Mosaic authorship of the
Pentateuch, it is our intention to treat the following
theses: —
I. Moses, the leader and lawgiver of the Hebrews, is the
author of the Pentateuch.
II. The hypothesis of " fragments," or of divers docu-
ments existing before the time of Moses, which he employs
in compiling the Pentateuch, has no foundation.
III. The Pentateuch has suffered no change, but is the
same as that committed to writing by Moses.
THESIS I. — MOSES IS THE AUTHOR OF PENTATEUCH
Before entering on our thesis, it seems advisable to
premise that at one time the very existence of such a person
as Moses was called into question.1 But so completely
has this been disproved that the most advanced of Biblical
critics2 can no longer doubt the fact. The testimony of
1 Voltaire, for example, concluded that, because (as he said) Moses was
not mentioned by any of the ancient writers, " all the world before
Ptolemy Philadelphus was ignorant of Moses.'' In reply, we may answer
that Manetho is fragmentary ; that the history of Egypt previous to
Ptolemy Philadephus is conjectural ; that the writings of Hermes
Trismegistus are apocryphal. Strabo, however, did know Moses. Diodorus
Siculus (1. i. Biblioth.) says : " Moses lived among the Hebrews, left to
them the law of the God Jao, from whom he had received it." Photius
also quotes this last author in reference to the Exodus, and tells how
" Moses divided the people into twelve companies (turmae), and gave . . .
a law opposite to that of the existing nations," &c.
2 We may here mention that Biblical criticism is of two kinds : —
Critica Sublimior, which seriously attacks the integral authority or the
authenticity of the Holy Scripture, and which has as its object of criticism
the human and historical composition of the Bible, as well as its divine
and canonical authorship ; Critica Verbalis, which criticizes the style and
literature of Holy Writ.
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 685
pagan historians,1 the constant belief of both Jew and
Christian, place beyond all doubt the fact that such a person
as Moses did live, so that the most ardent advocates of
Biblical criticism are fain to concede this point. Dr. Driver,
who may be taken as a very advanced Biblical critic, is
willing to grant not merely the historical existence of Moses,
but even to admit that the Israelitish law originated with
him.2
The fact of the existence of Moses being satisfactorily
granted, let us endeavour to gain a short insight into the
history and nature of this controversy, and, in the first
place, of the various contentions of our opponents. The
Nazarenes in the first centuries rejected the Pentateuch as
" fictitious" — an assertion which was ably combated by
St. Epiphanius. The author of the Clementines, contended
that the Mosaic authorship of these books was an impos-
sibility. We must pass over the opinions of Ptolemy, the
Manicheans, and others, remarking en passant that the
assertion of the Bogomils, that the Pentateuch was composed
at the instigation of the devil, /car enrivoiav rov aarava
a-vyypatyevTa, was condemned per se by the traditions of Jew
and Christian alike.
In the middle ages two celebrated Eabbis appeared,
expressing their doubts whether the whole Pentateuch was
the work of Moses. Isaac Ben Jasos (eleventh century),
1 For instance, Strabo says : — MQ2H2 yap n? ' Alywrriuv icpeov
T\ pepos TTJS Ka\ovfJL€i>rjs \copas, anfipev €/cetore evBcv deSua^epafas ra
Kai avvf^TJpav aura) TroXXoi Tip.a)VTes TO delov. *E<j)r) yap €<eivos Kal eSifiacrKf v,
CDS OVK opflSts (f>povoifv AlyvTTTtoi Orjpiois flica^ovTes Kal jSotrKT^atri TO ddov, &C.
(Strabonis, Geograph., lib. xvL, c. ii. ; Syria, pp. 372-373.)
See also the first volume of Alex. Natalis, in which a long list of
ancient profane writers who speak of Moses is given.
2 "The 'Law of Moses5 is, indeed, frequently spoken of [in O. T.],
and it is unquestioned that Israelitish law did originate with him." Driver,
Introd. to the Literal, of the O. T., third edition, 1892, page 118, footnote.
Again : " It cannot lie doubled that Moses was the ultimate founder of both the
national and the religious life of Israel {Cornp. Wellh., Hint., pp. 434-438 f.,
endorsed by Keunen, Th.T., 1883, page 199) ; and that he provided his people
not only with at least the nucleus of a system of civil ordinances . . . but
also with some system of ceremonial observances. ... It in reasonable to
suppose that the teaching of Moses on these subjects is preserved, in its
least modified form, in the Decalogue and the Ark of the Covenant,"
(Ex. xx. 23.)— (JW., #., pp. 144-5.)
686 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
quoted by Iben Ezra (twelfth century), maintained that the
fragment concerning the Kings of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 31, sqq.)
was inserted in the reign of Jehosophat, King of Judah.
Iben Ezra opposed this opinion, but in his Commentary on
the Pentateuch expressed doubts as to the genuineness of
Gen. xii. 6, xxvi. 14, Deut. 1. i., iii. 2, and xxxiv., but he
admitted the rest to be from the pen of Moses.
These doubts, though condemned by the Jews, presented
a line of criticism which has been taken up by Calastodius,
Thomas Hobbes, Isaac Peyreruis, Spinosa and Clericus,
who sought to destroy the authenticity of the Pentateuch,
and in whose steps have followed the modern rationalists,
such as Rich. Simon, Vater, De Wette, Ammon, Hartman,
Knobel, Ewald, Gesenius, Geddes, S. Davidson, Colenso,
and others. In our own days, Dr. Driver, Kuenen, and
others ably represent the most advanced class of Biblical
critics ; and their knowledge of Scripture lore, as well as
the philological acumen would gain for them the highest
praise, were it not for the direction in which they extend
their learning. But it is now high time to come to our
thesis, which will stand thus :—
Whatever has been universally accepted as authentic
and true, must continue to gain for itself credence
until sufficient evidence has been adduced to disprove the
authenticity. It is our intention to prove that the Books
of Moses have been considered authentic, and that evidence
sufficient has not been adduced to a contrary effect.
And, firstly, we shall consider the external arguments.
1. The tradition of the Hebrews, and the history of their
nation, tells us that, by universal consent, has not only the
giving of the Thorah, but the actual composition of it, been
ascribed to Moses ; and under his name to this present day
it is read in their synagogues. A tradition equally ancient,
and opposed to this, would neutralize the effect of this
argument ; but such cannot be adduced.
2. In the Hebrew canon the books of Moses are named
after the nature of their subject-matter : minn (hathorah),
the " Thorah," or Law. In the subsequent books of the Old
and New Testament they are spoken of as rninn IDD (sepher
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 687
hathorah), " Book of the Law," or " Book of the Law of
God," or nitfD -JDD (sepher mosheh), " Book of Moses,"
or simply Thorah. References are so many, that we omit
them for brevity's sake. The books of Moses are not only
prior to the other books of the Old Testament, but these
latter are quite inexplicable without the aid of the former,
which formed not only the rule and standard of the theo-
cratic life of Israel, but also the basis of all the subsequent
literature of the Jews. Consequently we may expect to find
in the succeeding books frequent reference to the Pentateuch.
And such is in reality the case.
The Book of Josue not only constantly refers to the
books of Moses, but mentions expressly " The Book of the
Law of Moses" (Jos. viii. 31). The Books of Judges and
Ruth exhibit the Hebrews living under the law, and suffer-
ing the penalties resulting from the infraction of the Mosaic
constitution. De Wette and others assert that Judges
contains no reference to the Mosaic works — a statement
quite at variance with the plain facts of the case. To
exemplify: the address of the angel of Jehovah (Jud. ii. 1,
et sqq.) is entirely compiled from the Pentateuch ; while
the first two clauses of verse 2 are word for word from
Exod. xxxiv. 12, 13, and other places. The promise made
to Gideon (vi. 16) is a repetition of that made to Moses
(Exod. iii. 12). Jeptha's negotiation with the King of
Ammon (xi. 15, et sqq.) presupposes chapters xx. and xxi. of
Numbers, as also Numbers v. 14, 21. The angel of Jehovah
promises a son to the wife of Menoah in the words which
the angel spoke to Hagar ; and even the unusual word
(yoladt), taken from Gen. xvi. 11, has been retained.1 More-
over, we find that the people have one national sanctuary —
the Tabernacle — and that the ritual of worship is in entire
conformity with the Mosaic law ; lastly, that the author (or
authors) of these books judge the piety or impiety of their
rulers, the merits and demerits of the people, entirely
according to the standard of the Thorah. The prophetical
1 Conf. Keil's Introd. to the 0. T., translated by Douglas, vol. i.,
pages 165, 166.
688 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
and poetical books also so absolutely presuppose tbe exist-
ence of the Pentateuch, that without it they are inexplicable.
Let us make a rapid survey of the books of the Old
Testament, and we shall readily perceive their dependence
on the Mosaic books. The books of Samuel (Kings i. and ii.
are so named in the Hebrew canon) do not directly mention
the Law, yet refer so frequently to it, and quote so often
from it, that we cannot but recognise the testimony they
afford. Mention of the Tabernacle, the " ark of the cove-
nant,'' the priests, the consultation of God by the Urim-
Thumim of the high priest, connected with the " ephod " —
all these tend to prove the pre-existence of the Pentateuch.
If the Pentateuch had not been in the ark, in the possession
of Samuel and of the priests, how could we explain the
following facts?— Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 33) exterminates the
wizards, in accordance with the injunction of Deut. xviii.
10, 11 ; he confirms the prohibition of eating the blood,
according to Gen. ix. 4, and Lev. iii. 17 ; 1 Sam. ii. 13 is
almost word for word1 the same as Deut. xviii. 3 ; the
speech of Samuel (xv. 29) bears unmistakable reference to
Num. xxiii. 19. In the election of the king, the Hebrew
expressions, referring to Deut. xvii. 14, are so similar that,
as Hengstenberg truly remarks, " had the law of the Lord
not been lying before the ark, Samuel would scarcely have
thought of laying this writing here." The destruction of
the Amalekites strongly favours our contention of the pre-
existence of the Pentateuch, since Samuel must have been
acquainted with Exod. xvii. 8, et sqq., and Deut. xxv. 17, 19.
Subsequent books abound, not,indeed,in indirect references
to, but in actual quotations from, the Pentateuch. David, in
his dying moments, gives his last charge to Solomon : " I
am going the way of all flesh . . . keep the charge of thy
Lord thy God to walk in all His ways, and observe His
ceremonies and His precepts, and judgments and testimo-
nies, as it is written in the Laiv of Moses" (1 Kings ii. 1, 4).
These ceremonies, precepts, &c., evidently refer to the
entire code of the lawr, which is dispersed throughout the
1 In this and similar passages we refer, of course, to the Hebrew text*
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 689
Whole of the Pentateuch, and which is inseparably com-
mingled with the historical portions of this work. The
existence of the Pentateuch at the time of David is clearly
proved by these words ; for, as already said, the Jews were
accustomed to call the Books of Moses by the simple
term, " Thorah," or "Law."
The Psalms, too, speak of the glory of Israel springing
from the observance of the law, and some of the later psalms
repeat briefly almost the whole story written by Moses.
Solomon's prayer at the dedication of the temple is a
commentary on the law, and especially on the blessings and
curses set forth in Levit. xxvi. We may ask, en passant,
how does Dr. Kuenen reconcile with this fact his statements
that Leviticus was composed in the time of Esdras. Again,
the Proverbs of Solomon are the production of a mind which
had deeply pondered over the Law of Moses. In the
last Book of Kings (xxi. 8) we meet the words, " accord-
ing to the law of My servant Moses." To pass over
Kings and Paralipomenon, the incident of King Amasiah
(2 Paral. xxv. 3, 5) shows the acquaintance of the author
with the Law of Moses- We are told how he put to death
the assassins of his father, but spared their children, thus
acting in perfect accordance with what is prescribed in
Deut. xxiv. 16. The great feast of the Passover is fully
described in Exod. xxi. ; Levit. xxiii. ; and Num. xxvii ;
whereas the account in Deut. xvi, 1, 8, is very concise and
insufficient of itself. Now, in the time of Hezechiah
(2 Paral. xxx.) we find the feast celebrated " according to the
disposition and law of Moses, the man of God " — a thing
which could scarcely have been done without an intimate
acquaintance with the Books of Exod., Levit., and Numbers.
The codex of Thorah found in the temple by the High
Priest Helekiah under Josiah is thought by some1 to
have been the Book of Deuteronomy, but it is highly
probable that is was the actual MS. written by the hand of
Moses. In 4 Kings xxii. and xxiii. it is spoken of as
1 Hibbert Lectures, 1882.
2 Natali, vol. i., on The Pentateuch.
VOL. XV. 2 X
B90 'The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
"the book of the law" (verse 8), " the words of the law of
the Lord" (verse ii.) ; but in 2 Paral. xxxiv. 14, it is distinctly
called " the book of the law by the hand of Moses."
Space will not permit us to follow the history of the
Pentateuch through all the succeeding books, but we must
briefly mention that the only time the Pentateuch could,
with any degree of probability, suffer mutilation would be
at the time of the Captivity. But there is every reason
to conclude such was not the case. Jeremiah gave the
Thorah to the brethren as they were going into exile, that
they might not forget the precepts of the Lord (2 Mace. ii. 2).
And again, after the return to Jerusalem, we find the people
begging Esdras (2 Esd. viii. 1) not, indeed, to re-write the
Scriptures, but to bring the Book of the Law of Moses —
doubtless the whole Pentateuch.
A further confirmation of our thesis is to be found in the
words of our Lord and His Apostles. Christ tells the Jews
that their disbelief in, and rejection of Him was condemned
by what Moses had said of Him : — *' For if you did believe
Moses, you would perhaps believe Me, for he wrote of Me"
(John v. 46). Evidently our Lord does not here refer
merely to the legal portions of the Pentateuch, rather indeed
to the prophetical parts. Gen. iii. 15, " ipsa conteret caput
tuurn," is certainly prophetic; nor can objection be raised
on the word " ipsa," because the Hebrew Nin (hu') may
mean either "he" or " she,"1 and thus St. Paul explains it
(Colos. ii. 15 ; Heb. ii. 14 ; Kom. xvi. 20).
Another Messianic prophecy occurs in the same book,
Gen. xlix, 10 :" The sceptre shall not be taken away from
Judah . . . till Shiloah (qui mittendus est) come, and He
shall be the expectation of nations."2 The Chaldean
Paraphrase, the Talmud, K. Selmoch, and K. Kimchi, all
concur in calling this a prophecy of the Messiah.
The prophecy in Deut. xviii. 15, " The Lord thy God
will raise up to thee a prophet . . . like unto me ; Him shalt
1 The Septuugint uses avror, he.
2 The appositeness to the Messiah of the word Shiloh, or Shiloach,
requires a detailed comment : cf. Revue tiiblique. Aug. 1893, L'exeq&se en Orient
, page 179.
'The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 691
thou hear," has been referred by some to Josue or Caleb ;
but the text of Deut , xxxiv. is at variance with this. Nor
can any prophet of Israel be said to be really comparable
with Moses ; rather, then, must it be taken as a prediction
relating to Christ.1 To such prophecies must we understand
Christ Himself to refer. It must further be noticed that to
the time of Christ these predictions were all understood
by the Jews as relating to the coming of the Messiah.
St. Philip's words (John i. 45), " We have found Him of
whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write,"
evidently attest this belief among the Jews. Notice, too,
that the word *' law " is placed in contradistinction to the
prophets (nebiim), and plainly signifies the Pentateuch.
In Acts xvi. 21, and 2 Cor. iii. 15, we have a reference to
the custom of reading the Scriptures in the synagogues, and
the reference to Moses distinctly means the whole work of
Moses or the Pentateuch. Eepeatedly in the New Testa-
ment do we find the words "the law" or "the book of
Moses," and we have already seen that this can signify the
Pentateuch only, and in this acceptation it is used by the
writers of the New Testament. Certainly, the Evangelists,
and most certainly a scholar, such as was St. Paul, were
as well acquainted with the Hebrew tongue as are the
writers of the present day ; yet, nowhere do we gather
that they perceived in the Pentateuch a difference of style-
that favourite theme of the rationalists.
Besides what we read in the books of the Jewish canon,
there is a further confirmation of our thesis to be found in
the Pentateuch of the Samaritans. This codex, written in
the ancient Hebrew characters, is pre-exilian, and probably
dates back to the seventh century B.C., when the priest came
from Assyria to instruct the Samaritans. Now, these latter
attributed the whole Pentateuch to Moses. A theory has
been propounded, that to Manashi (Manassi) — the deprived
priest who built, by permission of Alexander the Great,
the temple on Mount Gerizim — the authorship of this codex
is to be attributed ; but this opinion has been exploded.
iComp. Eusebius, 1. 3, Demons. Evang.} ch. ii. ; Natalis, Hist. Eccles.,
t. i., page 3 ; and St. Peter's sermon, Acts iii.
692 The Authenticity 'of the
There are, indeed, some slight variations between the Hebrew
and Samaritan Pentateuchs ; we, however, incline to the
opinion which affirms that the Samaritan text remained
unaltered, while the Hebrew text suffered some slight
changes, which remained when Esdras edited it. Walton
thinks that these variations may be explained.1 Before
concluding the external arguments, which prove the reason-
ableness of our contention, let us review in brief a few of the
objections raised against Mosaic authorship.
Kichard Simon2 contended that Moses is the author not of
the whole Pentateuch, but only of the law contained therein.3
He further broached the opinion that the books of Moses are
but a compilation of a somewhat confused nature, from
various independent writings of the annalists, to whom
Moses had committed the writing of his history ; he further
supposed that Moses derived his narration of the Creation,
and of the ages previous to his own time, either from ancient
documents in his possession, or from oral tradition.
Clericus maintained that various passages (e.g., Gen.
xii.6 ; xiv. 4 ; xxxv. 21 ; xl. 15), and the geographical notices
(Gen. ii. 12, and x.), were interpolations of a much later
period ; later he said, that the Pentateuch was the work of
the priest who was sent to Samaria from Assyria to teach
the Assyro-Israelitish colony. However, Clericus himself
saw the untenableness of such views, and in his Commentary,
published in 1693, retracted these opinions, claiming for
Moses the whole authorship of the Pentateuch, with but
the exception of some few parts which he considered
interpolated. Vater's endeavours were directed to prove
that the Pentateuch was not written by Moses, nor even in
his time. De Wette remodelled the work of Vater, and
affirmed that some portions of the Pentateuch were com-
posed in the time of David, and that the whole volume
as such dates back not further than the time of Josiah,
just shortly before the captivity. In his second work, he-
qualifies the history of Moses and the giving of the law
1 Cf. Walton's Proleg., xi., No. 9.
2 Oratorian of Paris, seventeenth century.
3 Hist. Grit, du Vieux Tent., ch. ii.
Lamennais. 693
as unauthentic and unliistorical ; at a subsequent time,
however, he modified these opinions, maintained the three-
fold redaction of the Hexateuch — Elohistic, Jehovistic, and
Peuteronomic — and admitted the greater part of the legal
sections as Mosaic and genuine.
There are others who say that the testimony of the
subsequent writers refers to the Mosaic authorship of the
law only ; to such we reply that the " law," as such, is not
a separate treatise comprised in one volume by itself; that
it is so combined with and fused into the whole, that its
removal renders the entire volume disjointed and discon-
nected. Moreover, it frequently happens that a volume
receives its name from the main theme of the whole
argument, as already stated. Now the name " Thorah "
(law) is applied to the whole Pentateuch, because the law
is explained in these books ; so that in the usus loquendi of
the Hebrews the word Thorah had a force equivalent to
the later name, Pentateuch. But of these and other
objections, more will be said in a subsequent part of our
article.
D. BENJAMIN.
(To be continued.)
LAMENNAIS x
JUST sixty years have passed since the memorable attempt
to link Catholicism with Liberalism was condemned by
Pope Gregory XVI.2 Lamennais, Lacordaire, Montalembert,
and other noble spirits, disgusted with the servile position
to which the Church in France had been reduced by the
Concordat, boldly advocated the entire separation of Church
1 (1) (Euvres completes. 12 tomes. Paris, 1836. (2) (Euvres postliumcs.
6 tomes. Paris, 1855. (3) (Euvres inedites. 2 tomes. Paris, 1866.
(4) Lamennais. Par E. Spuller. (5) VEcole Menaisienne. Par Mgr. Ricard.
4 tomes. (6) Nouveaux Lundis, Portraits Contemporaivt. Par C. A.
Sainte-Beuve.
"Jfincycl, Singular} nos, July 15th, 1834.
694 Lamennais.
and State, and maintained that the great liberties pro-
claimed by the Revolution were part and parcel of the
genuine teaching of the Church. Their views met with
strenuous opposition from the French hierarchy ; and
when, in self-defence, they appealed to Rome, the case was
decided against them. Thirty years later the hopes of
their disciples, who still looked for a reconciliation between
the Church and modern liberties, were dashed by the
publication of the Syllabus (December 8th, 1864). Another
generation has since passed away, and now a new spirit
seems to have come over the Church. We have a Pope
who is on the best of terms with republics, who preaches
religious tolerance, who advocates short hours and the living
wage. We in England have only lately lost a cardinal who
was the recognised champion of the people's rights. There
is another still living who holds a like position in the great
Republic of the West. The views of the Irish hierarchy are
too well known to require mention. Even the French bishops
are rallying to the republic ; and just a few months ago a
distinguished archbishop did not hesitate to state openly that,
though Lamennais and his party had made some mistakes,
their opponents had made many more. We know well that
the Church and her Supreme Head cannot err. Nevertheless
there is an apparent opposition between the teaching and
policy of 1834 and 1864, on the one hand, and the teaching
and policy of 1894, on the other. Our enemies do not fail
to reproach us with the contradiction. The present time,
therefore, seems to be a fitting one to examine anew the
aims and methods of Lamennais and his colleagues.
I.
Felicite Robert de la Mennais1 was twenty-two years old
when he made his first communion, and thirty-four when
he became a priest. Born at Saint-Malo, in 1782, he had
grown up amidst the excitement and confusion of the
Revolution. He lost his mother, who was of Irish extraction,
when he was so young that he could remember no more of
her than seeing her say her rosary and play the violin. It was
i In later life he signed himself " Lamennais."
Lamennais. 695
his uncle and aunt— his father's brother and his mother's
sister — who had charge of him during his early years. They
found him utterly unmanageable, but at the same time
endowed with extraordinary intelligence and an insatiable
appetite for books. La Chenaie, the country home of his
mother and his aunt, possessed a library well stocked with the
classics and theology, and the works of the eighteenth century
philosophers. Here the boy was allowed to roam at will ;
nay, he was often, to his secret delight, shut up here in
punishment for disobedience. He read everything that came
to his hand, and thus filled his mind rather than trained it.
Indeed, in spite of his great literary fame, he was never an
exact scholar. Sainte-Beuve, who knew him intimately, gives
ludicrous examples of the inaccuracy of his quotations from
the classics. On the other hand, such early familiarity
with the writings of Montaigne and Le Sage, Voltaire and
Rousseau, could not fail to produce serious results. We
are not surprised to learn that when the time for first
communion drew nigh, the priest was shocked by the
dispositions of the young candidate, and refused to recom-
mend him. Hence that event, so important in the childhood
of every Catholic, and especially of every French Catholic,
was postponed till after manhood.
Meantime the wayward lad continued his studies with
ardour. Among the ancient classics he gave most atten-
tion to Plato and Plutarch, Cicero and Tacitus. Of the
literature of his own country, Montaigne was now, and all
through life, his favourite; next came Pascal, Malebranche,
and the Port-Royalists. Bossuet and Bourdaloue taught him
eloquence ; and to Rousseau we must trace the charming
landscapes and idyllic touches which abound in his writings.
Science and mathematics also were sedulously worked
at. Finally, he applied himself to the study of modern,
languages, especially English and Italian, and became an
ardent admirer of Milton and- Dante. In spite of this
devotion to books, and though his frame was small and
delicate, he loved to be out in the open air, and to spend all
the time he could in manly exercises. As a swimmer, he
was bold even to rashness. He rode furiously over the
696 Lamennais.
wastes and heaths around La Chenaie. Fencing became a
passion with him, and stood him in good stead in a duel in
which he wounded his adversary. And while these exercises
served as an outlet for some of the passion which burned
within him, he found in music a means of soothing what he
could not expel. What would have been the fate of such
a character brought up under such circumstances, we can
only surmise. There are some vague allusions to love affairs ;
but whatever these may have been, he came soon after his
twentieth year under an influence which changed the whole
course of his life.
Felicite, or Feli, as he was generally called, had an
elder brother, Jean. Seldom have two brothers been more
unlike in disposition. Jean was the good child, who always
did what he was told, and never gave any trouble. Though
without the brilliancy of his junior, he was possessed of no
ordinary intelligence, and was equally devoted to studj^.
Mgr. de Pressigny, the last bishop of St. Malo, speedily
discerned in him the marks of a vocation, and took him
into his house to train him for the priesthood. During the
Revolution his education was continued by Abbe Viel. Jean
amply fulfilled the hopes of his early patrons. Even while
yet a deacon he began the great work which is the glory of
his name. Eeligious education had been impossible under
the Convention and the Directory. A generation was grow-
ing up without any knowledge of God or a future life-
Moreover, no means could be adopted to supply the place of
the old clergy, who were fast dying out. As soon, however,
as the Concordat became law, the young abbe opened a
school at St. Malo for young children, and soon afterwards a
high school, chiefly for those who were intended for the
priesthood. Then he turned his attention to the foundation
of schools in the neighbouring towns and villages. Though
an illness compelled him to break off his labours and retire
for some years to La Chenaie, he still continued to interest
himself in education, and was able to take up the good work
again. To extend it and secure its permanent existence
he founded the institute of " The Brothers of Christian
Instruction" for the education of boys; and a. sisterhood,
Lamennias. 697
" The Daughters of Providence," for the education of girls.
Both of these are still flourishing, and have houses, not only
in France, but in the French colonies, England, Canada, and
the United States. Their pious founder continued to direct
them for more than half a century, and at length died a holy
death at the venerable age of eighty.
It was this brother, Jean, who now came to play so
important a part in Lammenais' life. There were, no doubt,
inner causes at work tending to bring about some changes
in him. The heyday of youth was past ; he had gone
through some of the great sorrows and disappointments of
life. His duel, too, may have suggested serious thoughts.
There was his elder brother steadily advancing to the priest-
hood, and already doing good work in the world ; while he
himself was unsettled and hopeless, letting the years go by
unprofitably. He felt the need of someone to take him in
hand, and guide his steps. Who could better do this than
the loving brother who was so famed for the soundness of
his judgment and the skill of his direction ? Under such
able and tender treatment he soon began to turn religious,
and was persuaded, though with some hesitation, to make
his first Communion. Then he entered his brother's high
school at St. Malo as professor of mathematics. Jean's
illness, mentioned above, led them both to retire to La
Chenaie (1807), where they lived together in complete soli-
tude and steady reading and writing for three years. Their
studies were almost entirely ecclesiastical : the Bible, the
fathers and theologians, and the Church historians. Jean
was here the guiding spirit, and it was he who gathered
most of the material for their joint writings ; but it was the
younger who sorted and arranged this material, and gave it
the stamp of genius, without which all the elder's industry
would have been in vain. The first-fruit of their labours was
a pamphlet entitled Reflexions sur I'etat de VEglise en France
pendant le xviii6 Siecle et sur sa Situation actuelle, in which
the infidel philosophers are bitterly attacked, and the much-
needed requirements of the Church are stated with admirable
clearness and force. French critics find the style of this
little work somewhat laboured, as though the writer was not
698 Lamennais.
yet complete master of his instrument. Next came a
lengthy work, Traditions de V Institution des Eveques en
France. Here the brothers prove the divinely established
primacy of the Boman Pontiff, and endeavour to show
by a catena of authorities that it had been continuously
taught by the French Church. Such opinions were
dangerous at a time when Napoleon held the Pope a
close prisoner and filled the French sees with adherents of
the Four Gallican Articles. Accordingly, the book did not
see the light until 1814.
Meantime Lamennais had been induced to take the first
steps towards the priesthood. In 1809, he received the
tonsure and four minor orders. Beyond this, he would not
go. The subdiaconate, from which there is no going back,
terrified him. When Jean was called away to be Vicar-
General of the diocese of Saint-Brieue, his brother implored
him to stay : " Do we not owe each other more," he wrote,
" than anyone else in the world? ... I must have someone
to guide and support me ; someone who knows me, and
to whom I can tell everything. On this, it may be, my
salvation depends. Think well on this." But Jean had to go.
Feli returned to Saint-Malo, and supported himself by once
more teaching mathematics. In 1814, he wrote a bitter
pamphlet against the university, and demanded its abolition.
Next year Napoleon was back in triumph, and Lamennais
had to fly to England. For seven months he stayed as master
of studies at a boarding-school, in Kensington, founded by
Abbe Carron. In this excellent priest he found the guide and
support which he so needed. His long hesitation to take Holy
Orders was overcome. He returned to France in November,
1815, and entered Saint-Sulpice. Next month he was made
subdeacon; but, even still, he writes : — " This step cost me
a great deal ; God grant that it is for His glory." The
diaconate and priesthood speedily followed, Jean and Abbe
Carron urging him on in spite of his own terrible misgivings.
His first Mass was an agony to himself, and the chosen few
present. The unhappy celebrant was in a cold sweat ; he
dared not utter the sacred words ; it seemed as though the
ceremony would never come to an end,
Lamennais. 699
I have dwelt thus at some length on the making of
Lamennais, because both friends and foes have seen in it
the explanation of his subsequent downfall. They have
maintained that he never had the faith of a Catholic, much
less the vocation of a priest. But this is surely going too
far. Abbe Carron and his brother Jean knew him well, and
fully realized the responsibility which they were imposing on
him and on themselves. Many wild and wayward youths
have entered the ministry in fear and trembling, and have
made excellent priests ; while, on the other hand, many who
have been blameless and have taken orders with a light
heart, have afterwards fallen away. We may, however,
grant that the want of the vigorous discipline of the
seminary told upon him when he had to pass through trials
which wTere more than usually severe. Had he borne the yoke
in his youth he might have submitted and kept silence. Had
he been treated with the consideration due to his great
services, perhaps even his untamed disposition might
have been soothed into obedience. But it was not to be.
Carelessness and harshness on the part of his adversaries,
obstinacy and resentment on the part of Lamennais — here
were some of the elements of the most mournful of the many
tragedies in the later history of the Church.
II.
Towards the end of the year 1817, a book appeared in
France which at once excited universal interest and provoked
the liveliest discussion. It was entitled Essai sur I' Indifference
en Matiere de Religion. The author's name did not figure on
the title-page ; but whoever he was, it was agreed on all
hands that he was worthy of a place beside Bossuet and the
early apologists of the Church.
The time was ripe for the appearance of such a book.
More than a quarter of a century had passed since the old
religion had been swept away loftlae great tempest in which
so many other ancient institutions had perished. A
generation had grown up not so much hostile to the faith
as utterly careless about it. The bishops, indeed, were
back in their palaces, the priests in their presbyteries, ancl
700 Lamennais.
services were performed in the churches. But for the vast
majority of Frenchmen this restoration had only an
antiquarian interest. They looked upon the churches as
so many museums, and the clergy as fossils ; while a bishop
meant no more to them than a Bonze or a Brahmin.
Chateaubriand's splendid genius had, however, invested
religion with a halo of poetry and romance. De Maistre
and De Bonald, too, had impressed thinking minds with its
important place in philosophy and politics. But much more
was wanted. Men had to be made to realize that religion
was the one thing needful ; that their origin, their destiny,
their duty to God, were matters of supreme interest. Who
could make the dry bones live ? Not surely anyone of the
inert mass of the clergy. The bishops were for the most part
courtly prelates, whose zeal was blighted by Jansenist rigour
and Gallican prejudices. The priests cowered under govern-
ment tyranny, popular contempt, and episcopal suppression.
Laymen, especially those just named, had done good service
to the Church, but this was not layman's work. While
pious and thoughtful souls were longing, but without hope,
that a prophet might be raised up, they suddenly found to
their delight that he was already among them. A voice
that could wake the dead was ringing through France. Keen
logic, fierce invective, bitter irony, brilliant figures, a style
replete with every charm — all these roused the faithful to an
extraordinary pitch of enthusiasm, and compelled the atten-
tion and admiration of the foe. Here, at last, was a priest
who could write. But who was he ? The episcopal bench
could not claim him, nor could any of the cathedral chapters.
He did not belong to Paris, or to any of the other great
centres of culture. It was discovered before long that the
author of the Essai was a newly-ordained priest living in
Brittany, and was no other than Felicite de La Mennais.
The need of an appeal to the intelligence as a supple-
ment, or rather as a basis, to Chateaubriand's appeal to the
heart, had long been discerned by Lamennais. But he was
convinced that any attempt to work on the old theological
lines was doomed to certain failure. Arguments from
niiracles and prophecies would make no impression on men
Lamennais. 701
whose reason told them beforehand that such abnormal
phenomena were impossible, and the records of them false.
What must be done was to go straight at reason itself, and
show that authority was the sole means of acquiring certain
knowledge. Accordingly he disclosed to his brother and
Abbe Carron his design of composing a work to be called
Esprit du Chris tianisme. The vastness and the difficulties of
the undertaking were fully apparent to him and to his advisers;
but they, being well aware of his great powers, gave him the
warmest encouragement. He himself, however, suffered
greatly from depression as he proceeded with his task.
Despairing of bringing it to a completion, he determined to
publish a preliminary volume, with the modest title of Essai
sur r Indifference en Maticre de Religion. His opening words
explain the choice of title and the scope of the argument : —
" The age that is most diseased is not one which is devoted to
error, but rather one which has no care for the truth. As long as
there are violent convulsions there is still hope : but when all
movement has come to an end, when the pulse has ceased to
beat, when cold has gained possession of the heart, what can we
then expect but a sure and speedy dissolution ? . . .
Who will breathe upon these bones, and bring them back to
life?
Good and evil, the tree of life and the tree of death,
nourished by the same soil, grow up side by side, and the people
take the fruit of the one or the other without raising their head
or caring which they get.
Eeligion, morality, honour, duty, the most sacred principles
and the most noble sentiments, are now no more than mere dreams
and dazzling phantoms, which hover for awhile in the far-off
background of the mind, only to vanish without hope of return.
Never, never before, has the like been seen ; never could it
even have been imagined . . . Long and persevering efforts, a
ceaseless strife against conscience and reason, were needed before
such brutal recklessness could be reached . . . Looking with
equal disdain upon truth and error, man affects to believe that
the two cannot be distinguished, in order to confound both alike
in common contempt : the lowest stage of intellectual corruption
to which he has fallen. Impius .cum in profundam venerit,
contemnit."
This deadly disease from which the world is suffering
is the denial of the principle of authority. The divine
authority of the Church is rejected in the supernatural
702 Lamennais.
order ; revelation is rejected in the philosophical order ;
divine law in the political order ; and the law of charity in
the social order. Bring back respect for authority, and the
health of the world will be restored. Let all acknowledge
that there is no salvation out of the one fold ; let all recog-
nise the Church's right to interpret revelation and to guide
human reason, and her right to apply the divine law in the
region of politics ; let her be allowed to resume her works
of charity, and continue to be the peacemaker between the
different classes of society.
Whether such remedies were the right ones or not, there
can be no doubt of the " convulsions " which immediately
followed. In spite of the bulk and price of the volume,
forty thousand copies were rapidly sold ; in spite of the
subtle character of much of the reasoning, the Essai was
discussed and quoted in every salon. The author at once
became the most celebrated and revered priest in France.
His admirers even styled him the last of the fathers.
Friends and foes alike eagerly looked forward to the appear-
ance of a further instalment. Encouraged by this unex-
pected success, Lamennais went steadily to work, and
brought out a second volume in 1820.
Continuing the line of thought already indicated by him,
he set about the complete overthrow of reason and the
establishment of authority as the sole basis or criterion of
certainty. The infidel party, so sorely striken by the first
volume, now leaped for joy, while the Catholics, lately so
exultant, were filled with dismay. Both saw clearly enough
— what the author was blind to — that the new theory
of certainty was nothing but the rankest scepticism.
Lamennais had been quite right in his attacks on the
rationalists for rejecting all authority. But his own system
of rejecting reason was even more erroneous. Both reason
and authority are criteria of truth; and of these the ultimate
criterion must be our own individual reason just as our own
conscience is our ultimate rule of conduct. I need not
reproduce here the arguments on this subject which are
already familiar enough to us from our text-books of
philosophy. Only a man who had had no scholastic training
Lamannais.
was capable of falling into such an error. From being the
last of the fathers and a second Bossuet, the great apologist
came to be considered in some quarters as a more dangerous
enemy than L-uther or Voltaire. Jesuits and Jansenists,
Gallicans and Ultramontanes, the Sorbonne and Saint
Sulpice, all joined in a chorus of condemnation, while the
unbelievers hailed with joy the overthrow of their mightiest
assailant at the hands of his own friends.
Lamennais was deeply wounded and still more astonished
at this treatment. To him the second volume was simply a
continuation of the first. He could not understand how
men could reject the one arid accept the other.
"After all [he says in his Defense (ch. x.) ] , what do we
establish in the first volume? That whoever cuts himself oft'
from the Catholic Church is necessarily either a heretic, or a deist,
or an atheist ; that these three great systems of error rest upon
the same basis. That is to say, the heretic, the deist, and the
atheist, starting from the common principle of the supremacy
of human reason, imagine that each man, apart from all faith and
authority, can find out the truth by his reason alone, or, what
comes to the same thing, by Scripture interpreted by reason
alone ; and hence, should admit nothing as true except what is
clear, evident, and proved to that same reason ; that this principle
necessarily lands the heretic in deism, the deist in atheism, and
the atheist in absolute scepticism. This is what we prove in the
first volume.
What do we say in the second ? That whoever sets out
from the principle of the supremacy of human reason — that is to
say, whoever holds that apart, from all faith and authority, he
can find the truth by his reason alone ; and hence, should
admit nothing as true except what is clear, evident, and
proved to this same reason — falls, if he is logical, into universal
scepticism.
Now this proposition, which is exactly identical with the
preceding one, cannot be true in the first volume and false in the
second. To attack the latter is to attack the whole work or to
fall into open contradiction."
We deplore the fierceness of the onslaughts made upon
the Essai. If Lamennais was wrong, he should have been
refuted. Contempt and abuse should have had no place in
a controversy where the orthodoxy of the greatest living
Catholic champion was under discussion. True, indeed, he
had spared none of his opponents, whatever their rank or
704 Lamennais.
religious profession. The Gallicans especially, who still
counted among their number many of the most venerated
of the bishops, had been assailed by him with contempt and
ridicule. But, like so many other violent disputants, he was
keenly sensitive to the slightest attacks upon himself. He
had felt confident that he had settled, once for all, every
religious controversy, and instead of this he had only raised
a fresh and fiercer discussion. He determined to appeal to
Rome, but even while doing so he wrote :— " If my theses are
rejected, I do not know any other means of solidly defending
religion : if the decision goes against me, I will write no
more." Could there be any plainer refutation of his own
system ?
The Holy See, be it noted, was careful to keep out of the
strife. An Italian translation of the Essai was allowed to
appear, accompanied by a letter of eulogy from the Master of
the Sacred Palace ; but the ordinary tribunals came to no
decision on its doctrines. Lamennais himself, however, was
received by Leo XII. with the warmest welcome. Rooms
in the Vatican were even placed at his disposal, and when
he was received in private audience he was gratified to find
his portrait in a place of honour on the Holy Father's table.
It was confidently expected that a cardinal's hat was in store
for him. Indeed, the Pope declared in an allocution that he
had created as cardinal a man of great talents, an acccorn-
plished scholar, whose writings drawn ex authenticis fontibus
had not only rendered great services to religion, but had
delighted and astonished Europe — whom, however, he reserved
in petto. There could be no doubt that Lamennais was
the person so designated ; and the reason for the reservation
was the opposition of M. de Villele, who would suffer no
Frenchman to be a cardinal except on the King's nonr-
nation,1 Although he had not obtained the approval of his
system of philosophy, and had been disappointed of the
honours intended for him, he, nevertheless, returned to
France (1825) well pleased with his reception in Rome.
1 See Wiseman's Last Four Popes, page 209, sfjq. Cretineau-Joly gives
a very different and unlikely account of Lamennais' reception by Leo XII.
(VEfjlise Romaine en face de la Revolution, ii. 338).
Lamennais. 705
III.
From its first appearance the Essai had found its most
ardent admirers among the younger clergy. The older ones,
with memories of the dark days of the lie volution, were
well content to be allowed to live at all, and resented any
measures which threatened to disturb their peaceful exist-
ence. Not so their youthful brethren. Indignant at the
degraded position to which the Church had been reduced,
they felt that stagnation was worse even than persecution,
and they resolved to fight rather than to rust and rot away
in ignoble ease. Lamennais was the man for them. They
were filled with delight as they saw him drive their im-
pious foes into headlong flight, and wither with scorn the
cowards who refused to join in the fray. Two distinguished
chaplains of the College Henri Quatre in Paris — Abbo
Salinis and Abbe Gerbet— became especially attached to
him, and soon gained a name for their skill and ardour
in defending his doctrines. To them he unfolded a plan
which he had long been turning over in his mind. One
man, he was convinced, could do little for the regeneration
of France ; something might be hoped for from a number
associated together. Why should not his two young friends
throw up their posts at the college, and join him in a life of
study and writing? Others would soon follow, and so a
great work might be done. Gerbet alone set out for La
Chenaie with Lamennais, early in January, 1825. Such was
the beginning of the renowned " Ecole Menaisienne."
La Chenaie we know already as the early home of the
brothers Jean and Fell, and the scene of their joint labours.
Many of those who went there to join the new society have
told us what the place was like. Let us hear one of them
describe it : —
" Itere I am writing to you from the bosom of the woods, in
the deepest and wildest of retreats. For three weeks I have been
a recluse, but a recluse of my own- accord, a recluse finding in
the desert what is, indeed, rare— the most affectionate com-
panionship and the sweetest friendship. There are four of us
here, fugitives from the world, who have come to seek shelter
and light from the Master ; and surely this is the place to find
refuge in study and in our Lord. La Chenaie is a sort of oasis
VOL. XV. 2 Y
706 Lamennais.
in the midst of the steppes of Brittany. In front of the chateau
there is a large garden, divided by a terrace planted with lime-
trees, with a small chapel at the end. This oratory, where one
can breathe the peace of solitude and the peace of our Lord, is
my favourite spot. In the springtime we say our prayers across
two rows of flowers. Some little distance from the chateau, on
the eastern side, sleeps a small lake between two woods, which
are thronged with birds in the warm weather ; and then on the
right, on the left, on every side, woods, woods, everywhere woods.
Just now it is rather sad, as everything is bare, and the forests
have put on their rusty hue. The Breton sky, too, is always
cloudy, and so low down that it seems ready to crush you." ]
Truly a man's surroundings are the symbols of his inner
life. As we picture to ourselves the gloomy abode of the
solitaries, we seem to see in it a figure of the sombre genius
of the Master, and the melancholy destiny of his school-
For a time, however, that school was a most brilliant one.
The ablest priests and laymen from all parts of France were
proud to join it. Their names are better known in their own
country than on our side of the channel, but three at least are
famed all the world over : Sainte-Beuve, Montalembert, and
Lacordaire. Here again, the admirable organizing power
of Jean de La Mennais was of good service. For some years
past there had existed at Ploermel a flourishing congrega-
tion of priests founded by him for giving missions and
directing the diocesan seminary. These now begged to
cast in their lot with the brethren at La Chenaie. The
scheme soon began to take a definite shape. The name
"Congregation of St. Peter " was chosen. The objects were :
to restore faith in Jesus Christ, and respect for the authority
of His Vicar, the successor of St. Peter ; to reconcile
religion and science, the Church and the world. Let the
founder himself tell of one part of his aims : —
"The Church, even in scientific matters, has a magnificent
part to play ; to her it belongs to fertilize the chaos and separate
once more the light from the darkness. To accomplish this it
is not enough to perfect our early clerical studies ; we must
take a wider view and set before ourselves a loftier aim.
Formerly the Church held in her hand the sceptre of science, and
this was one of the causes of her control over men's minds. If she
1 Maurice de Guerin, Lcttres,
Lamennais. 707
regaioed it, she would be mighter than ever, and she would turn
to men's advantage those sciences which are in themselves
indifferent, but which, when not directed by religion, infallibly
produce more harm than good."
A house of higher studies was established at Malestroit,
near Ploermel, in which the leading principle was to allow the
freest scope for individual genius. Blanc and Bohrbacher,
the famous historian, were the directors. La Chenaie
served as a preparatory novitiate, and was under the im-
mediate care of Lamennais himself. Here, too, there was
more freedom than in similar institutions. In the evening
languages and literature, ancient and modern, were the only
subjects studied. The Master's delight was to give lessons
in Dante or Milton. During the weekly walk some foreign
language was always spoken. Masters and pupils were
devotedly attached to each other ; and at recreation there
was the keenest emulation to excel in the games. According
to the testimony of the members, there prevailed the utmost
unity and peace.
But it is time for us to see something of the
personality of the Master. We are assured that all the
portaits of him fail to reproduce his real physiognomy,
" which was mobile, impressionable, ever changing with the
impressions of his vast and ready genius."1 Maurice de
Guerin, who has already been quoted, thus describes him :—
" The great man is short, thin, pale, with grey eyes, an oblong
head, a nose thick and long, a forehead deeply furrowed with
wrinkles, which reach down to the root of the nose ; dressed
from head to foot in grey cloth ; rushing about his room so as to
tire my you^g legs, and when we are out walking, always
keeping in front, with a battered old straw hat on his head, . . .
When I first saw M. Feli (for this is what we call him familiarly)
I felt that mysterious agitation which always seizes one in
approaching divine things and great men ; but soon this agitation
changed into ease and confidence. M. Feli forced me, so to
speak, to forget his great fame, by his fatherly kindness and by
the tender familiarity of his conversation. His whole disposition
overflows with kindness."
Cardinal Wiseman, big and burly himself, could not
understand how one whose bodily presence was so weak, could
i llicard, i, 115.
708 Lamennais.
exercise such sway over others. Yet even he was fascinated
with Lamennais' marvellous power of speech. Sainte-Beuve,
too, tells us that the Master would enter impetuously into
any lofty subject — metaphysics, mathematics, music, &c.—
and pour out for hours together, without any special
knowledge of the particular matter, any number of original
ideas, exact and beautiful and weighty-, all the while
marching up and down with hasty strides, and quivering all
over with emotion. This feverish, over-sensitive tempera-
ment, this impatience of delay, should be well noted They
will help us to understand some of the causes of the tragedy
that was soon to be enacted.
And now the reader may feel tempted to ask : "Did
Lamennais and his friends expect to convert the world by
learning alone ? Had they no trust in piety and prayer ?"
Here we have some thorny ground to traverse. When a priest
forsakes his sacred calling, his former life is often held up
as a warning. But in speaking of him, we must be sure of
our facts. An apostate may have been a drunkard, a liar,
a thief, or worse. If we have certain proof that he was one
of these, we can account for his apostacy; but we cannot
argue that because he was an apostate, therefore he must
have been a thief. When Lamennais left the Church
various causes were assigned for his fall. Among them the
common one was that he had never been a man of prayer,
and, in particular, that he had neglected to say his office.
This latter accusation has been strenuously denied by those
who knew him best. Unknown to him a dispensation
had been obtained from the Pope on account of his
weak eyesight, but he refused to avail himself of it.
We are assured of his ardent piety and of his fervour
while saying Mass. But his own writings are the best
answer to his accusers. We must not think of him simply
as the slayer of infidels and Gallicans. His edition of
Blosius, brought out in conjunction with his brother, under
the title of Guide Spirituel ou Miroir des Ames Beligieuses,
has been the delight of devout souls for three generations,
and is still highly prized. For his young students he wrote
the admirable Guide de la Jeunesse, a dialogue on the
Lamennais. 709
dangers of the world, the end of man, fidelity to duty, and
frequenting the sacraments. The Journee du Chretien was
a collection of prayers drawn from the Church's treasures,
to which he added pious aspirations of his own. The needs
of "the devout female sex" were not forgotten. The
Bibliotheque des Dames Chretiennes contained some of the
best of the older ascetical treatises. No one can read any
of his writings without being struck by the familiarity with
the matter and words of Holy Writ, and so we are not
surprised to find that he translated the Four Gospels.
But the book which is the best indication of his inner
life is his edition of the Imitation. Dissatisfied with the
existing translations he determined to bring out a new one,
with an introduction and reflections :—
" The Imitation [he says] requires a heart already prepared.
Up to a certain point we can enjoy its charm and admire it, but
without experiencing any change in the will or in our conduct.
Nothing is of service to salvation except what is based on humility.
If you are not humble, or if at least you do not desire to be so,
the word will fall upon your soul like dew upon the barren sand.
To believe in self alone, to love self alone, is the characteristic
of pride. Void of faith and love, what can man accomplish?
What good can be done to him by the most solid instructions
or by the most moving exhortations? Everything is lost in
the emptiness of his soul, or is dashed to pieces by his
hardness. If we humble ourselves, faith and love are granted
to us ; if we humMe ourselves, salvation will be the reward
of the victory gained over our pride. When the Lord wished
to show His disciples the road to heaven, what did He do ?
Jesus, calling a little child placed it in the midst of them, and
said : 'Amen, I say to you, except ye be converted and become as
little children, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.' "
He who wrote this could not have been a monster of
pride ; and the Reflections — of which it was said that they were
the postscript left by Thomas a Kempis himself — could never
have been composed but by a truly devout mind. Long
years afterwards when Larnennais-was asked which was the
best of his works, he answered: The Imitation. He had
reason to say so. His patrimony and the profits of his
early works had been swallowed up in unsound speculations ;
his later books did not sell ; his newspapers ruined all who
710 Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
took shares in them. One little volume alone did not fail.
Year after year it continued to be bought by the faithful for
the food and nourishment of their souls, and thus it
continued to provide its poor fallen author with his scanty
daily bread.
T. B. SCANNELL.
DISCALCED CAKMELITE MAKTYKS OF THE
IEISH PKOVINCE
A.D. 1642-43.
" Visi suntoculis insipicntium mori . . . illi autem sunt in pace." — (Sap. iii.)
SINCE the victories of her martyrs reflect glory on the
Church, each one should regard it as a matter of duty,
not a mere question of choice, to do what is in his power to
prevent that lustre from growing dim through forgetfulness
in the course of time. It would seem that an unavoidable
want of documentary evidence is the reason why the
Discalced Carmelite martyrs of the Irish province do not
appear more prominently among our other confessors of the
faith. But the little that is known concerning them ought
not, on this account, to be withheld from those who take a
deep and edifying interest in the cause of Ireland's martyrs.
If the narrative of their martyrdom must needs be brief and
unassuming, perhaps it will read all the more like the simple
records which we possess of the sufferings of the confessors
who died during the early ages of the Christian Church.
With regard to the sources of information at my disposal,
there is not much to be premised ; and I can only hope that
that little will prove satisfactory. Having carefully collated
the various authorities on this subject, and seen them agree
in every essential detail, I deemed it advisable to confine
myself to the one which, I venture to say, will be found
eventually of greatest practical importance. It is the
Enchyridion Chronologicum of the Discalced Carmelites,
compiled by Father Eusebius, written in Latin, and pub-
lished at Koine in the year 1737. This author, as we learn
Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province. 711
from the duly approved Collectio Scriptorum Carmelitaruin
Excalceatorum,1 filled the responsible office of Definitor-
General several times, and was the recognised historiographer
of the Order. As a writer he is remarkable for a pleasing
conciseness of style which increases our appreciation of a
laborious task requiring a most persevering patience, and the
utmost diligence in wearisome research. However, it is
solely the trustworthiness of his work we are to look to now ;
and our surest guarantee in this respect is the approval
merited by the Enchyridion as a safe medium of historical
information. Not alone does it bear the sanction of the
Superior-General of the Discalced Carmelites, and the
formal testimony of the censors ; but, also the imprimatur
of the learned Dominican Zuanelli, the then Master of the
Sacred Palace ; and a decree of approbation from the
Cardinal Prefect of the Sacred Congregation de Propaganda
Fide. We are to bear this in mind while considering Father
Eusebius's notice on the martyrdom of " Three Discalced
Carmelites in Ireland."2
The question will suggest itself, as a matter of course :
Whence did Father Eusebius derive those facts which he
states with a positive assurance of their authenticity ? In
the preface to the Enchyridion he tells us that whenever it
was feasible he sought information from the various provinces
of the Order, and guarded himself against all unwitting
deception by inquiring into the events narrated according
to the principles of rigid criticism. He had exceeding great
difficulty in obtaining an accurate knowledge of the history
of the Irish province. And this he attributes to the sudden
expulsion of the religious from their convents ; after which
the fathers were constrained to fulfil their missionary duties
by stealth, in daily peril of their lives. Several of these
Carmelites visited Rome in after years ; and one of them
furnished an official report, still extant, on the actual State
of Ireland, which is a veritable concise history of the
* Vol. i . E., p. 192.
2 I may mention that the details of their holy death were published in
substance a few years ago by the late Rev. P. A. Callanan, O.D.C. ; but
the very interesting brochure (Ttoee Carmelite Friars. Dublin : Dollard,
1887) has been out of print for some time.
712 Discalccd Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
persecution then waged against the faithful. Probably other
Irish missionaries committed their own fearful experiences
to writing, together with what they had heard from eye-
witnesses concerning the martyrdom of the three confessors J
and the facts, thus preserved, our annalist has transmitted to
us in permanent form. Indeed, Father Eusebius himself
joined the Carmelites when the trials of the Religious in
" St. Patrick's province " must have been a topic of absorbing
interest among the communities of the Order throughout
the world. At all .events, the Enchyridion received the
unqualified approbation of those whose duty it was to satisfy
themselves fully of its orthodoxy regarding matters of faith
and morals, and of its genuineness as a history of the
Carmelite Order.2
We have an interesting proof of the widespread fame
of our martyrs, even a short time after their demise, in
a splendid oil-painting still excellently preserved at the
Carmelite Convent of Ldnz, in Austria. It is the work of a
talented lay brother, who died towards the end of the
seventeenth century. The holy confessors are represented
in a group, with angels overhead, bearing crowns and palms ;
underneath are the names, and the text from the Book of
Wisdom with which I have opened these pages.
I. FATHER THOMAS AQUINAS OF ST. TERESA
Martyred at Drogheda, A.D. 1642.
When rumours of another persecution were daily growing
more rife throughout Ireland, a young man applied to the
Discalced Carmelites of Dublin for admission to our Lady's
Order. He was of Irish birth, very intelligent, and already
well trained in the required preliminary studies. The signs
of vocation to the Order must have been manifest in his
case, for he was received into the novitiate immediately.
In conformity to the pious usage of the Teresian Carmelites,
"... in quo (Enchyridion) nou modo nihil orthodoxaefidei, autbonis
moribus adversum suspexi, verum etiam omnia cum sententiarum acumiue,
nc verborum splendore ita reperi concinnata, ut ea, dissolutis ambagibus,
ad ExcaJceatae Carmelitarum Familiae decorem, ac ad genuinam ejusdem
Sacrae Religionis Historian! mira felicitate revocet, Adra. Key. Pater
Eusebius." (Ex Decreto p. xx.)
Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province. 713
he renounced bis name in the world. We shall henceforth
recognise him by the names of his Patron Saints, Thomas
of Aquin, and Teresa of Jesus. This novice's first fervour
was most edifying, and Brother Thomas never lost it.
His love of suffering was such, that not even the sever-
ities of the Church's austerest Order could satisfy his
spirit of mortification. Obedience was his guiding-star.
It is the infallible test of genuine holiness ; and the
Discalced Carmelite is early taught to depend on it mainly
for the acquisition of persevering sanctity.
Very soon the time for solemn profession came round,
and Brother Thomas took the vows that bound 'him exclu-
sively to God for ever. And now it was necessary that he
should apply himself to the long course of studies by which
was to be forwarded the twofold object of his vocation —his
own spiritual advancement, and the sublime work of man's
salvation. At length the great day arrived, all too speedily,
no doubt, for the humble young Religious ; and Father
Thomas Aquinas celebrated Mass for the first time. He
had not long to remain in seclusion, meditating on his
newly-acquired wonderful power ; he was called upon to
help his brethren in their perilous missionary duties. As
usual, he obeyed with cheerful submission, sometime in the
year 1641.
The Puritans had already begun openly to persecute the
Catholics of Ireland. Every other day there were reports
of the faithful being cruelly tortured, or ruthlessly murdered
in cold blood. Grossly ignorant of the nature of true religion,
as heretics always are, the fanatics tried the fear of death as
a means of disseminating their doctrinal views, when their
victims would not hearken to the most lavish promises of
temporal reward. But both bribery and threats were equally
despised by the glorious confessors of the Irish Church.
St. Patrick's spiritual children knew how to value the
inestimable -gift of faith ; and the, ardent zeal and persuasive
eloquence of the young Carmelite friar encouraged them
wonderfully in their heroic perseverance. The Puritans
became aware of this, and quickly decided on Father Thomas's
fate.
714 Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
There dwelt in the vicinity of Drogheda an influential
family whom our Carmelite had converted to the true faith.
On making open profession of the Catholic religion, the
father and his only son were seized, and cast into prison.
The wife and mother was sorely tempted to simulate the
errors of their persecutors, in order to preserve the lives and
property of her husband and child. But Father Thomas,
on hearing of her struggle, came at once to her assistance ;
assured her of the sinfulness of such a design, and counselled
her to save herself by timely flight, leaving the rest to God's
protecting care. While still engaged in this office of charity,
he was betrayed into the hands of the Puritans. Diligent
search was made for the priest, the house having been
previously surrounded by the watchful soldiery ; but all to
no purpose. He was there, they knew, and to expedite
matters instant preparations were made to fire the dwelling,
so that the hateful friar might perish in the flames. Fearing
for the safety of his timorous friend, Father Thomas came
forward of his own accord, and delivered himself up to his
implacable enemies. It is to be regretted that the reader
cannot be informed of the subsequent fortunes of the family
about whose welfare our confessor was so self-sacrificingly
anxious.
Strange to say, that the friar's great act of generosity
only rendered him more obnoxious to the Puritans. They
dragged him with brutal violence into Drogheda ; but, like
the apostle, Father Thomas gloried in the outrages heaped
upon him for his Divine Master's sake. And he, too, was
not left without soothing solaces in the interval of his cruel
captivity. One of his fellow-prisoners was a Franciscan
priest, who attended assiduously to the spiritual wants of a
number of Catholics suffering for the " sacred cause." By
the assistance of this religious, Father Thomas was enabled
to gratify a dearly-cherished desire, to die clothed in the
holy habit of Carinel. There was yet a more special favour
in store for him : the humane governor of the prison allowed
him to offer the Dread Sacrifice daily. As no notice was
taken of the Carmelite for the space of several days, the time
was chiefly devoted to works of charity — more particularly
Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province. 715
to the consoling of captives prone to despondency. And
what must have been the effects of his words on the
persecuted ones, when the grim Puritan jailers themselves
were unable to resist the confessor's winning gentleness.
Many of the heretics esteemed him a holy man, and were
truly grieved for him. That sweetness of disposition, which
endeared him to all, was entirely due to the young Carmelite's
extraordinary spirit of humility. No one is more lovable than
the man who is brought very near to God by this virtue.
A messenger came early in the morning of the sixth day
of Father Thomas Aquinas' detention, to inform him that
he had been sentenced to die by the halter within an hour.
The priest was not in the least dismayed ; he had just said
Mass, and was making his " thanksgiving." Duly rejoicing
at his speedy deliverance, he added a fervent petition for the
necessary grace. It was the "appointed time" for him,
and he felt that his work was done. His years were not
many, it is true; but this matters little in the service of God.
Loud and pitiful were the wailings of his companions when
he visited them for the last time to say good-bye. But the
expression of his countenance reassured them, revealing
what he might not explain. And they knelt for his blessing,
and implored him not to forget them, as he went forth with
his guard, clasping a crucifix to his breast, and calmly
telling his beads.
A remarkable incident occurred on their way to the
scaffold. An unhappy woman was about to be put to death
for some crime she had committed ; and, to Father Thomas's
horror, he heard her being promised an unconditional pardon,
together with abundant means of livelihood, if she would
renounce her faith to adopt the erroneous doctrine of the
Puritans. Heedless of everything save the imminent peril
of that poor creature's soul, the zealous son of Elias called
out to her, and admonished her of the danger then threaten-
ing her — the danger which causes misery ineffable throughout
eternity, and even in time. His appeal and warning were not
in vain; and God's saving grace did the rest also. The
condemned friar had the consolation of knowing that Satan
had lost a victim, who was already safe in heaven, while
716 Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
his executioners were imprecating him for the charitable
interference which had saved an immortal soul.
Notwithstanding this, the Puritans were so shameless as
to tempt the confessor himself to apostacy. They professed
an eagerness for his spiritual welfare, and their own notions
of the supernatural order were very obscure — to say the least
of them. But the faithful follower of the Angel of the
Schools silenced his persecutors quite easily ; and, in
silencing them, would have taught them a salutary lesson,
if their irrational bigotry had not made them so criminally
callous of heart :—
" What ! [he exclaimed] do you ask me to forfeit my redeem-
ing faith for the superstitious credulity that depends on the
varying tastes of men ? Eather should ye return to the secure
fold of that Church, in loyalty to which your own country was
once foremost among the world's nations. As for me, it is my
only ambition to show myself a true, if unworthy, child of hers in
the trial that awaits me now."
The preliminaries for the ghastly office were few, and
the executioners eager for their work. It was a scene that
can be realized with graphic vividness, and we almost forget
that it is the imagination supplies local colouring for the
striking picture which' fancy frames. But we know that
the mail-clad Puritan soldiers wrere there, and in their
midst the self-possessed young priest, wearing his beautiful
habit of white and brown. Above them the gibbet, barely
outlined against a still darksome sky. The cord is well fixed
by rude hands, and the fatal word given, and cruelly obeyed.
Father Thomas does not die ! The strong rope has parted
in twain,1 and one yet more surely tested proves equally
inefficient. They raise their victim from the ground, and
he stands before them uninjured. To their amazement he
addresses them in a clear, high voice : " Before God, I can
accuse myself of no crime. Why, therefore, will you put me
to this unmerited death?" " Are you not a papist, and a
priest, and a monk?1' hissed back the heretical officer in
charge. " Such is my profession," replied the confessor
1 ... "effracto laqueo, alioque praevalido fune," &c. (Enchyridiont
p. 205.)
Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province. 717
fearlessly, "in testimony of which I am now most willingly
ready to suffer." Father Thomas was placed beneath the
scaffold once more ; and, with a last prayer on his lips for
his murderers, this time secured his crown.
When the ignorant soldiery had gone away, smitten with
superstitious awe, some Catholics came and bore the martyr's
body to the ruins of an Augustinian friary, outside the walls
of Drogheda. They interred it within the sacred precincts,
and kept watch by the grave all day. But as the night-
guard was being mounted on the ramparts, the Puritans
drove them thence lest miracles should be attributed to the
intervention of the slain priest. This was by a wonderful
dispensation of Divine Providence. For, later on, when the
tortured city had been at length relieved of the droning
of the Puritan's evening hymn ; when the camp-fires made
visible the darkness around — one of the vigilant sentinels
beheld a marvellous sight in the ruined abbey. Lighted
torches, most beautiful in appearance, hovered in mid-air
over the place wherein the soldier knew the remains of our
martyr lay. He drew a comrade's attention to this spectacle
most strange, and both warriors fled precipitately to the
quarters of the commander himself. Instead of censuring
them for cowardice and desertion, that officer came imme-
diately to verify for himself his subordinates' strange tale.
He, too, saw the apparition ; and tried, in vain, to dissemble
his fear. Bah ! It was merely the lanterns of the papists,
who were stealing the dead monk's corpse away. He would
go, and see. A number of his more courageous men
volunteered to accompany him. On their near approach to
the ruins the marvellous lights vanished ; but the soldiers
carried burning matches in their hands.
Having hastily removed the loosened clay and stones,
the Puritans gazed in wonder on the confessor's countenance.
It was all radiant with that loveliness which the death-peace
of the saints leaves after it always. They told each other
that surely a just man had been slain without cause, and
most heartily did they repent their own part in that cruel
deed. One of them took possession of the Carmelite's
mantle ; another the crucifix still clasped to Father Thomas's
718 Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
breast. These the heretics intended to preserve in memory
of him who had died so singularly happy a death. Hardly
had they replaced the body with reverential care, when
a new terror put them to instant flight. The "torches"
reappeared, poised high in the heavens, as if waiting there
to descend, and illumine again the martyr's grave,
II. BROTHER ANGELUS OF ST. JOSEPH
Martyred in Louth, A.D. 1642
The country consecrated by a martyr's blood is most
richly blessed, even when it may not claim him by title of
birth and parentage. We are also to consider the Irish
Province of Discalced Carmelites especially favoured in
possessing another Christian hero in the person of a young
Englishman, who came over to join their Order here at the
beginning of the year 1640, and who bore in the world the
name of George Halley. He had been educated by an Irish
Carmelite missionary, while yet in his native Hereford ;
and his father and mother, earnest Catholics that they were,
gave thanks to God for having called their child to the
religious state. It was the youth's intention to remain in
Ireland until his ordination, after which event he ardently
hoped to be sent back to England, to labour there for the
conversion of his heretical compatriots. Divine wisdom
had decreed otherwise ; and the grace that had guided our
confessor from infancy enabled him to understand very early
the grand secret of human happiness — loving submission to.
God's good pleasure always and in everything during the
course of one's life. His name in religion was typical of the
childlike guileness, which increased with his years — Angelus
of St. Joseph.
A good resolution — one seriously made — is a certain
incentive to virtue ; and Brother Angelus began his religious
career by determining, with gracious aid from on high, to be
a true Carmelite at all events, be his life's success as God
might please. Only the instinct of sanctity could have directed
him to the surest, and most easy way of acquiring consummate
holiness. Thus was it his ceaseless effort to advance in the
fervent observance of the Primitive Rule : not even while a
Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province. 719
prisoner with the Puritans would he avail himself of a
dispensation from the very severest of its ordinances. He
was permitted to take the solemn vows in the twenty-first
year of his age, the unanimous consent of the Chapter
testifying to his admirable piety and zeal.
Brother Angelus's first trial was one which young
Carmelites must invariably encounter, even in our own
times, namely, departure from the Novitiate for another home
in the House of Studies. He left Dublin not very long after
his profession ; and had just entered on his scholastic course
in the college at Drogheda, when that city was taken by the
Puritans. Of course the friars were expelled their convents ;
and those deemed themselves fortunate who had escaped
with their lives. Our student was among the number who
did elude the enemy ; but he was arrested later on that same
year. He was endowed with a courageous spirit, which his
persecutors thought to break by subjecting him to the most
painful tortures. Worst of all, a Puritan minister en-
deavoured to draw him into controversy concerning matters
of Catholic doctrine. But Brother Angelus was too prudent
to notice their sophistries ; and simply replied to their vain
boast of possessing the only pure form of religion : " I know
God's law must be undefiled ; but what you teach is revolting
in its sinfulness." Failing thus to shake his faith, they had
recourse to another means of persuasion in vogue with
persecuting heretics of every age — bribery. The young
Carmelite's indignant contempt almost put the shameless
Puritans to shame.
Meanwhile, he bore his sufferings with an heroic patience ;
and God comforted him in his loneliness. In lowly imitation
of St. John of the Cross who so knew the nature of humility
that he would have no favour from the graciousness of the
Most High save constancy in humiliations and trials, Brother
Angelus yearned for yet greater afflictions, and for reproaches
more hard to bear. His was a loving heart — and he was very
young — so can we well understand what keen pangs of grief
he endured at the thought of fond parents sorrowing for him
in that distant English home. Then, there was still more
tender affection for his brother religious — the " Brothers of
720 Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
Carmel's Queen " — ancLhow he must have wondered which
of those he had lived with were already wearing the martyr's
robe and crown ! But the long hours of his captivity did
not drag on wearily with the fervent friar ; the}7 were passed,
as we are told, in sublimest meditation on the eternal truths.
That young Carmelite was quite a proficient in the contem-
plative life ; for even the novices of the Order are encouraged
to aspire to the very highest form of mental prayer. Thus it
was that Brother Angelus's fellow-prisoners found in his
simple words a most soothing solace for their own poor
troubled hearts — a sympathy which can only flow from a
rare interseness of divine love. He would suffer no allusion
to his cruelly protracted torments, or to his expected violent
death. And those who beheld the joyful expression of his
features knew that God had vouchsafed to him the martyr's
grace.
To the surprise of many, Brother Angelus was one day
set at liberty. The Puritans failed to pervert him ; and
it was deemed inexpedient to detain him any longer, or
murder him outright just' then. He left Drogheda instantly
with the intention of seeking some of the other Carmelites
dispersed all over the country. He directed his course to
a certain fortified place in Louth, which cannot be now
recognised from its Latin name.1 On his way thither, he
met a number of nuns, travelling under a safe-conduct. He
entered the fortification with them ; and that same night
the place was occupied by the troops of Lord (Baron] Moore,
one of the Puritan generals.
Brother Angelus seems to have been favoured with a
divine premonition of his approaching death ; but he
betrayed not the least .anxiety, and tried successfully to
reassure and console his terrified companions. They all
assisted at Mass on the following morning, and had the
much-desired happiness of receiving the Blessed Eucharist.
We can only conjecture how they managed to obtain a
privilege so extraordinary under such difficult circumstances.
1 " Quod ralatio Anglicana vocat Sedan um, P. Philippus vero
Charigiani." (Eiichyridion, p. 207.)
Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province. 721
Brother Angelas then advised the nuns to present their
passport to Lord Moore ; and in order to encourage them
he unhesitatingly accompani ed them to the general's tent
He reminded them of God's watchful care over His servants
in presence of their persecutors, dwelling enthusiastically on
the reward reserved for those who would be true to their
profession at the sacrifice of liberty or life.
The Puritan treated the friar's companions with con-
descending courtesy, and 'gave them permission to depart
when, and whithersover they willed. Our confessor was
received quite differently. " I know you," said the general,
with a sinster smile. " You are an Englishman and a monk.
On a former occasion you escaped from prison ; not so easily
shall you get out of my hands." However, there was a
means of escape —nay , of acquiring the lasting friendship of
Lord Moore himself; if the Carmelite would merely renounce
the superstitions of Catholicism. Anew and dangerous series
of tortures had to be encountered ; but God led His brave
athlete safely through the ordeal. Brother Angelus told his
perseutcors that he had not left his own country to barter his
faith for so poor an exchange as this miserable life and its
transient pleasures. And the heretics saw it was useless to
continue importunities that fell on deafened ears. Lord Moore
could not help admiring the courage of his young countryman
and reiterated the promises held out before, if the friar
would wisely yield. But exasperated at length by such
perverse obstinacy, he summoned his officers to form a court-
martial ; and they, at his bidding, condemned Brother
Angelus to death for the crime of being a papist and a monk.
It was the Feast of our Lady's Assumption.
Hardly able to conceal his joy on being informed of their
decision, the holy religious told them how eager he was to
shed his blood for the cause they had proscribed. He begged
them not to defer his execution beyond that day, in order that
he might worthily celebrate the .grand prerogative of the
Queen of Carmel by this voluntary offering of his life.
Incensed beyond all measure by that request, the general
ordered him to be shot forthwith ; and his ready
emissaries hastened to carry out his brutal design. Brother
VOL. xv 2 z
722 Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
Angelas began to invoke aloud the Blessed Virgin's further
aid, thanking her also for her never-failing protection. They
made a final effort to overcome his fortitude, but he sternly
rebuked them in the words of our Saviour, silencing the
tempter of all men.
A file of soldiers took him apart, and, while they were
preparing their deadly weapons, the holy youth chanted the
praises of the Queen of Martyrs. Three fierce Puritans
advanced close to where he was kneeling, and discharged
their heavily-shotted firearms at his unprotected breast.
The smoke cleared away, revealing Brother Angelus in his
kneeling posture, praying as calmly as if he alone were not
concerned in that terrible tragedy ! Yet so manifest a sign of
Divine intervention did not deter his barbarous persecutors
in the least. Like the pagan tyrants of old, Lord Moore
now had recourse to the sword, which did not fail? because
God showed mercy to His faithful servant ; and Brother
Angelus gazed on the marvellous splendour of the " Beauty
of Carmel" in heaven.
His death was witnessed by the nuns whom he had
befriended. These sisters communicated the foregoing facts
to the Carmelite Fathers ; and told them, moreover, that
the martyr's body was buried secretly at first. But in more
peaceful times the Catholics of the district bore the remains
to their favourite church, and deposited them there with
every token of pious veneration. They rightly deemed
themselves fortunate in possessing the relics of one, about
whom the words of Wisdom had been so strikingly verified :
"Being made perfect in a short space, he fulfilled a long
time : for his soul pleased God" (chap. iv.).
III. BEOTHEE PETEE OF ST. ANDEEW
Martyred at Dublin, A.D. 1643
Were these brief sketches of a more pretentious kind, a
very apposite commentary on the martyrdom of the third of
our Carmelites might be taken from St. Ambrose's beautiful
interpretation of a certain passage in the Gospel narrative of
3 " Quam (mortem) cum tera glande Milites non intulissent unus,
jusu Duels, ilium ense coufodit." (Enchyridion, p. 209.)'
Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province. 723
St. Luke.1 In this instance we have a remarkable illustra-
tion of how the sophistry of the worldly-wise may be refuted
by the knowledge granted to " little ones." We shall see a
man without human learning argue well and profoundly, in
strict conformity to the irrefutable principles of dogmatic
theology and mystical.
Brother Peter of St. Andrew received the habit of Carmel
in the humble capacity of one whose vocation it is to sanctify
himself by devoting all energy of mind and body to the
domestic affairs of the community. With the Discalced
Carmelites the lay brothers enjoy the same privileges as the
other religious, and are so esteemed in the Order that they
are called " Donati " — as being specially given by the Blessed
Virgin to advance her glory in their own proper sphere.
They do not ambition the science acquired by their brethren
in the schools : the constant study of crucifix and rosary
suffices for them all through the course of their useful lives.
And thus, being firmly established in the virtue that maketh
saints, they proceed, without pausing, in the way of perfec-
tion ; swelling widely the ranks of those hidden ones, whose
holiness is rendering the world more dear to God.
Little is known concerning Brother Peter's earlier years.
It is said that his parents were of limited means, and resided
in Dublin at the time of his birth. Here, also, he embraced
the religious state. He soon became thoroughly acquainted
with his various duties, being an indefatigable auxiliary
to the fathers in their toilsome missionary work. He was
noted for a rare prudence in business transactions ; and an
unbounded confidence in the Blessed Virgin was his chief
characteristic in the spiritual way. Donning an ingenious
disguise, he volunteered to continue with the fathers, who,
after their convent had been seized and plundered by the
Puritans, would still remain in Dublin to assist the persecuted
Catholics during the awful troubles of 1643. Brother Peter's
great charity merited the " hundredfold " reward, including,
in his case, the glorious palm and crown.
The heretics had been apprised of the zeal of this Carmelite
1 Lib. vii., cap. 10, 66.
724 Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
and they accordingly singled him oat as their victim. He was
discovered, and made prisoner by them early in the March
of that year. Once in the power of his enemies, the good
brother's martyrdom began, for they took a fiendish delight
in torturing him. These sufferings were too much for one
whose strength had been well-nigh spent in braving the
perils and privations of the previous months, and hour after
hour he lay prostrate, writhing in a very agony of pain.
His persecutors had 110 pity for him — until, on the vigil of
the Annunciation, they condemned him to die on the scaffold
next day.
And now our confessor had to enter on the most trying
conflict of all ; God permitted him to be tempted for a while
with an overwhelming horror of that shameful death. But
grace triumphed in the end, and joy ineffable filled his soul at
the thought of his approaching martyrdom. Some political
prisoners, also Catholics, who were confined with Brother
Peter, implored him to allow them to appeal to the Puritan
commander in his behalf, hoping to secure a reprieve, so
pitiable was the poor friar's condition. They were yet
ignorant of the wonderful change brought about by the
special grace : that grace which is mercifully given to
sustain one in every more grievous trial, whose issue the
Almighty alone can previously know. Without it, Brother
Peter was what he declared himself to be — a despondent,
timorous man ; from it he received the martyr's confidence
and strength. Far from hearkening to the kindly solicita-
tions and remonstrances of his friends, he assured them that
he did not fear the gallows now at all ; on the contrary, he
longed to suffer the death which men abhor. He besought
them to beseech God to pardon his pusillanimity, for he
did desire to die a loyal son of Holy Church, a religious
worthy of the habit which he wore. Let them not be moved
by his bodily sufferings ; these were necessary to prepare
his soul for the consummation on the morrow. He would
humbly beg of them to unite with him in fervent prayer,
Brother Peter himself selecting by choice the rosary and
litany of Mary.
In the morning he was brave and calm when the soldiers
Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province. 725
were conducting him to the place of execution ; and the
faithful praised God for the victory of His servant. Brother
Peter, devout client of Mary that he was, did not cease to
thank her aloud, in the name of all men, for having
consented to become Mother of the Incarnate Word. Over
and over again he repeated the Angelic Salutation, heedless
of the impious taunts of an heretical minister, who repre-
hended him for paying those tributes of honour to the
Blessed Virgin, contrary to the right reading of Sacred
Scripture. But Brother Peter reminded him of what the
Holy Ghost Himself had proclaimed through Mary's own
pure lips, and added that the reason why heretics blaspheme
the Immaculate Mother of the Saviour was owing to the
fact of their not belonging to the generation of the faithful,
who alone worship the Living God in truth. After this the
Puritan did not dare interrupt the loving homage shown
to the Queen of Heaven.
The scaffold was reared in the most frequented part of
the city, in order to mortify and intimidate the co-religionists
of the friar about to be so disgracefully executed. This,
however, served to remind the Catholics forcibly of the Cross
set high on Calvary for the infamous death of that
Carmelite's Divine Master. Having arrived in view of the
terrible gibbet, Brother Peter prostrated himself to the
ground in sign of his utter un worthiness of being numbered
among those who had borne testimony to the truth by the
voluntary shedding of their blood ; and having mounted the
steps leading to the platform, he reverently kissed the
instrument of doom. Then he renewed his profession of
faith and his holy vows, and gave expression, again and
again, to acts of deepest contrition for having offended his
Creator, although he was not conscious of ever having
knowingly injured human being. A zealous son of the
Prophet of Carmel, he manifested his eagerness to give up
this life for the greater glory of the 4< Lord of Hosts." " A
very foolish thing on your part," blasphemed the executioner,
with sarcastic terseness. " Yes," replied the confessor,
meekly, " this is the folly of the Cross, which you fail to
understand," At the age our Saviour died to redeem
726 Discalced Carmelite Martyrs of the Irish Province.
us all, Brother Peter of St. Andrew thus gladly suffered a
cruel death in vindication of the Christian faith.
Despite the menacing frowns of the Puritans, the
Catholics took immediate possession of the holy friar's body,
and did not fear to inter it publicly. They derived unwonted
courage from the martyr's heroic constancy ; and their perse-
cutors did not attempt to interfere. Perhaps the Puritans
were beginning to realize that there must needs be some-
thing strange which enabled those despised Papists to defy
their power, or rather to seem to ambition Brother Peter's
awful fate. The light of truth was wanting to show them
that those who pass hence as he had died, merely enter on
the enjoyment of everlasting life.
So concludes the narrative of the martyrdom of our three
Discalced Carmelites of the Irish Province. Short as is the
record in each instance, there is abundant matter for a
lengthy and interesting biography, a praiseworthy work for
some less faulty pen. In these pages the simple facts are
but indifferently knit together; all critical comment, and
much desirable reference to contemporary events, being
left to the discretion of the martyrs' future historian. Yet,
personally, I prefer the bare facts, as the annalists of remoter
periods were wont to relate them ; for even the mere record
of the death of the saints is sure to suggest many a
profitable meditation on their wonderful lives.
If express mention has been made in the Enchyridion
of three martyrs only, we may not thence infer that no other
Discalced Carmelites died for the faith in Ireland during
those troublous times. We are told1 that convents of the
Order were plundered and ruined at Dublin, Drogheda,
Kinsale, Limerick, Kilkenny, Loughrea, Athboy, Galway, and
Ardee ; but who shall say whether all the friars that dwelt
in them timely escaped with their lives ? Neither do we
know the ultimate fate of those missionaries who would not
forsake the faithful when- the -priest's head was priced with
the wolfs. The reward of Ireland's unknown confessors is
equally certain with God ; and voluminous, indeed, should
JUnchyridion, p. 256.
"Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal. 727
the martyrology be that contained a summary of their
names.
True, casual mention is made by certain authors to
several other martyrs of the Discalced Carmelites in Ireland ;
but I did not consider the facts concerning them so well
authenticated as those relating to the confessors by whose
holy death I wished the reader to be edified. If apology be
necessary for bringing Father Thomas Aquinas and his
companion martyrs under notice now, the opening paragraph
contains it. I will only add, it is my sincerest desire
that all on whose courteous patience such trespass has been
made may be pleasingly interested in what has proved for
me a most grateful duty of reverence and fraternal love.
JAMES P, RUSHE, O.D.C,
''HOR.E LITURGKLE :" OK STUDIES ON THE MISSAL
" rROPRIUM SANCTORUM "
SOME MASSES FOR THE MONTH OF AUGUST.
August 2. St. Alplwnsus Maria de Ligori, C.P.D. The
Introit at once tells us to-day's lesson : " The Spirit of the
Lord is upon me, because He hath anointed Me, and hath
sent Me to preach the Gospel to the poor, and to heal them
that are broken in heart " (St. Luke iv.) These words of
Isaias our Divine Master solemnly used when He began
His public ministry, and they tell us about the apostolic
vocation to which we are called. The Holy Ghost is
upon us overshadowing us with His power, because He
hath anointed us with the unction which abides in us in
the sacramental grace of Order (cf. 1 St. John ii.), and
in His strength, and as His instruments, we are sent to
preach the Gospel to the poor, and to heal them that are
broken in heart. Who are the poor ? Not only those
who have not this world's goods, but far more those who
are stricken with that true and real poverty, who have
no grace, whose heart, instead of being wholly devoted to
728 " Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal.
God, is broken and given to the things of the world. These
are the poor and the heart-broken to whom we are sent to
preach the Gospel of penance which will give back the
riches of God lost by sin, and will heal the wounds of the
heart by the saving use of the sacraments. The whole life
of St. Alphonsus was a continual pleading with sinners " to
turn away from their sins and to live " (cf. Ezek.- 18, xxxii.),
and to use the means of grace so abundantly prepared for
them. In season, and out of season, he never wearied, in the
words of the Psalm, calling on the people to give heed to
his teaching and to listen to his words ; and by his writings
and the spirit he has left in such abundance to his spiritual
children he still calls upon the people to repent and live to
God. Now this is our very work to-day ; for this are we set
up as teachers and as dispensers of God's mysteries. So in
the Epistle (2 Tim. ii.) Holy Church teaches us how we are
to labour in this apostolic charge which enters into the very
idea of the priesthood. We must be strong in the grace
which is in Christ Jesus ; and being so united to Him, we
have the most abundant means of grace whereby we can
be strong. We must be faithful by the grace of our calling,
if we would be fit to teach others ; for how can we efficaci-
ously teach men to repent and to follow the Eoyal Road of
the Cross unless we are steeped through and through with
the spirit of a victim? We must be good soldiers, and
hence must keep ourselves free from all that hinders our work
for souls. How can we preach against worldliness, if we be
entangled in the love of the world ? How can we preach
humility, if we are striving unlawfully for the mastery ?
We cannot expect to sow virtues in the souls of our people,
nor see them produce a rich crop thereof, unless we, the
husbandmen, first be users of that seed. Who are the best
preachers, who the best directors, whose labours are most
abundantly rewarded with measure heaped up and over-
flowing? (cf. St. Luke vi. 38). The priest who considers ail
the apostolical advice given in this Epistle, and to whom
the Lord hath given understanding in all things. This gift
of understanding is one of the Holy Ghost's, and it is ours
together with the other six when we are in a state of grace ;
" Horce Liturgica:" or Studies on the Missal. 729
but how often we let our talents lie hidden instead of using
them ! How seldom do we deliberately set to work, and, in
our daily common life, use these seven great gifts which
will make us saintly priests and most powerful instruments
for good. They are a treasure inexhaustable at our very
door, and we remain in our poverty because we will not
stretch out our hand to use it !
The Gradual tells us we must join to our preaching
penance for the souls we are striving to help. The awful
judgments which await sinners, and the thought that we can
avert that judgment by God's gracious acceptance of our
penances and prayers on their behalf will keep us in fervour ;
and when we see them at the thought of the hideous torrent
of sin which overwhelms the land, we shall be consoled with
the remembrance that we can do a real solid work which
will stem the tide of iniquity, and save many from
destruction.
The Offertory teaches us to devote to God's service, as
did St. Alphonsus, all the natural gifts (our substance), and
all the fruit of our talents ; and, for His sake, put ourselves
entirely at the disposal of our neighbour. To be the servant
of God's servants; to leave Christ only to find Him in
His members ; to claim nothing, and to refuse nothing, this
is the perpetual life of sacrifice, and the honouring God with
the very substance of our being. How can we refuse to
take this generous view of our apostolic work when Jesus,
the Eternal Priest, is going to place Himself in the Blessed
Sacrament so entirely afc our disposal, leaving us, therefore,
an example ?
In the Communion we have, besides the picture of
St. Alphonsus, the great priest who did so much to
strengthen the Church, -the secret of his success. It was by
his union with the Great High Priest, that the saint could
do what he did, and this Great High Priest is now at this
moment engaged on the work of propping up by His grace
the house He has chosen to abide in, and is now strengthen-
ing us to be His temple. He is a bright fire, and is longing
to warm our heart with His love, and to burn up all that is
deadly therein. Jn the mjdst of the fire He casts from His
730 " Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal.
sacred heart there ascends the incense of His divine prayer
for us to the "Father of Lights, from whom comes down
every good and perfect gift " (St. James i. 17).
August 6. The Transfiguration of our Lord Jesus, the
Christ. "It is good for us to be here" (cf. Evangel.), and
to contemplate awhile the unspeakable glory of Him in
whose familiar service we are. He so hides His Majesty in
the Holy Eucharist, and is so indeed the God-hidden in His
action in the Church, that did not Holy Church, from time
to time, bid us contemplate His awful Majesty, we might
forget how great is the God, and how full of splendour is He
whom we hold day by day in our hands. Hence in this
Mass we gaze at the Eternal High Priest transfigured before
us with the essential glory which is His from all eternity. The
first words of our Matins, which, as is the custom, we have
said as a preparation for the Sacrifice, fill us with awe;
" The High King of Glory, the Christ, let us adore ; " and in
the whole office we contemplate Him as the King of Nations,
the King of the Elect, promised to Father Abraham and his
seed for ever ; Him as foretold and witnessed by Prophets ;
testified from heaven by the Father's voice which orders us
to hear and believe in Him (cf. Hymn ad Mat.) ; Him the
fairest among the children of men, crowned with honour and
glory, the Fount of Life, clothed with light as with a vesture,
whose face shines as the sun, whose raiment is white as
snow (cf. Antiphs.) ; Him who is our Saviour and God, who
reforms the body of our lowliness making it like to the body
of His own brightness (cf. Capit. ad Laud.} ; Jesus the fair
light, who puteth to flight the darkness of sin and filleth us
with all sweetness, who giveth joy to those He visiteth, who
is the sweet radiance of our true home, the splendour of
His Father's glory, the love surpassing understanding (cf.
Hymn ad Laud.}. This majestic image of the Divine Victim
we are going to offer in sacrifice must needs fill our heart
with awe, for in the words of the Introit (Ps. Ixxiv.), the
flashes of lightning which emanate from His glory light
up all the world of our heart, and shakes and makes it
tremble to its very foundations. Yet " it is good for us to
be here" in this blinding light, for we get self-knowledge,
" HorcB Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal. 731
and we begin to know ourselves even as we are known by God.
Then, also, the visions of His sweet beauty, and the fairness
of His tabernacles make our heart sigh after and long for
the courts of God, where we shall see the King in all
His ravishing beauty ; for, as the Collect says, we have
received the fulness of the adoption of sons, and are made
co-heirs of the all-glorious kingdom, and sharers in His
marvellous majesty. This gives us strength to bear " the
eternal weight of glory " (2 Cor. iv. 17) which is laid up for
us, and of which we here get a glimpse. Did we not know
that it was our Elder Brother's glory, and that some day, by
His mercy, we should share therein, our heart would be
troubled for fear of His majesty, for He, our Lord, is very
admirable, and His face is full of grace ; down prostrate
would we fall and swoon away, and be overcome with His
beauty, and have no more spirit within us (cf. Esther, Iv).
We are made, as St. Peter tells us, witnessss of the wonder
of the Transfiguration, which takes place day by day, as He,
the All-Majestic, appears before us in all the lowliness of the
Sacred Species. When we offer Him in sacrifice, the Eternal
Father from His magnificent glory tells us that He is well
pleased with the victim we present . When we are on the mystic
mount of Calvary, sometimes the glory of Thabor visits us,
and our faith is quickened, and we see Him, oh ! so plainly,
beneath sacramental veils, and He is transfigured before us ;
and, oh ! the rapturous joy that fills our heart, the burning
adoration and blissful worship which wells up without effort
from the lowest depth of our being, when we thus see the
breaking of the day and the morning star arising in our
heart, and the day of the Lord seems so very near at hand.
On occasions like these, our faith is deepened, and our
love grows warmer. The world and self seem so paltry and
little when we see Him in the light of eternal majesty. So, we
come back from the altar as another Moses from the mount,
or, as one corne back from the dead, having seen and
heard things which are not given to human tongue to tell ;
and the graciousness of this vision rests upon us, and its
glory remains with us, and we are never the same men after-
wards, " for no man can see God and live " (1 St. Johniv. 12)
732 " Horce Liturgica :" or Studies on the Missal.
his old life. We must either advance rapidly, or sink down
to greater misery. But the vision we have seen we tell to
no man, for no one can understand but him who has heard,
and no man can see save him who has seen. The favour we
have received, and the sense of the infinite majesty we have
seen, seal up our lips, and in reverence we keep silence about
the great things God has done for us, and we ponder over
them in our heart. Silent, because the light which comes
from the throne shows us ourselves in all our utter nothing-
ness ; hence, humility guards our tongue; silent, because the
infinite condescension of our God makes His favours far too
secret, far too private for us to tell to others. When the
sons of men are risen from the dead, then can we speak with
safety about secrets of the King ; then can those who listen
understand, and we need not fear to lose anything of the
happiness we enjoy. Secretum meum mihi.
August 7. St. Cajetan, C. For the lessons of this Mass,
see I.E.KECOBD, vol. xiv., page 712.
August 10. St. Laurence, M. Why is it we have so
little heroism in our life and, find it even difficult to keep
the dead level of ordinary virtue ? Why is it that we feel so
small and mean when we compare ourselves to some of the
great saints; for instance, to St. Laurence? He was only a
deacon, and yet he achieved so much, and we who have the
greater grace of the priesthood, and can so more easily
attain the heights of holiness, do so little? The Epistle
(2 Cor. ix.) tells us the reason : " He that soweth sparingly,
sparingly also will he reap." We grudge God our service,
and do not trust Him with all our life ; we keep back some-
thing, perhaps many things, some cherished disposition,
some unwise friend, some dangerous employment, some
unnecessary study ; we let these stand in our way, and we
will be generous with God in everything else save this
particular. We make our service one of necessity, not one
of love ; hence we sow in the field of our heart but sparingly,
scattering only a few grains, when out of the abundance of
sacramental grace we have in Holy Orders we ought to cast
huge handfuls into the furrows. No wonder then that the
result is so meagre. Were we as generous in our sowing
" Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal. 733
as was St. Laurence," we too would reap a harvest worth
the garnering, for " God is powerful to make all grace abound
in us," so that we may always have in all cases, and at all
times, a sufficiency of grace to correspond with our oppor-
tunities, and thus abound in all good works, and increase
the harvest of our justice.
As the Gospel (St. John, xii.) tells us, if we love our
souls with that selfish love which seeks its own and not
the things of God ; if we dethrone Him, and set up self
as Lord and Master, we shall lose eternally that soul we
have so slavishly served. But if we are generous with God,
and keep him ever on the throne of our heart, we shall lose
our soul in this life by losing the mastery of self-worship,
and we shall find it in the safe keeping of our Maker, who
will guard it for ever, and we shall be honourable, and set
among the chosen of the kingdom.
August 12th. St. Clare, V. See I. E, KECORD, vol. xiv.,
page 716.
August 15th. The Assumption of Blessed Mary the Virgin.
This day of rejoicing for the triumph of God's sweet
Mother, is a day of family festival, for it is the triumph
of our Mother too. To us, priests, who share so much in
the work of our ever dear and blessed Lady, and who are in
such a special way her children, being clothed, as we are,
with the very Person of her Divine Son, it is a day of special
delight, and it is a foreshadowing of the good things to come
to us after our course is over.
The Introit well represents the sentiments of our heart
rejoicing with the angels upon the coronation of their
Queen, and praising the Son of God who has so glorified
His Mother. If He has so glorified His earthly Mother,
what will He not do for us who are, if I may say, His
sacramental mothers ? This is " the good word " with which
our heart breaks forth, no longer able to contain itself, and
our works, our Masses are what we may indeed tell to the
King, for we know they will be acceptable to Him. One
lesson of the many this Mass contains, is to be drawn from
the Gospel (St. Luke x.), where we read that in the town
Jesus visited there were two sisters, Martha and Mary. In
734 " Horce Liturgical or Studies on the Missal.
our heart, to which He comes so often in such sweet
intimacy, we can find two ways of serving Him : by deed
and by loving worship, by the active and the contemplative
life. But our Lord tells us that the spirit of Mary, the
loving worship of contemplation, is the better of the two.
He does not, blessed be His name ! value us for the works
we do, but for the love with which we do them. He loves
to see us ready to work if He so wills, " at His work to let
down the net," and get to find our real, true, and solid
happiness at His feet, in the loving worship of contemplation,
in the interior activity of the soul which fixes upon Him
who is the source of all life. This is the better part ; for
it is of value by itself, consisting as it does in the union of
our will with that of God ; and because no one can take it
from us, for nothing can break this union save our own free
and deliberate act. The outer life is only of any profit in as
far as it is joined to the inner life, nor is it in any real sense
complete without it. Again, the inner life is the better,
because it is the safer : for this reason, because the life of
exterior activity, unless firmly founded on the inner, eats
away our spiritual growth by the cares and constant round
of distracting occupations which are inseparable from it, and
tend to absorb the whole man to his loss. Whereas the inner
life depends wholly upon God ; it deepens our spiritual life,
and shuts out as far as possible all earthly things which can
dim the visions of peace.
This being so, do we not make a great mistake when we
seek our spirituality in exterior works : " the kingdom of
heaven is within." If God in His wisdom wills us to
undertake them, that is one thing ; but for us to seek them,
and to make them the one thing necessary, instead of that
which God has so made, must end in a disorder, for it
inverts the rule as laid down in this day's Gospel. The
feverish activity of modern life, the wild race against time
which characterizes our day, is a potent weapon in the hand
of the devil to rob us of that peace which the strong man
enjoys who is armed with the weapons of union with God
in contemplation, and it is one which unless we are on our
guard will take from us all our wealth. He only is safe in
" Horce Liturgicce :n or Studies on the Missal 735
the outer life who makes the inner life of worship, of which
Mary is the example, his joy and the source of the strength
he shows against the distractions of life.
How often do we hear others say, and sometimes say
ourselves : "I am drying up and my soul is become a thirsty
land and an arid desert. My Mission is burdened with
debt, and all my time is taken up with labouring to gather
pence here and there. I have become a mere money-making
machine " ? Alas ! this terrible disease attacks most of us
in the midst of our poverty and the life we lead, with one
hand buildiog up the walls of our Siori, and with the other
trying to hold the sword with which we repel the enemy.
It can best be met with this thought : " The Master does
not want us to free our missions from debt at the loss
of our spirituality." His first law is : " Seek ye first the
kingdom of God (which is within), and all else shall be
added unto you." He does not require us to succeed; that
is a matter entirely in His own hands ; and He has no need
of us to bring about what His wisdom has ordained. But
He does require that what we do in obedience to His will
we should do in the spirit of loving worship and with an
eye single fixed on " God alone."
And how are we to get this spirit of loving worship
unless we drink often and deep of the fountain of love
which springs forth at His footstool, where we prostrate
ourselves, and listen, like Mary, to what He deigns to say ?
This contemplative spirit is best cultivated, then, by the
recollection, the practice of the presence of God, and the
habit of listening to what God says to our soul. So often
we miss this Voice, so low and gentle, because we do not
give ourselves time to listen, but are so busy in speaking our-
selves. We read that Mary was sitting at our Lord's feet,
hearing His word. We do not read that she was talking.
Oar true attitude is that of listeners, not speakers ; and it
is because we usurp our Lord's place, and try to make Him
sit at our feet, and hear our word, that we fail so in prayer.
If we have not got the profit out of our prayer, it is because
we have attempted to let in the activity of the world into
the realms of prayer, and are puffed up with the idea that
736 " Hora Liturgicw :" or Studies oft the Missat
of everything that has to be done, we must have the doing.
Let us cultivate the spirit of Mary, and then we shall never
lose our inner life in the midst of any work God sends us ;
for we will never lose the union of our will with His. Then
will we be quite content and at peace, whether our work be
crowned with success or remain unfinished ; for our mind
will be at perfect peace, because it is stayed upon Him.
Then, indeed, will we do the work for as long as He wishes,
in the manner He wishes ; and the work will be to our
profit, for it will be done in love to Him. When He takes
away from us the means of carrying on the work, well, we
shall only be laying down an instrument which had been
useful to us, which was no longer so ; and we shall not
repent it nor repine. Our ever-dear and blessed Lady, who
so perfectly practised these two lives (hence the choice of
this Gospel), and who, in the midst of her earthly business,
" always kept all these things in her heart," will teach us
by her example, if we only consider it well, how to do what
God wills, in the ivay God wills.
This same lesson, our true strength being in the contem-
plative life, is again enforced in the Communion, but now
on the grounds of the closeness of the union which exists
between Jesus and our soul. The greatest help to a priest
for preserving his union with God amid all the cares of life,
is the thought of the Mass that is over and the Mass that is
coming. This is the fruit of " always giving thanks," which
St. Paul so often recommends in his Epistles. How can we
allow anything to destroy this union? Nothing will, and
nothing can unless we so choose : " Who shall separate me
from the love of Christ," who has been our Guest this morn-
ing, and who will be ready to come again as another morning
breaks ; and who is with us, even now, in the closest spiritual
union : his soul knit with ours, as was Jonathan's, the King's
son, to David's, the poor shepherd.
August 28. St. Augustine, C.P.D. See I. E. EECOBD,
vol. xiv., page 720.
ETHELBED L. TAUNTON.
[ 737 ]
XiturQtcal Iftotes
ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS
PEIVATE MASSES ON THE VIGIL OF PENTECOST
KEY. DEAR SIR, — May I request you to solve what to some
may appear a stupid difficulty ?
It is the interpretation of the rubric of the Missal for the
commencement of "Private Mass" on the Eve of Pentecost.
The rubric is: " In Missis autem Privatis hujus Vigilii omissis
prophetiis, orationibus, et Litaniis, Missa absolute incipitur ab
Introitu, ut infra."
Now, the difficulty is, how to interpret correctly the words
" absolute incipitur ab Introitu." Do they mean that the
form usually gone through at the foot of the altar is to be
omitted, and that the Mass on this day is to be commenced
on the predella, as the Mass of the Pre-sanctified on Good
Friday ?
There are those who say " yes," and, it appears to me, give
plausible reasons for this interpretation.
They say that the words, " absolute incipitur," are invariably
interpreted in this way, and they, ^ring forward a number of
examples. To begin with: —
We find attached to the Introit for Passion Sunday a rubric
as follows : " Non dicitur Gloria Patri . . . sed finito Psalmo
absolute repetitur Introitus usque ad Psalmum." Here " abso-
lute " has an unmistakable meaning.
Again, we find the rubric for the beginning of the Passion
on Palm Sunday is : " Passio absolute incipitur," &c. ; and, of
course, we know the meaning of these words.
Now, on Holy Saturday, when the Mass is to be commenced
in the ordinary way, the rubric is detailed, and says : " Et dicto
psalmo ' Judica ' cum Gloria Patri facit Confessionem ut moris
est in loco consucto." Here the rubric is plain.
Finally, to take an example from the Breviary, we find the
rubric for the opening of the Matins on the Epiphany is :
" Omissis v. Domine . . . ' incipitur' ab Ant."
Hitherto I have followed what I believe to be the general
practice, viz., to commence the Mass on the Eve of Pentecost in
VOL. XV. 3 A
738 Liturgical Notes.
the ordinary way ; but finding a difference of opinion on the
point, I will be thankful for your view of the matter.
AN INQUIRER.
We are glad to find that the difficulty which our corres-
pondent proposes has, in his case at least, been hitherto
confined to the domain of theory, and has not induced him
to adopt a practice which we consider would be wholly
erroneous, and entirely devoid of foundation. Apart
altogether from the arguments with which the rubrics
supply us in refutation of the novel theory put forward by our
correspondent, its very novelty is of itself sufficient to show
that it must be erroneous. It is surely very unlikely that
on one, and only one day out of three hundred and sixty-five,
and then, too, without J any apparent reason, the Church
should prohibit the usual introductory prayers at the foot
of the altar, and command that the Mass should begin with
the Introit, read as usual by the priest standing on the
predella at the Epistle side. It would elicit no little
comment from even the most uneducated, and inattentive
of the faithful, if the priest, after arranging the chalice on
the corporal, and opening the Missal, should proceed at once
to read the Introit without descending to the foot of the
altar. Had the Church really intended to derogate so far
from the ordinary law on this one day in the year, she
should have made her intention so plain that there could be
no second opinion about what it was. Nor can it be urged
that the rubrics are sometimes obscure, or that they lend
themselves to a variety of interpretations. On the contrary
there is not, we venture to state, in existence a collection of
laws so clear, so full, and so easily interpreted as are the
rubrics, both general and special, of the Missal and Breviary.
It would be strange, therefore, if in one point only these
same rubrics were so obscure that the true interpretation was
not discovered until more than three centuries after they
were compiled under the direction of Pius V. For we take
it for granted that had any writer on the rubrics ever heard
of, or discovered for himself, so extraordinary a deviation
from the ordinary practice, he would have mentioned it
either to approve or condemn. But so far as our reading
Answers to Correspondents. 739
of liturgical works has gone, we have never met even a hint
at the possibility of the rubric to which our correspondent
refers bearing the above interpretation, which we believe
is now published for the first time.
The silence of liturgical writers is emphasized by the
general practice of priests. This our correspondent himself
admits, and admits also that he has hitherto followed this
general practice. We hope he will see that a general
practice, hoary with antiquity, is not to be abandoned because
certain words of the rubrics might possibly bear an inter-
pretation which would be adverse to it.
But the rubrics themselves exclude even the possibility
of this novel interpretation of the rubric for the Vigil of
Pentecost being the correct interpretation. In the first
place, in the rubrics of the Missal we read regarding the
psalm Judica : —
" Qui psalmus nunquam praetermittitur nisi in Missis
defunctorum et in Missis de tempore a Dominica Passionis
inclusive usque ad Sabbatum sanctum exclusive." l
Now, the words " nunquam pretermit titur " which we
have printed in italics forbid all exceptions other than those
mentioned in the rubric itself; for so minute are all the
directions relating to the Mass, that even a single exception
to a general law would be mentioned. This anxiety on the
part of the compilers of the rubrics to prevent doubt or
misinterpretation is strikingly illustrated by the directions
given for the recitation of the Gloria in excelsis. Having
laid down the general rule that the Gloria is to be said
in the Mass when the Te Deum is said in the Matins of
the divine office, they go on to point out the only two
exceptions : —
" . . . praeterquam in Missis Feriae quintae in Coena Domini,
et Sabbati Sancti, in quibus Gloria in excelsis dicitur, quamvis in
officio non sit dictum Te Deum." 2
Again, the special rubric for the solemn Mass on the very
day of which there is question — the vigil of Pentecost —
1Ritus Servandus, tit. iii., n. 6.
2 Rub. Generales, P. i., tit. viii., n. 1.
740 Liturgical Notes.
directs the recitation of the usual prayers at the foot of the
altar in the words which follow : —
" In fine Litaniarum cantatur solemniter, Kyrie eleison pro
Missa et repetuntur tit moris est. Quo incepto sacerdos cum
ministris procedit ad altare et facit confessioncm ; deinde ascendens
illud osculatur."
It is unnecessary to point out that the word Con-
fessio is often used to signify the Confiteor itself, but also
the psalm Judica, together with the versicles and responses
usually recited at the foot of the altar. Now, since these
preliminary prayers at the foot of the altar are to be recited
in solemn Masses on the vigil of Pentecost, it must be
evident to anyone that, unless there is a very explicit
statement to the contrary, they should be also recited in
private Masses on the same day. There are, indeed, occa-
sions on which certain commemorations are to be omitted
in solemn Masses, though they are to be made in private
Masses on the same day ; but we know of no case in which
prayers omitted in private Masses are to be said on the
same day in solemn Masses.
What, then, is the meaning of the phrase "absolute
incipitur," which has excited our correspondent's doubts?
It means, as he correctly implies, that something usually
said is to be omitted. But wherever this phrase is employed,
though the context may indicate with perfect clearness
what is to be omitted, the rubrics do not permit us to deter-
mine this for ourselves, but, with that minuteness of detail
which characterises them, mentions everything that is to be
omitted. This is strikingly true of everyone of the examples
which our correspondent brings forward in support of his
novel theory. We will examine one or two of these examples
for the purpose of illustrating this.
On Passion Sunday the Kubric is not satisfied with
saying, Finito psalnio absolute repetitur Introitus — though
had it confined itself to this statement, we hardly think that
anyone could have been misled— but it explicitly states,
Non dicitur Gloria Patri . . . sed finito psalmo, etc. Now
the Gloria Patri alone is to be omitted ; hence, the
meaning of absolute incipitur is strictly and explicitly
defined.
Answers to Correspondents. 741
Again, though we may, as our correspondent says, know,
as a matter of course, the meaning of the words Passio
Domini incipitur absolute, still the Eubric does not presume
that we know any such thing ; for it goes on to mention
in detail everything we are to omit, just as if the phrase
"incipitur absolute" had not been used, or as if we did not
know the meaning of the phrase. We give the whole
context : —
" Passio Domini incipitur absolute : non dicitur Munda cor
meum, non petitur benedictio, non deferuntur luminaria, nee
incensum ; non dicitur Dominus vobiscum, nee respondetur Gloria
tibi Domine : et celebrans seu diaconus dum pronuntiat Passio
Domini nostri non signat librum neque seipsum."
We need not go over the other examples brought forward
by our correspondent. The two we have examined show
clearly that whenever the phrase '' absolute incipitur " is
employed, care is taken to mention in detail everything that
is to be omitted. We have taken these two, not because
they suit our purpose better than the others, but solely
because they are given first in order by our correspondent.
A glance will show that an equally clear and convincing
argument in favour of the principle we wish to establish can
be drawn from the others, or indeed from any context in
which the phrase " absolute incipitur " is found. And having
now established this principle, it is easy to interpret, without
the possibility of error, the special Eubric regarding Private
Masses on the Vigil of Penteco.it. The words of the Eubric
are : —
" In Missis privatis hujus vigiliae, omissis Prophetiis, Ora-
tionibus, et Litaniis, missa absolute incipitur ab Introitu ut infra."
According to our principle of interpreting the phrase
" absolute incipitur," only those things are to be omitted
of which explicit mention is made. Here mention is made only
of the prophecies, prayers, and litanies recited in the solemn
function, previous to the solemn Mass. Hence only these
are to be omitted by priests who celebrate privately on that
day.
P. O'LoAN.
[ 742 ]
2>ocuments
APOSTOLIC LETTER OF HIS HOLINESS POPE LEO XIII.
SANCTISSIMI DOMINI NOSTRI LEONIS DIVINA PROVIDENTIA PAPAE XIII.
EPISTOLA APOSTOLICA PBINCIPIBUS POPULISQUE UNIVERSIS
LEO PP. XIII.
SALtlTEM ET PACEM IN DOMINO
Praeclara gratulationis publicae testimonia, quae toto superiore
anno, ob memoriam primordiorum episcopatus Nostri, undique
accepimus, quaeque proximo tempore insignis Hispanorum pietas
cumulavit, hunc imprimis attulere Nobis laetitiae fructum, quod
in ilia similitudine concordiaque voluntatum eluxit Ecclesiae
unitas, eiusque cum Pontifice maximo mira coniunctio. Yidebatur
per eos dies orbis catholicus, quasi rerum ceterarum cepisset
oblivio, in aedibus Vaticanis obtutum oculorum animique cogita-
tionem defixisse. Principum legationes, peregrinorum frequentia,
plenae amoris epistolae, caerimoniae sanctissimae id aperte
significabant, in obsequio Apostolicae Sedis cor unum esse omnium
catholicorum et animam unam. Quae res hoc etiam accidit
iucundior et gratior, quia cum consiliis coeptisque Nostris
admodum congruens. Siquidem gnari temporum et memores
officii, in omni pontificatus Nostri cursu, hoc constanter specta-
vimus, atque hoc, quantum docendo agendoque potuimus, conati
sumus, colligare Nobiscum arctius omnes gentes omnesque
populos, atque in conspicuo ponere vim pontificatus romani
salutarem in omnes partes. Maximas igitur et agimus et habe-
rnus gratias primum quidem benignitati divinae, cuius munere
beneficioque id aetatis attigimus incolumes : deinde viris princi-
pibus, episcopis, clero, privatisque universis, quotquot multiplici
testificatione pietatis et obsequii dedere operam ut personam ac
dignitatem Nostram honore, Nosque privatim opportune solatio
afficerent.
Quamquam ad plenum solidumque solatium, multum sane
defuit. Nam inter ipsas popularis laetitiae studiique significa-
tiones, obversabatur animo multitude ingens, in illo gestientium
catholicorum consensu aliena, partim quod evangelicae sapientiae
§st omino expers, partim quod, licet christiano initiata nomini, a.
Documents. 743
fide catholica dissidet. Qua re graviter commovebamur, commo-
vemur : neque enim fas est sine intimo doloris sensu cogitationem
intendere in tantam generis huraani partem longe a Nobis, velut
itinere devio, digredientem. lamvero, cum Dei omnipotentis
vices in terris geramus, qui vult omnes homines salvos fieri et ad
agnitionem veritatis venire, cumque Nos et sera aetas et amara
curarum ad humanum urgeant exitum, visum est redemptoris
magistrique nostri lesu Christi in eo imitari exemplum, quod
proxime ad caelestia rediturus sumrnis precibus a Deo Patre
flagitavit, ut alumni sectatoresque sui et mente et animo unum
fierent : Eogo . . . ut omnes unum sint, sicut tu Pater in me, et
ego in te, ut et ipsi in nobis unum sint.1 Quae quidem precatio
obsecratioque divina quoniam non eos tantum complectitur qui
tune in lesum Christum crederent, sed etiam quotquot credituri
reliquo tempore essent,idcircodat ilia Nobis caussam nonineptam
aperiendi fidenter vota Nostra, conandique, quoad possumus, ut
homines, nullo generis locorumve discrimine, ad fidei divinae
unitatem vocentur atque incitentur universi.
Urgente propositum caritate, quae illuc accurrit celerius, ubi
opitulandi necessitas maior, primum quidem provolat animus ad
gentes omnium miserrimas, quae Evangelii lumen vel nullo modo
acceperunt, vel acceptum, incuria seu longinquitate, restinxerunt :
proptereaque Deum ignorant, et in summo errore versantur.
Quoniam salus omnis a lesu Christo proficiscitur nee enim aliud
nomen est sub caelo datum hominibus, in quo nos oporteat salvos
fieri,2 votorum Nostrorum hoc est maximum, posse sacrosancto
lesu nomine cunctas terrarum plagas celeriter imbui atque
compleri. Qua in re munus efncere sibi demandatum a Deo
Ecclesia quidem nullo tempore praetermisit. Quid enim undevi-
ginti saecula laboravit, quid egit studio constantiaque maiore,
quam ut ad veritatem atque instituta Christiana gentes adduceret ;
Hodieque frequenter maria transmittunt, ad ultima loca pro-
gressuri, ex auctoritate Nostra praecones Evangelii : quotidieque
a Deo contendimus ut multiplicare benigne velit sacrorum
administros, dignos munere apostolico, qui scilicet commoda sua
et incolumitatem et vitam ipsam, si res postulaverit, pro Christi
regno amplificando non dubitent devovere.
Tu vero propera, humani gene'ris servator et parens lesu
Christe : exequi ne differas quod olim te dixisti facturum, ut cum
exaltatus esses a terra, omnia traheres ad te ipsum. Ergo illabere
* Jphn xvii, 20, 21, 2 A-cts iv. 12,
744 Documents.
aliquando, atque ostende te multitudini infinitae, beneficiorum
maximorum, quae cruore tuo peperisti mortalibus, adhuc expert! :
excita sedentes in tenebris et umbra mortis, ut radiis illustrati
sapientiae virtutisque tuae, in te, et per te sint consummati in
unwn.
Cuius quidem unitatis sacramentum cogitantibus, occurrit
Nobis universitas populorum, quos ab erroribus diuturnis ad
evangelicam sapientiam divina pietas iamdiu traduxit. Nihil pro-
fecto ad recordationem iucundius, neque ad laudem providentissimi
numinis praeclarius veterum memoria temporum, cum fides
divinitus accepta patdmonium commune atque individuum vulgo
habebatur : cum excultas hurnanitate gentes, locis, ingenio,
moribus dissitas, licet aliis de rebus saepe dissiderent, dimicarent,
nihilominus in eo, quod ad religionem pertinet, fides Christiana
universas coniugabat. Ad hums recordationem memoriae, nimis
aegre fert animus, quod successu aetatum suspicionibus inimici-
tiisque commotis, inagnas ac florentes nationes de sinu Ecclesiae
romanae male auspicata tempora abstraxerint. Uteumque sit,
Nos quidem gratia confisi misericordiaque omnipotentis Dei, qui
novit unus opitulandi maturitates, et cuius in potestate est eo,
quo vult, voluntates hominum flectere, ad eas ipsas nationes
adiicimus animum, easdemque caritate paterna hortamur atque
obsecramus, ut redire, compositis dissidiis, velint ad unitatem.
Ac primo peramanter respicimus ad Orientem, unde in orbem
universum initio profecta salus. Videlicet expectatio disiderii
Nostri iucundam spem incohare iubet, non longe abfore ut
redeant, unde discessere, fide avita gloriaque vetere illustres,
Ecclesiae orientales. Eo vel magis quod non ingenti discrimine
seiunguntur : imo, si pauca excipias, sic cetera consentimus, ut
in ipsis catholici nominis vindiciis non raro.ex doctrina, ex more,
ex ritibus, quibus orientales utuntur, testimonia atque argumenta
promamus. Praecipuum dissidii caput, de romani Pontificis
primatu. Verum respiciant ad initia, videant quid maiores
senserint sui, quid proxima originibus aetas tradiderit. Inde
enimvero illud Christi divinum testimonium, Tu es Petrus et super
lianc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, luculenter extat de
romanis pontificibus comprobatum. Atque in Pontificum numero
lectos ex Oriente ipso non paucos prisca vidit aetas, imprimisque
Anacletum, Evaristum, Anicetum, Eleutherium Zosimum, Aga-
thonem : quorum plerisque contigit, ut universae christianae
reipublicae adrmnistrationem sapienter sancteque gestam, profu,so
Documents. 745
etiam sanguine consecrarent. Plane liquet quo tempore, qua
caussa, quibus auctoribus infelix excitata discordia. Ante illud
tempus, quo tempore homo separavit quod Deus coniunxerat,
sanctum erat apud omnes christiani orbis gentes Sedis Apostolicae
nomen, romanoque Pontifici, ut beati Petri successor! legitimo,
ob eamque rem lesu Christ! in terris vicario, Oriens pariter atque
Occidens consentientibus sententiis sine ulla dubitatione parebant.
Hanc ob causam, si respiciatur ad initia dissidii, Photius ipse
oratores de rebus suis Bom am destinandos curavit : Nicolaus
vero I Pontifex maximus Constantinopolim legatos suos, nullo
contra dicente, ab Urbe misit, ut Ignatii Patriarchae Qaiissam
diligenter investigarent, et Sedi Apostolicae plenis ac veracibus
referrent indiciis : ita ut tota rei gestae historia primatum
romanae Sedis, quacum dissensus turn erumpebat, aperte con-
firmet. Denique in Conciliis magnis turn Lugdunensi II, turn
Florentine, supremam romanorum pontificurn potestatem nemo
ignorat, facili consensione et una omnes voce, latinos graecosque
ut dogma sanxisse.
Ista quidem ob hanc rem consulto revocavimus, quia ad
reconciliandam pacem velut invitamenta sunt : eo vel magis, quod
hoc tempore perspicere in orientalibus videmur multo mitiorem
erga catholicos animum, imo propensionem quamdam benevo-
lentis voluntatis. Id nominatim non multo ante apparuit, cum
scilicet nostris, pietatis caussa in Orientem advectis, egregia
humanitatis amicitiaeque praestita officia vidimus. Itaque os
Nostram patet ad vos, quotquot estis, graeco aliove oriental! ritu,
Ecclesiae, catholicae discordes. Magnopere velimus, reputet
unusquisque apud se illam Bessarionis ad patres vestros plenam
amoris gravitatisque orationem : Quae nobis relinquetur apud
Deum responsio, quare a fratribus divisi fuerimus, qiios ut uniret
et ad unum ovile redigeret, ipse descendit de caelo, incarnatus et
crucifixus est ? quae nostra defensio erit apud poster os nostros ?
non pgfiatwUT haec, Patres optimi : non habeamus hanc sententiam,
non ita male nobis consulamus et nostris. Quae sint postulata
Nostra, probe per se ipsa et coram Deo perpendite. Nulla quidem
humana re, sed caritate divina, communisque salutis studio
permoti, reconciliationem coniunctionemque cum Ecclesia romana
suademus : coniunctionem intelligimus plenam ac perfectam :
talis enim esse nullo modo potest ea, quae nihil amplius inducat,
quam certam aliquam dogmatum credendorum concordiam
fraternaeque caritatis Qommutationem, Vera coniunqtio inter
746 Documents.
christianos est, quam auctor Ecclesiae lesus Christus instituit
voluitque, in fidei et regiminis unitate consistens. Neque est cur
dubitetis, quidquam propterea vel Nos vel successores Nostros de
iure vestro, de patriarchalibus privilegiis, de rituali cuiusque
Ecclesiae consuetudine detracturos. Quippe, hoc etiam fuit,
idemque est perpetuo futurum in consilio disciplinaque Apostolicae
Sedis positum, propriis cuiusque populi originibus moribusque ex
aequo et bono non parce tribuere. At vero redintegrata nobiscum
communione, mirum profecto quanta Ecclesiis vestris dignitas
quantum decus, divino munere, accedet. Sic igitur vestram
ipsorum supplicationem Deus perbenigne audiat, Fac cessent
schismata ecclesiarum,1 atque, Congrega disperses et reduc errantes,
et coniunge sanctae tuae catholicae et apostolicae Ecclesiae ;2 sic ad
illam restituamini unam sanctamque fidem, quam ultima vetustas
nobis perinde vobisque constantissime tradidit ; quam patres ac
maiores vestri inviolate servarunt : quam ipsam splendore virtu-
tum, magnitudineingenii, excellentia doctrinae certatim illustravere
Athanasius, Basilius, Gregorius Nazianzenus, loannes Chrysos-
tomus, uterque Cyrillus, aliique magni complures, quorum gloria
ad Orientem atque Occidentem, tamquam communis hereditas
aeque pertinet.
Vosque nominatim compellare hoc loco liceat, Slavorum
gentes universae, quarum claritudinem nominis multa rerum
gestarum monumenta testantur. Nostis quam egregie de Slavis
meruerint sancti in fide patres Cyrillus et Methodius, quorum
memoriam Nosmetipsi honore debito augendam aliquot ante annis
curavimus. Eorum virtute et laboribus parta plerisque e genere
vestro populis humanitas et salus. Quo factum ut Slavonian!
inter et romanos pontifices pulcherrima vicissitude hinc benefici-
orum, illinc fidellissimae pietatis diu extiterit. Quod si maiores
vestros misera temporum calamitas magnam partem a professione
romana alienavit, considerate quanti sit redire ad unitatem.
Vos quoque Ecclesia pergit ad suum revocare complexurn, salutis,
prosperitatis, magnitudinis praesidium multiplex praebitura.
Caritate non minore ad populos respicimus, quos, recentiore
memoria, insolita quaedam rerum temporumque conversio ab
Ecclesia roinana seiunxit. Variis exactorum temporum casibus
oblivione dimissis, cogitationem supra humana omnia erigant,
lllavcrov ra o^ioy-iara reoi> fKK\r)cn£)v (In liturg. S. Basilii).
2 Toi/s^ fo-KapTrio-fifvovs tirtrwAyayc, TOVS 7rcn\avr)fJLevovs eiravdyayc, Ka\
(Twa^rov Tfl &yia <roi>
Documents. 747
animoque veritatis et salutis unice cupido, reputent apud se
constitutam a Christo Ecclesiam. Quacum si velint congrega-
tiones conferre suas, et quo loco in illis religio sit aestimare, facile
dabunt, se quidem multis maximisque in rebus, primordiorum
oblitos, ad nova errore vario defluxisse ; neque diffitebuntur, ex
eo velut patrimonio veritatis, quod novarum rerum auctores
secum in secessione avexerant, nullam fere formulam fidei certam
atque auctoritate praeditam apud ipsos superesse. Immo vero
illuc iam deventum, ut multi non vereantur fundamentum ipsum
convellere, in quo religio tota et spes omnis mortalium unice
nititur, quod est divina lesu Christi Servatoris natura. Pariter,
quos antea novi veterisque Testament! libros affirmabant divino
afflatu conscriptos, eis nunc talem abnegant auctoritatem : quod
sane, data cuilibet potestate interpretandi sensu iudicioque suo,
omnino consequi erat necesse. Hinc sua cuiusque conscientia,
sola dux et norma vitae, qualibet alia reiecta agendi regula ; hinc
pugnantes inter se opiniones et sectae multiplices, eaedemque
persaepe in naturalismi aut rationalismi placita abeuntes.
Quocirca, desperato sententiarum consensu, iam coniunctionem
praedicant et commendant fraternae caritatis. Atque id sane
vere : quandoquidem caritate mutua coniuncti esse universi debe-
mus. Id enim maxime lesus Christus praecepit, atque hanc
voluit esse sectatorum suorum notam, diligere inter se. Verum
qui potest copulare animos perfecta caritas, si Concordes mentes
non effecerit fides ?
His de caussis complures eorum de quibus loquimur, sano
iudicio, veritatisque studiosi, certam salutis viam in Ecclesia
catholica quaesivere, cum plane intelligerent nequaquam se
posse cum lesu Christo tamquam capite esse coniunctos, cuius
non adhaerescerent corpori, quod est Ecclesia : nee sinceram
Christi fidem adipisci, cuius magisterium legitimum, Petro et
successoribus traditum, repudiarent. li videlicet in Ecclesia
romana expressam verae Ecclesiae speciem atque imaginem
dispexere, inditis ab auctore Deo notis plane conspicuam : ideoque
in ipsis numerantur multi, acri iudicio subtilique ad antiquitatem
excutiendam ingenio, qui Ecclesiae romanae ab Apostolis con-
tinuationem, dogmatum integritatem, disciplinae constant! am
scriptis egregiis illustrarint. Igitur horum virorum proposito
exemplo, .compellat vos plus animus quam oratio, fratres nostri,
qui tria iam saecula nobiscum de'fide Christiana dissidetis, itemoue
vos, quotcumque deinceps quavis de caussa seorsum a "nobis.
748 Documents.
abiistis. Occurramus omnes in unitatem fidei et agnitionis filii
Dei.1 Ad hanc unitatem, quae nullo tempore Ecclesiae catho-
licae defuit nee potest ulla ratione deesse, sinite ut vos invitemus,
dextramque peramanter porrigamus. Vos Ecclesia, communis
parens, iamdiu revocat ad se, vos catholic! universi fraterno
desiderio expectant, ut sancte nobiscum colatis Deum, unius
Evangelii, unius fidei, unius spei professione in caritate perfecta
coniuncti.
Ad plenum optatissimae unitatis concentum, reliquum est ut
ad eos, quotquot toto orbe sunt, transgrediatur oratio, quorum in
salute diu evigilant curae cogitationesque Nostrae : catholicos
intelligimus, quos romanae professio fidei uti obedientes facit
Apostolicae Sedi, ita tenet cum lesu Christo coniunctos. Non ii
quidem ad veram sanctamque unitatem cohortandi, quippe cuius
iam sunt, divina bonitate, compotes : monendi tarnen ne, ingra-
vantibus uridique periculis, summum Dei beneficium socordia
atque ignavia corrumpant. Huius rei gratia quae Nosmetipsi
gentibus catholicis vel universis vel singulis alias documenta
dedimus, ex iis cogitandi agendique normam opportune sumant :
illudque imprimis velut summam sibi legem statuant, magisterio
auctoritatique Ecclesiae non anguste, non diffidenter, sed toto
animo et perlibente voluntate omnibus in rebus esse parendum.
Qua in re animum advertant, illud quam valde sit unitati
christianae perniciosum, quod germanam formam notionemque
Ecclesiae varius opinionum error passim obscuravit, delevit. Ea
quippe, Dei conditoris voluntate ac iussu, societas est genere suo
perfecta : cuius ofncium ac munus est imbuere praeceptis institu-
tisque evangelicis genus humanum, tuendaque integritate morum
et christianarum exercitatione virtutum, ad earn, quae unicuique
hominum proposita in caelis est, f elicit at em adducere. Quoniam-
que societas est, uti diximus, perfecta, idcirco vim habet virtu-
temque vitae, non extrinsecus haustam, sed concilio divino et
suapte natura insitam : eademque de caussa nativam habet legum
ferendarum potestatem, in iisque ferendis rectum est earn subesse
nemini : itemque aliis in rebus, quae sint iuris sui, oportet esse
liberam. Quae tamen libertas non est eiusmodi, ut ullum det
aemulationi invidiaeque locum : non enim potentiam consectatur
Ecclesia, neque ulla cupiditate sua impellitur, sed hoc vult, hoc
expetit unice, tueri in hominibus officia virtutum, et hac ratione,
bac via, sempiternae eorum saluti consulere. Ideoque facilitateni
» Eph, iv. 13,
Documents. 749
indulgentiamque maternam adhibere solet : imo etiam non raro
contingit, ut plura temporibus civitatum tribuens, uti iure suo
abstineat : quod sane pacta ipsa abunde testantur cum imperils
saepe conventa. Nihil magis ab ea alienum, quam rapere ad se
quicquam de iure imperii : sed vicissim vereatur imperium necesse
est iura Ecclesiae, caveatque ne ullam ex iis partem ad se
traducat. Nunc vero, si res et facta spectentur, cuiusmodi est
temporum cursus ? Ecclesiam videlicet suspectam habere, fasti-
dire, odisse, invidiose criminari nimis multi consuevere : quodque
multo gravius, id agunt, omni ope et contentione, ut ditioni
gubernatorum civitatis faciant servientem. Hinc sua ipsi et
erepta bona, et deducta in angustum libertas : hinc alumnorum
sacri ordinis circumiecta dimcultatibus institutio : perlatae in
Clerum singular! severitate leges : dissolutae, prohibitae, optima
christiani nominis praesidia, religiosorum sodalitates ; brevi,
regalistarum praecepta atque acta acerbius renovata Hoc quidem
est vim afferre sanctissimis Ecclesiae iuribus : quod maxima
gignit civitatibus mala, propterea quod cum divinis conciliis
aperte pugnat. Princeps enim atque opifex mundi Deus, qui
hominum congregationi et civilem et sacram potestatem provi-
dentissime praeposuit, distinctas quidem permanere eas voluit, at
vero seiunctas esse et confligere vetuit. Quin immo cum Dei
ipsius voluntas, turn commune societatis humanae bonum omnino
postulat, ut potestas civilis in regendo gubernandoque cum
ecclesiastica conveniat. Hinc sua et propria sunt imperio iura
atque officia, sua item Ecclesiae : sed alterum cum altera con-
cordiae vinclo colligatum esse necesse est. Ita sane futurum, ut
Ecclesiae imperiique necessitudines mutuae ab ilia sese expediant
perturbatione, quae nunc est, non uno nomine improvida, bonisque
omnibus permolesta : pariterque impetrabitur, ut non permixtis,
neque dissociatis utriusque rationibus, reddant cives quae sunt
Caesaris, Caesari, quae sunt Dei, Deo.
Simili modo magnum unitati discrimen ab ea hominum secta
impendet, quae Massonica nominatur, cuius funesta vis nationes
praesertim catholicas iamdiu premit. Turbulentorum temporum
nacta favorem, viribusque et opibus et successu insolescens,
dominatum suum firmius constabilire, latiusque propagare summa
ope contendit. lamque ex latebra et insidiis in lucem erupit
civitatum, atque in hac Urbe ipsa, catholici nominis principe,
quasi Dei numen lacessitura consedit. Quod vero calamitosissi-
mum est, ubicumque vestigium posuit, ibi in omnes sese ordines
750 Documents.
in omniaque instituta reipublicae infert, si tandem sunimam
arbitriumque obtineat. Calamitosissimum id quidem : eius enim
manifesta est quum opinionum pravitas turn consiliorum nequitia.
Per speciam vindicandi iuris humani civilisque societatis instau-
randae, christianum nomen hostiliter petit : traditam a Deo
doctrinam repudiat : officia pietatis, divina sacramenta, tales res
augustiores, tamquam superstitiosa vituperat : de matrimonio, de
familia, de adolescentium institutione, de privata omni et publica
disciplina, christianam formam detrahere nititur, omnemque
humanae et divinae potestatis reverentiam ex animo evellere
populorum. Praecipit vero colendam homini esse naturam, atque
huius unius principiis aestimari ac dirigi veritatem, honestatem,
iustitiam oportere. Quo pacto, uti perspicuum est, compellitur
homo ad mores fere vitaeque consuetudinem ethnicorum, eamque
multiplicatis illecebris vitiosiorem. Hac de re, quamquam alias
a Nobis gravissimeque est dictum, Apostolica tamen vigilantia
adducimur in idem ut insistamus, etiam atque etiam monentes,
in tarn praesenti periculo nullas esse cautiones tantas, quin
suscipiendae sint maiores. Clemens prohibeat Deus nefaria
consilia : sentiat tamen atque intelligat populus christianus,
indignissimum sectae iugum excutiendum aliquando esse : excu-
tiantque enixius, qui durius premuntur, Itali et Galli. Quibus
armis, qua ratione id rectius possint, iam Nos ipsi dernonstra-
vimus : neque victoria incerta eo fidentibus duce, cuius perstat
divina vox : Ego vici mundum.1
Utroque depulso periculo, restitutisque ad fidei unitatem
imperiis et civitatibus, mirum quam efficax medicina malorum et
quanta bonorum copia manaret. Praecipua libet attingere.
Pertinet primum ad dignitatem ac munera Ecclesiae : quae
quidem receptura esset honoris gradum debiturn, atque iter suum
et invidia vacuum et libertate munitum pergeret, administra
evangelicae veritatis et gratiae ; idque singular! cum salute
civitatum. Ea enim cum magistra sit et dux hominum generi a
Deo data, conferre operam potest praecipue accommodatam
maximis temporum conversionibus in commune bonum tempe-
randis, caussis vel impeditissimis opportune dirimendis, recto
iustoque, quae nrmissinia sunt fundamenta reipublicae prove-
hendo.
Praeclara deinde coniunetionis inter nationes accessio fieret,
desideranda maxime hoc tempore, ad taetra bellorum discrimina
i John xvi. 33
Documents. 751
praecavenda. Ante oculos habemus Europae tempora. Multos
iam annos plus specie in pace vivitur, quam re. Insidentibus
suspicionibus mutuis, singulae fere gentes pergunt certatim
instruere sese apparatu bellico. Improvida adolescentium aetas
procul parentum consilio magisterioque in pericula traditur vitae
militaris : validissima pubes ab agrorum cultura, a studiis optimis,
a mercaturis, ab artificiis, ad arma traducitur. Hinc exhausta
magnis sumptibus aeraria, attritae civitatum opes, afflicta fortuna
privatorum : iamque ea, quae nunc est, veluti procincta pax
diutius ferri non potest. Civilis hominum coniunctionis talemne
esse natura statum ? Atque hinc evadere, et pacem veri nominis
adipisci, nisi lesu Christ! beneficio, non possumus. Etenim ad
ambitionem, ad appetentiam alieni, ad aemulationem cohibendam,
quae sunt maximae bellorum faces, Christiana virtute imprimisque
iustitia, nihil est aptius : cuius ipsi.us virtutis munere turn iura
gentium et religiones foederum integra esse possunt, turn germani-
tatis vincula firmiter permanere, eo persuaso : Iustitia elevat
gentem.1
Pariter domi suppetet inde praesidium salutis publicae multo
certius ac validius, quam quod leges et arma praebent. Siquidem
nemo non videt, ingravescere quotidie pericula incolumitatis et
tranquillitatis publicae, cum seditiosorum sectae, quod crebra
testatur facinorum atrocitas, in eversiones conspirent atque
excidia civitatum. Scilicet magna contentione agitatur ea duplex
causa, quam socialem, quam politicam appellant. Utraque sane
gravissima : atque utrique sapienter iusteque dirimendae, quam-
vis laudabilia studia, temperamenta experimenta sint in medio
consulta, tamen nihil aliud tarn opportunum fuerit, quam si passim
animi ad conscientiam regulamque officii ex interiore fide!
christianae] principio informentur. De sociali causa in hanc
sententiam a Nobis non multo ante data opera, tractatum
est, sumptis ab Evangelio, itemque a natural! ratione principiis.
De caussa politico,, libertatis cum potestate conciliandae gratia,
quas multi notione confundunt et re intemperanter distrahunt, ex
Christiana philosophia vis derivari potest perutilis. Nam hoc
posito, et omnium assensu approbate, quaecumque demum sit
forma reipublicae, auctoritatem esse a Deo, continue ratio
perspicit, legitimum esse in aliis ius imperandi, consentaneum in
aliis officium parendi, neque id dignitati contrarium, quia Deo
verius quam homini paretur : a Deo autem indicium durissimum
1 Frov. xiv. o4.
752 Documents.
Us qui praesunt denuntiatum est, nisi personam eius recte iusteque
gesserint. Libertas vero singulorum nemini potest esse suspecta
et invisa, quia nocens nemini, in iis quae vera sunt, quae recta,
quae cum publica tranquillitate coniuncta, versabitur. Denique
si illud spectetur, quid possit populorum ac principum parens et
conciliatrix Ecclesia, ad utrosque iuvandos auctoritate consilioque
suo nata, turn maxime apparebit quantum salutis communis
intersit ut gentes universae inducant animum idem de fide
Christiana sentire, idem profiteri.
Ista quidem cogitantes ac toto animo concupiscentes, longe
intuemur qualis esset rerum ordo in terris futurus, nee quidquam
novimus consequentium bonorum contemplatione iucundius.
Fingi vix animo potest, quantus ubique gentium repente foret ad
omnem excellentiam prosperitatemque cursus, constituta tranquil-
litate et otio, incitatis ad incrementa litteris, conditis insuper
auctisque christiano more, secundum praescripta Nostra, agrico-
larum, opificum, industriorum consociationibus, quarum ope et
vorax reprimatur usura, et utilium laborum campus dilatetur.
Quorum vis beneficiorum, humanarum atque excultarum
gentium nequaquam circumscripta finibus, longe lateque, velut
abundantissimus amnis, deflueret. Illud enim est considerandum,
quod initio diximus, gentes multitudine infinitas plura iam saecula
et aetates praestolari, a quo lumen veritatis humanitatisque
accipiant. Certe, quod pertinet ad sempiternam populorum
salutem, aeternae mentis consilia longissime sunt ab hominum
intelligentia remota : nihilominus si per varias terrarum plagas
tarn est adhue infelix superstitio diffusa, id non minima ex parte
vitio dandum subortis de religione dissidiis. Nam, quantum
valet mortalis ratio ex rerum eventis existimare, hoc plane
videtur Europae munus assignatum a Deo, ut christianam
gentium humanitatem ad omnes terras sensim perferat. Cuius
tanti operis initia progressusque, superiorum aetatum parta
laboribus, ad laeta incrementa properabant, cum repente discordia
saeculo xvi deflagravit. Discerpto disputationibus dissidiisque
nomine christiano, extenuatis Europae per contentiones et bella
viribus, funestam temporum vim sacrae expeditiones sensere.
Insidentibus discordiae caussis, quid mirum si tam magna pars
mortalium moribus inhumanis et vesanis ritibus implicita
tenetur ? Omnes igitur pari studio demus operam ut concordia
vetus, communis boni caussa, restituatur. Eiusmodi reconcili-
andae concordiae, pariterque beneficiis christianae sapientiae late
Documents. 753
propagandis, opportuna maxime fluunt tempora, propterea quod
humanae fraternitatis sensa nunquam altius in animos pervasere,
neque ulla aetate visus homo sui similes, noscendi opitulandique
caussa, studiosius anquirere. Immensos terrarum marisque
tractus celeritate incredibili currus et navigia transvehuntur ;
quae sane egregios usus afferunt, non ad commercia tantummodo
curiositatemque ingeniosorum, sed etiam ad verhum Dei ab ortu
solis ad occasum late disseminandum.
Non sumus nescii, quam diuturni laboriosique negotii sit
rerum ardo, quern restitutum optamus : nee fortasse deerunt,
qui Nos arbitrentur nimiae indulgere spei, atque optanda magis,
quam expectanda quaerere. Sed Nos quidem spem omnem ac
plane fiduciam collocamus in humani generis Servatore lesu
Christo, probe memores, quae olim et quanta per stultitiam
Crucis et praedicationis eius patrata sint, huius mundi obstupe-
scente et confusa sapientia. Principes vero et rectores civitatum
nominatim rogamus, velint pro civili prudentia sua et fideli
populorum cura concilia Nostra ex veritate aestimare, velint
auctoritate et gratiae fovere. Quaesitorum fructuum si vel pars
provenerit, non id minimi fuerit beneficii loco in tanta rerum
omnium inclinatione, quando impatientia praesentium temporum
cum formidine iungitur futurorum.
Extrema saeculi superioris fessam cladibus trepidamque per-
turbationibus Europam reliquere. Haec, quae ad exitum properat
aetas, quidni, versa vice, humano generi hereditate transmittat
auspicia concordiae cum spe maximorum bonorum, quae unitate
fidei christianae continentur ?
Adsit optatis votisque Nostris dives in misericordia Deus,
cuius in potestate tempora sunt et momenta, benignissimeque
implere maturet divinum illud lesu Christi promissum, fiet unum
ovile et unus pastor. ,'
Datum Romae apud S. Petrum die xx lunii anno MDCCCXCIV,
Pontificatus Nostri decimoseptimo.
LEO PP. XIII.
1 John x. 16.
VOL, xv
754 ]
flotfces of Books
LA DEVOTION AU SACRE-CCEUR DE JESUS. Par E. P. Jean
Baptiste Terrien, S.J. Paris : P. Lethielleux.
MANY books have been written on Devotion to the Sacred
Heart, yet the subject is an inexhaustible one, and every new
writer, treating of it, who can produce a really valuable work,
such as that before us, need have no fear of a cold reception.
Father Terrien treats of this devotion almost exclusively in its
dogmatic aspect, discussing its object, end, and fruits; how it fits
in with the established worship of the Church, with other approved
devotions ; and, finally, the circumstances of time and place under
which God, in His wisdom, thought proper to propose it to the
faithful. Bringing to his subject a thorough intimacy with the
fathers, a profound Scriptural knowledge, and a mind well trained
in theology, the author imparts much valuable information in
simple language. Against the many opponents of this devotion he
shows that the object of our worship is the physical material Heart
of our Saviour, together with the divine love which that Heart
symbolizes, and this worship is truly and properly Latria. In
truly eloquent terms the writer touches on the tenderness and
depth of God's love for us, and shows that no more fitting object
of our worship could be found than the Heart of Jesus, which
" offers us by Itself a living manifestation of divine love. In it,
as in a mirror of matchless perfection, we can contemplate all
that our Divine Saviour has done, and is doing, for the love of
His Father, and especially for the love of us " 'p. 158).
Anyone who is anxious to obtain a clear, full, satisfactory, and
scientific explication of the Devotion to the Sacred Heart, cannot
do better than read Father Terrien's book. P. K.
CARMINA MARIANA. An English Anthology in Verse, in
Honour of, or in [Relation to, the Blessed Virgin Mary.
Collected and arranged by Orby Shipley, M.A. Second
Edition. London : Burns and Gates.
IT is only a few months since we called attention to a notable
book which had just come from the press — Carmina Mariana, or
a collection of sacred poetry, in English, in honour of the Blessed
Virgin Mary, compiled by Orby Shipley. We then anticipated
Notices of Books. 755
for the work a ready sale, and we are rejoiced to find that already
a new edition has been called for.
The few things in the first edition, that might be improved,
have been attended to in this new edition ; a few misprints have
been corrected, and the contents have been printed anew, with a
variation of type, and a footnote, which make them more easy to
be consulted.
An interesting appendix is added, containing extracts from
the criticisms of the reviews — Irish, English, Continental, and
American ; and the unanimity of their commendation is the
highest testimony to the literary merit of the collection. The
Catholic reader will have the additional pleasure of seeing in this
most varied collection of poetic gems, a world-wide testimony to
the love and tenderness inspired by reflection on the character
and virtues of the Mother of God.
THE LAYMAN'S DAY. By Percy Fitzgerald. London :
Burns & Gates.
THEEE are numberless laymen in the world, who play the
part of Mary's sister, who are busy and troubled about many
things, but who are wanting in solicitude about the one thing
necessary. For such our author writes endeavouring to set
before them the great truth that salvation, while it is a serious
business, an affair of the highest importance, is not to be secured
on the easy terms of merely attending at chapel on a Sunday or
holiday. The author sketches for his reader a very vivid picture
of the daily life of the ordinary layman, pointing out, as he goes
along, the defects that are noticeable, and indicating at the same
time how religion may, and ought to exercise its influence on a
man's every action.
A little volume such as this, replete with solidly pious
thoughts and practical suggestions, and written in an easy and
interesting style, will be read with pleasure, and could not, we
feel certain, be read by any reflecting person without much
profit. J. F.
EXPLANATION OF DEHARBES'_ SMALL CATECHISM. By
James Canon Schmitt, D.D. Translated from Seventh
German Edition. Freiburg : B. Herder.
THIS is an excellent English translation of a valuable manual
of religious instruction. Canon Schmitt aims at presenting
756 Notices of Books.
the great doctrines of our religion to the minds of the young in a
simple, homely, and attractive way. The work is divided into
three parts. In the first part, the author discusses the great
truths of religion, which all must know and believe ; the second
part deals with the commandments of God and of the Church ;
while the third treats of the sacraments and of prayer. Written
in the simplest language, containing a vast amount of informa-
tion, and numerous illustrations that cannot fail to affect the
youthful mind for good, this book will be of great utility to any
one on whom the important duty of teaching Christian doctrine
to children devolves.
SICK CALLS. From the Diary of a Missionary Priest. By
Rev. E. Price, M. A. London : B. Washbourne,
18, Paternoster-row.
THE work before us is a new edition of a very interesting
book. It is a chapter from the life of a zealous priest. It tells
the story of some bedsides of the dying that he attended in the
performance of his sacred duties. The scene of his labours was
England, and especially London, that little world where people
of every walk of life are to be met with. Its Catholics are not
a very prosperous race ; hence it is not surprising that many
scenes of sorrow come before our English priest in going among
his people. Some of Fr. Price's experiences in this way are
narrated in his little book. Poverty under its many forms
appears in its stories, and ever allied to it is confidence in God.
The poor have always been God's special friends, and certainly
many of the Catholic poor of London are not without God's best
gifts, as can be seen from their dying moments.
Bad literature is one of the greatest evils that now-a-days
saps the foundations of spiritual life. Young men and women
are led into the worse vices that human nature is subject to, by
the reading of immoral books. The faith of many a once zealous
Catholic is undermined by the infidel works that now abound.
Hence good Catholic books are of immense value. Fr. Price has
done his part towards providing such books for the people. His
work is full of interesting scenes and graphic descriptions. No
Catholic reading-room should be without a copy of it. We should
like to see it also in Catholic homes.
J. M. H,
Notices of Books. 757
RECENT EVIDENCE FOE THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE
GOSPELS: TATIAN'S " DIATESSAEON." By Michael
Maher, S- J.
MODEEN infidels, in their attacks upon the authenticity of the
Gospels, have laboured to show that the works attributed to the
Evangelists were written in the middle of the second century, and,
consequently, at a time when their supposed authors had long
since gone to their reward. But this theory of the infidels — if it
ever had an air of plausibility — must go to the ground when it is
shown that a harmonized version of the four Gospels was made
and circulated among the Christians early in the second century.
Such was the Diatessaron of Tatian, written about 160 A. D., and
brought to light a few years ago. Father Maher gives us the
history of this interesting document ; discusses the changes that
may have taken place in the original version, and shows that in
substance and order the work is the same as when composed by
Tatian, and is, therefore, a powerful weapon in the hands of
orthodox biblical critics against those who deny the authenticity
of the Gospels, P. K.
SIMPLICITY IN PEAYEE. From the French. New York:
Benziger Brothers.
THIS small volume is made up of a number of counsels
intended to show the faithful how they may pray with confidence
and fruit. The counsels are taken from the lives of the saints
and the writings of Boudon and Eigolene. The various methods
of prayer and their advantages are touched upon.
I. LIFE OF THE BLESSED GEEAED MAZELLA. By Kev.
0. K. Vassall/C.SS.E. London : Charles M. Kock.
II. LENTEN SEEMONS. By Eev. P. Sabela. London :
Burns & Gates.
III. PAEOCHI VADE-MECUM.
I. THIS very interesting and highly edifying monograph
deserves our highest commendation. It is an excellently written
sketch of the life and miracles of the Blessed Gerard, a Eedemp-
torist lay brother of the last century, in whose marvellous life no
student of the lives of the saints can fail to discern all the distin-
guishing traits of a remarkable servant of God. Indeed, as Father
758 Notices of Books.
Vassall says, "Almighty God seems to have raised up this
lay brother to confute, in the very age of Voltaire, the flippant
scepticism of a false philosophy by the stern logic of incontest-
able facts." Moreover, we believe that the study, with the
proper spirit, of such a life, would be an efficacious antidote
to the shallow scepticism and growing infidelity of our own
time.
II. This is a second edition of a short course of well-written
sermons, suitable for the holy season of Lent. The little volume
contains six sermons on the Passion of our Lord, one on the
Seven Dolours of His 'Blessed Mother, and a charity sermon.
The sermons on the Passion develop at length the Gospel narra-
tives of the Evangelists, and should be found very useful in the
preparation of Lenten discourses.
III. We wish to draw the attention of missionary priests to
this tiny volume, in 32mo, having the imprimatur of the Bishop
of Birmingham. It contains the rubrics and prayers in Latin for
the administration of the Holy Viaticum and Extreme Unction,
and for imparting the last blessing ; also, in English, the prayers
for the recommendation of a departing soul. J. F.
THE FIEST AND SECOND KESUERECTIONS. By C. H.
London : Burns & Gates.
THE author of this pamphlet tries to show that a spiritual
Millenium will intervene between Christ's second coming and the
general judgment. He argues chiefly from the account of the
second advent given in Apocalypse (chaps, xix.-xx.), to his singular
interpretation of which he adapts the accounts given in the
Synoptic Gospels, and other texts bearing on the second coming.
We think a more natural process would be to interpret the
obscure and highly figurative passages of the Apocalypse in the
light of the commonly received interpretation of the Gospel
accounts. The author lays great stress on the fact that his
theory was held by St. Irenaeus, Papias, and a few other early
Christian writers ; but he is seemingly oblivious of the fact that
it was discarded by the bulk of the fathers, and reprobated by
practically all commentators. We do not think that this
pamphlet will induce many Catholics to abandon the traditional
view sustaining the simultaniety of the general judgment with
the second advent of Christ. P. J. B.
Notices of Books. 759
LIFE EVERLASTING. A Sermon by the Eight Kev. Dr.
Hedley, O.S.B. Art and Book Company, London.
THIS is an excellent sermon. After briefly showing that the
belief in a life of eternal happiness for the first prevailed among
men from the earliest time, the preacher discusses the nature of
this life, and pictures in glowing terms its surpassing excellence,
closing with a warm appeal to his hearers to strive earnestly to
attain it. It is truly a sermon calculated to lift the heart of the
Christian above the cares and sorrows of this life, to the thought
and desire of that true life, to which the good Christian will be
introduced by death. P. J. B.
CLAUDE LIGHTFOOT ; OR, How THE PROBLEM WAS SOLVED.
By Francis T. Finn, S.J. New York, Cincinnati,
Chicago : Benziger Brothers.
CLAUDE LIGHTFOOT, the hero of this tale, cannot fail to excite
the keenest interest ; his vivacity and sunniness are contagious,
and we follow him through his escapades with unflagging interest
and amusement. Notwithstanding his extreme wildness, how-
ever, his simplicity and candour, and the beautiful dispositions he
displays in his preparations for that " greatest day of his life " —
his first Communion day — excite our greatest admiration. The
plot of the story is good, and is excellently worked out, the
characters being very true to life, and such as everyone has met
with ; yet the tone of the whole tale is so high, that we cannot
rise from the perusal of it without feelings of great pleasure and
satisfaction ; and, at the same time, of having derived consider-
able benefit from the maxims of piety, docility, and candour, so
well inculcated in it.
CATHOLIC TRUTH SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.
WE have received a number of the publications of the
Catholic Truth Society, the merit and variety of which demand
from us as detailed a notice as the space at our disposal will
allow. The place of honour in our notice is, we think, deserved
by the anonymous Life and Letters of Father Damien a brief
record of the life and labours of the devoted Belgian missionary
whose self-sacrifice and heroism, displayed in his fourteen years'
ministry among the lepers of Molokai, have won for him the
admiration even of Protestants. The book, though simply
written, being mainly composed of Father Damien's own letters
760 Notices of Books.
is interspersed with graphic pictures of the scenes amidst which
he laboured. We read every page with lively interest, and arose
from the perusal with the feeling that we had been reading the
history of one of God's great saints. Besides the life of Father
Damien, which can be procured for a shilling, we have also
received the lives of St, Anselm, St. Dominic, and Margaret of
Scotland, the latest contributions to penny biographical series
of the Society, and we can cordially recommend them to our
readers.
A shilling 'volume of Historical Papers, edited by Father
Morris, S.J., next claims our attention. It contains excellent
articles on the Spanish Inquisition, the False Decretals, the
Pallium, Cranmer, and Boleyn, the Immuring of Nuns, and the
Huguenots. These articles, which are written in a popular style,
will give the general reader a good deal of useful information on
the different subjects with which they deal, and should have a
most beneficial effect on the mind of any honest Protestant who
happens to read them. Other papers of a like nature, published
separately, are St. Bartholomew's Day, 1572, How the Church of
England Washed her Face, and The Eood of Boxley, which are
equally meritorious publications.
A pamphlet of a different kind from any of the foregoing is
Father Bridget's A Flag of Truce, which is an attempt to convince
Protestants of the reasonableness of certain Catholic practices,
such as the invocation of saints, and the use of images, by
putting before them the spontaneous, unprejudiced admissions of
writers of their own sect. This little book is more ingenious
than solid, and we think that Father Bridget would have better
chance of winning the sympathy of our Protestant opponents, by
giving them, in the same popular form, a clear statement of
the Catholic view of the various points he discusses, with the
arguments in favour of it.
We have nothing but words of praise for a shilling volume
of brightly written tales, called The Sevenfold Treasure, by
Miss Louisa Dobree. It is a collection of charming stories on
the Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit, and will be pleasant and
instructive reading both for the young and old.
Two little books of practical and suggestive meditations, by
Father Clarke, S.J., on Charity, and on Faith and Hope, a
booklet by Father Morris, S.J., on The Heroic Act of Charity, and
another by Father Lescari, S.J., called The Eucharistic Month,
Notices of Books. 761
are the latest additions to the Devotional Series of the Society.
They are useful little volumes, full of practical piety.
Other neat and cheap volumes issued by the Catholic Truth
Society, are Mere Gilette, Under a Cloud, and A Mother s Sacrifice-
In Mere Gilette we are given a pleasing picture of the simple
life in a Norman village, and afterwards, in strong contrast,
we are shown life in the Paris slums. The whole story
which is very well told, serves to show how delusive are the
promises held out by the Socialists and Communists of the
present day.
Under a Cloud is the history of a young man who nobly fore-
goes his prospects rather than compromise his religion ; and we
afterwards see how his constancy is recompensed.
In the volume entitled A Mother's Sacrifice we have a number
of short stories, all well written and interesting. In fine, the
attractive form of these stories, as well as their extreme cheap-
ness, ought to secure them a well-deserved popularity and a wide
circulation. P. J. B.
The Gordon Biots. By Father Morris. This is an interesting
and ably- written account of the last great persecution to which
the Catholics were subjected in England.
The First Experiment in Civil and Religious Liberty. By J.
Garment. This is the story of a settlement of humble Catholics
in Maryland, organized and successfully carried out under Lord
Baltimore, in time of Charles I.
Saint Helen. By M. James. The author gives a pleasing and
interesting sketch of the great saint, who was privileged to find
the true cross.
Per Parcels Post By Louis Dobree. This is a well-told and
instructive tale for the young. P. K.
VAEIOUS SMALLER PUBLICATIONS.
WE have received a number of publications to which we can
give but brief notice. A readable pamphlet by the Kev. T. A.
Bourke, styled Diocesan Seminaries, and the Education of
Ecclesiastical Students, discusses the proposal, made last year
in the Tablet, to establish a central- ecclesiastical college for the
southern dioceses of England, and opposes it as retrogressive,
and contrary to the Church's ideal. Father Bourke suggests an
alternative plan, and incidentally discusses a number of important
762 Notices of Books.
questions regarding the studies, discipline, &c., in ecclesiastical
colleges.
In an article reprinted from The Month, Father Kelly, S.J.,
gives us the gratifying assurance that everyone has " a voice,'
and he lays down some instructive rules to guide us in managing
and developing it. Father John Morris, S.J., is the title, and
the subject of a sympathetic character-sketch by Eev. Eichard
Clarke, S.J. The writer pays a warm tribute to the virtue and
learning, and fine natural qualities of his departed brother. All
the foregoing publications are issued by Messrs. Burns and Gates.
The Schism of the West, and the Freedom of Papal Elections
(New York: Benziger Brothers), is a scholarly essay by the
Kev. Henry Brann, D.D., LL.D., on the great schism that began
with the election of Urban VI. in 1378, and continued to the
scandal and bewilderment of the Catholic world, till the unanimous
election of Martin V. in 1417. Father Brann is clearly master of
the subject.
Eeaders with antiquarian tastes will find A Visitation of
St. Mary's Church (Washbourne, London), by the Eight Eev.
Mgr. Brownlow, M.A., interesting reading. It contains much
curious information about the condition of English rural churches
during the fourteenth century. P. J. B.
AN EXPLANATION OF THE GOSPELS OF THE SUNDAYS
AND HOLYDAYS. From the Italian of Angelo Caguola.
By Eev. L. A. Lambert, LL.D. Together with an
EXPLANATION OF CATHOLIC WORSHIP. From the German,
by Eev. Eichard Brennan, LL.D. New York : Benziger
Brothers.
THIS highly useful and much-needed little volume will well
repay perusal. Those who are engaged in the ministry of the
Word, will find therein the Gospels of the Sundays and holydays
throughout the year, explained with conciseness and accuracy.
The explanations take the form of question and answer, and are
both doctrinal and devotional. We have rarely seen those
elements so successfully combined. We predict that this work
will prove a boon to both clergy and laity, especially to the latter,
who cannot easily have access to the standard scriptural com-
mentaries. The explanations of the different Gospels, plain,
practical and intelligible as they are, convey much solid and
Notices of Books. 763
edifying instruction in the simplest language. The Explanation
of Catholic Worship is a hand-book of useful information, and
contains much that may be read with profit by every sincere
Catholic.
THE EOMAN MISSAL. Adapted to the use of the Laity,
with English and other Appendices, and a Collection of
Prayers. London: E. Washburne, 18, Paternoster-
row.
THIS neat and handy manual, the third edition of which, in a
considerably enlarged form, has just come from the press, is well
suited to its pious purpose. It enables the laity, for whom it is
intended, to unite themselves more closely with the priest in
offering the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass. By its aid they will
become acquainted with those variable portions of the Mass,
selected with such care by the Church to honour her numerous body
of saints. The present edition is very full, as it embraces almost
all the Masses that we find in the general calendar of the Eoman
missal. In the appendices are added the calendars of the English
and Irish churches, also the calendars peculiar to the Jesuit
and Benedictine Orders in England, The collection of prayers
contained in the book will serve admirably as a preparation for
Mass.
J.E.
A MARTYR OF OUR OWN TIMES. From the French of Eight
Eev. Mgr. D'Hulst. New York, Cincinnati, Chicago :
Benziger Brothers.
WE can never sufficiently admire the conduct of the generous
priest who, leaving friends and country, goes away to spread the
faith in distant lands. Such a priest was just De Bretenieres,
whose biography has been admirably translated into English
by Very Eev J. Slattery. The future martyr's seminary days
were days of holiness and assiduous toil, yet " without noise,
without show." Filled with zeal for apostolic work, to be a
priest, with the young student, just meant to be a missionary ;
and when he heard the scene of labour marked out for him by his
superior, he joyfully exclaimed, " Corea for ever, the land of
martyrs." In 1866, the desire of his heart was gratified when he
suffered a cruel death for the faith.
764 Notices of Books.
LITTLE BOOK OF INSTRUCTIONS FOB CHRISTIAN MOTHERS
By Fr. Pustet. New York : Pustet & Co.
THAT on a child's early training depends to a great extent its
happiness in this life and the life to come, it were idle to repeat.
Now this early training devolves first of all on the mother ; and
hence the importance of Christian mothers being well-instructed,
and thoroughly convinced of the responsibility laid upon them
by God. Fr. Pustet's little book gives the mother valuable
instructions, exhorts her to give good example by her own life,
and shows her how she may most effectually combat vice, and
foster virtue in her child from its earliest years.
A BOOK OF NOVENAS. In honour of God and His blessed
Saints. By the Very Rev. John Baptist Pagani, Author
of the " Anima Devota." Art and Book Company
London and Leamington.
GLANCING hurriedly through this little book, we find a very
good collection of Novenas for all the principal feasts of our
Lord and the saints, most of which are richly indulgenced. This
little book then, ought to prove very useful to the faithful as
embracing in such a small space so many beautiful and richly
indulgenced prayers, for use in the various Novenas of the
Catholic year.
FLOWERS OF THE PASSION. Thoughts of St. Paul of the
Cross. Gathered from the writings of the saint by the
Rev. Louis Th. De Jesus Agonisant. Translated by Ella
A. Mulligan. New York, Cincinnati, Chicago : Benziger
Brothers.
THIS collection of beautiful maxims and prayers culled from
the writings of that saint who was par excellence the apostle of
the Passion, ought to prove most acceptable to the faithful who
cultivate that most beautiful of devotions, love of the Passion.
Having carefully examined it, and feeling sure it will tend to
promote love of this beautiful devotion, we hope that this little
book may long continue to spread far and wide love of the
Passion and Sufferings of Christ.
Notices of Books. 765
PURGATORIAN MANUALS.
A Purgatorian Manual, entitled All Souls Forget-Me-Not,
by Louis Gemminger, Priest of the Archdiocese of Munich,
translated and edited by Canon Moser, has reached us from
Mr. K. Washbourne, 18, Paternoster-row, London. That this
little Manual has reached a second edition, shows that it is
already well known and appreciated, and deservedly so, as it
contains many very beautiful prayers and a considerable amount
of spiritual reading. We are given short lives of the saints who
were particularly devout to the holy souls; and there are no
less than five methods of hearing Mass for these poor captives,
including the Mass for the Dead, taken" from the Eoman Missal.
That this little book, having so much to recommend it, should
have prospered in the past, we do not wonder ; and we heartily
wish it an increase of that circulation in the future, more
particularly as it is published with the charitable object of
raising funds to build a church dedicated to the holy souls at
Peterborough in England.
Another Purgatorian Manual, entitled Suffering Souls, has
come to us from Pustet & Co., New York and Cincinnati. It is
written for the use of the Purgatorian Society, established in the
archdiocese of New York, and contains many beautiful prayers
and devotions applicable to the souls in purgatory. W. B.
ANINA. By a Member of the Congregation of Sisters of the
Holy Cross. The Ave Maria Press.
THIS is a drama in three acts, intended for children, and
well calculated to interest and instruct them. It shows how the
pursuit of virtue, and not the pleasures of sense, can bring the
soul true peace.
PAX VOBISCUM. London : Burns and Gates.
THIS is a manual of prayer specially adapted to the wants
of the infirm. Besides carefully-selected prayers, and various
devotions suitable to the faithful in general, it contains special
devotions for the sick, and several beautiful hymns. The type is
large and clear, well-suited for those whose eyes are growing dim
from age or infirmity.
PASTIME PAPERS. Cardinal Manning.
THESE essays are somewhat of a departure from the ordinary
course pursued by Cardinal Manning in his writings. He wrote
766 Notices of Books.
not for the sake of literature, but for religion. Here we have a
dissertation on a theme not formally religious. A few of the
ruling passions that hold sway over men are subjected to a
critical analysis. Clearly and concisely does he lay before us
what we are to pursue, and what to avoid, if we would act a
man's part well in the role of social life. Cardinal Manning has
brought to his work all the research and erudition of a finished
scholar. Written in a style chaste and flowing, and abounding
in happy expressions, the present work is well worthy to take its
place beside the twenty-nine others that have proceeded from
the Cardinal's pen. D. O'C.
LETTEES AND WHITINGS OF MAEIE LATASTE. Vol. II.
Translated from the French. By E. Thompson, M.A.
London : Burns & Gates. New York, Cincinnati,
Chicago : Benziger Brothers.
THE first volume of this work was published some twelve
years ago, and was received with considerable favour. M. Lataste
was a lay-sister of the Congregation of the Sacred Heart, and
the communications made to her by God as disclosed in her
writings will afford the faithful edifying and useful spiritual
reading.
The translation is a masterly one; the language is clear,
simple, and forcible. P. K.
NEW MONTH OF THE HOLY ANGELS. ST. FRANCIS DE
SALES, 32mo cloth. New York : Benziger Brothers.
THIS is a beautiful little book, translated by a Nun of the
Visitation Order, and bearing the approbation of Cardinal
Gibbons. It contains a short meditation on the angels, with
some edifying examples— drawn chiefly from life of St. Francis—
for every day in the month.
THE EVERLASTING LIFE AND LOVE OF JESUS, AND HEAVEN
OUR ETERNAL HOME. By Eev. J. A. Maltus, O.P.
London: Burns & Gates. New York : Benziger Brothers.
THIS tiny little volume consists of a number of devout
aspirations of love towards our Lord, and earnest petitions that
God would give His children the grace to love Him here, and be
happy with Him hereafter. It contains many ejaculatory prayers
to which rich indulgences are attached.
Notices of Books. 767
THE IMITATION OF CHRIST. By Thomas a Kempis. Translated
by Bishop Challoner, with Practical Eeflections and
Prayers.
IN this edition of the Imitation, a short reflection is inserted
at the end of each chapter, which, practically, is an epitome of the
teaching contained in that chapter. This again is followed by a
prayer suggested by what has just been read. In the end of the
work is given a table marking out special chapters as useful for
various classes of persons and for various needs.
DEVOTION TO ST. ANTHONY OF PADUA. By Eev. C.
Deymann, O.S.F. San Francisco : A. Waldteufel.
THIS little book gives a short outline of the life of St. Anthony,
and contains a novena in honour of this great saint through
whom many miracles have been wrought.
LIFE OF DR. O'HTTRLEY. By Eev. Dean Kinane, P.P., V.G.
Dublin : Gill & Son. New York : Benziger Brothers.
THIS beautiful sketch of a noble-souled ecclesiastic, who,
appointed Archbishop of Cashel in dark days of persecution,
hesitated not to visit his flock and brave a martyr's death, deserves
to be read by every Catholic Irishman at home or abroad. Too
long has Dr. O'Hurley's name been forgotten, even by his own
countrymen. " Abroad the learned few knew something of him :
at home on the banks of the Shannon where he was born, on the
Suir where he was arrested for the faith, and on the Liffey where
he shed his blood for Jesus Christ, he is unknown." In language
eloquent, yet intelligible to all, Dean Kinane has given us a most
touching, most edifying account of a life dedicated to God and
heroically sacrificed in His service.
WHY, WHEN, How, AND WHAT WE OUGHT TO EEAD.
Eev. J. L. O'Neil, O.P.
THIS little book is full of practical hints that will be found of
great assistance in forming habits of study as well as a safeguard
in our selections, if our desire to read with real advantage.
Books, magazines and papers now. come pouring in on us with
such rapidity that, without some rule to discern the true from the
false, the danger must be considerable. The plans suggested by
the author are such as will commend themselves to every
Catholic. His discourse on the reading of novels, and the
768 Notices of Books.
instructions he lays down for the young, are all that could be
desired. It is a work that may be gone over again and again
with interest, and is sure, if carefully adhered to, to produce
satisfactory results. D. O'C.
FIVE O'CLOCK STORIES. By S. H. C. J.
WE have here a collection of pious anecdotes, each set forth
in brief space, and intended to attract the minds of the young.
The style is very simple, just what children can appreciate, and yet
not so childish that they may not recur to it with pleasure in after
life. A work such as this should be put into the hands of all
children, as being sure to develope a taste for the reading of pious
books, and to enkindle in youthful hearts a true love of virtue.
D. O'C.
THE HERMIT OF THE KOCK: A TALE OF CASHEL. By
Mrs. J. Sadlier. Dublin : M. H. Gil] & Son.
OUR imaginative prose literature has of late years been so
much confined to the class of stories which get a " run through
the newspapers " to be heard of no more, that any attempt to
rise above such a low standard should be gratefully acknowledged.
The present work is a step in the right direction. Irish life is
portrayed with accuracy and, where occasion requires, with
dramatic power ; and the story is told in language which, if
occasionally rhetorical, and even affected, is on the whole graceful
and even eloquent. One fault we notice common to almost all
writings in which the Irish peasant figures prominently, and that
is their failure to represent accurately what is called the " brogue ;"
But the English language is not well suited to the task, and
authors cannot make the English language other than what it
is. The book is somewhat commonplace, both in matter and in
plan, and has little of the humour which forms such an attractive
feature -of works such as those of Carleton and Lover. What a
pity that we have not more novelists in a country so well suited
for their efforts. It is to be hoped that a kindly reception of
Mrs. Sadlier's work will induce other and more successful attempts
in the same direction, J, B.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD
SEPTEMBER, 1894
THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE PENTATEUCH
PAKT IT.
IN the previous part of our article we have seen how the
constant tradition of Jew and Christian, how the name
of the book in the Hebrew canon, how the references made
in subsequent books, how the sayings of Christ and His
Apostles have all combined to show that the Pentateuch is
the handiwork of Moses. Let us now, in imitation of the
" higher criticism," question the work itself, and we shall see
ho wits internal structure bears most unmistakable evidence
of coming from the pen of the Hebrew Legislator. And
we must premise that we advisedly adhere to the term
"Pentateuch" as the new name of "Hexateuch" has no
" fundamentum in re," and is opposed alike by history and
by the books themselves. But of this more anon.
I. Of late years we have been hearing a great deal of the
"composer "of this verse and that verse, the "redactor "of this
book and that book. Now, a really unprejudiced examina-
tion of the books of Moses makes the unity of their origin
evident. From a rhetorical point of view, the plan of the
work is one, and is evidently arranged on strictly oratorical
lines. Thus, Genesis forms the '4 Proe'mium," and is the
introduction, without which the subsequent parts are
unintelligible ; Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers constitute
the " Corpus" (antithesis or contentio), setting forth the
whole substance of the Law, and having as their end in
view .the establishment of the theocratic constitution of
VOL. XV. 3 C
770 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
Israel; Deuteronomy is the " Peroratio," containing a
recapitulation of the history, the pith of the Law, and also a
necessary exhortation to fulfil the precept embodied in the
whole work. As to the alleged rhetorical defects in the
composition, there is to be found no prolixity as opposed to
precision, no intricacy as opposed to simplicity, no tautology
as opposed to conciseness, nationalists talk to us of two
authors — Jahvistic and Elohistic — of the " Redactor " and
the " Supplementer " who in later times produced the
Pentateuch as we now possess it. This is but a fallacy
founded on a misconception of the plan of the books of
Moses, and what they call " Elohistic and Jahvistic sections"
is but a variation resulting from the order of importance.
Let us now examine the Pentateuch itself, and we shall
see that the " usus loquendi," the manner of description — in
a word, the composition of the whole work — point to the
unity of its authorship, and that, too, Mosaic.
Firstly, the "usus loquendi" by its employment of
archaisms, words of Egyptian origin, and by its peculiar
and characteristic description tends to satisfy the require-
ments of the case. Most of the Rationalists conclude
on this point of language, that a tongue which has long
been vernacular must of necessity undergo many changes,
and that the writings of one period can readily be
distinguished from those of an earlier or a later time by
the sole difference in the words and mode of expression.
Though this statement does carry with it a good deal of
truth, yet it is not so absolutely true that we can at once
pronounce that, given a certain number of years and
centuries, a complete (or even general) change must
have taken place. On the contrary, we know that certain
languages, particularly those of Semitic origin, have pre-
served much more rigidly the early type, and have flowed
on in much the same course for a lengthy period. This is
exemplified very clearly in the case of Syriac. When Syriac
was a current language of literature, we find but very little
orthographical and grammatical change ; so much so, that
the language of the time of St. Ephrem does not differ
remarkably from that of the time of Bar-Hebraeus.
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 771
Now on account of the great uniformity of language and
similarity of expression prevalent throughout nearly the
whole of the Old Testament, nationalists dogmatically
affirm that it must all have been written about the same
period, and that period too, they say, a late one. Still
linguistics shows that though a language may not change on
the whole, yet various exceptions are to be found in parts.
Such are called 4< archaisms," and, as the name indicates,
point to an earlier period of writing than that which is taken
as the norm. The books of Moses abound in such, in words
which never (or seldom) occurs in later writers ; and many
even which do occur are either changed orthographically or
assume new significations. A few examples will suffice.
(a) In the Pentateuch we find the pronouns Kin (hu') and
(na'-ar) employed as feminines, whereas in later writings
they are always masculine. In the Massoretic text of the
books of Moses we find the form NVt (hi') some eleven times,
and this form is equally archaic ; in later writers ny: (na* ar)
is always masculine.
(b) The demonstrative pronouns plural btf (el) and /NH
.. T
(ha'-el) are peculiar to the Pentateuch, and these forms in the
lapse of years become in the subsequent books of the Old
Testament, n^N ('elleh), and n^Nii (ha/elleh), the suffix n being
attached.
(c) arto (chesSb) is a Mosaic word, which later on appears
as tmD (chebesh).
(d} Instead of the "O (zaccur) of Moses, we find sub-
sequently -or (zacar). Other examples, to which we can but
1 T
allude, are, n-OK (Tibib), Deut. xvi. 1. ; "urr; (sheger), Exod. xiii. 12,
' T:
&c. ; ^ru (gozal), Gen. xv. 9; Deut. xxxii. 11; -n:i (gibbor),
Gen. vi. 4; Deut. x. 17, &c.
(e) Again, as regards grammatical forms, we find that
the third person masculine plural of the future often ends
in "p (un), while the third person feminine plural has not
the final n of che later writers ; for example, in the
772 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
Pentateuch we find tNJfnn (timtse'na), instead of the later
T v : •
equivalent, mNjfDn (timtse'nah).
T '.' '• '
Further notice must be paid to the origin of some of the
words employed by the author of the history of the Israelites.
In cases where the words found are not of Hebrew origin,
it is in the original language of Egypt that we turn to find
their derivation ; such, for instance, as the name of Joseph, as
myD (panah), niDtf (tsaphnath), and ttlDjNtf (shaatnez). The
-: f - : - T
inference to be drawn from these facts — and many more
such examples could have been cited — is decidedly favourable
to the antiquity of Pentateuchal literature.
II. The manner of description. Oar thesis is further
confirmed by the characteristic description, which argues an
eye-witness, and one, too, thoroughly conversant with the
customs of the people, and with the topography of the places
mentioned ; in fact, so accurate is the narration, that modern
geographers can find nothing that requires rectification.
The account of the fertility of the land of Goshen, the
knowledge of the fruits of Egypt (vide Numbers xi. 4, 5),
the remarkable note at the end of the seventh plague, would
raise in us wonderment, were we not aware that the writer
was one (i instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians "
(Acts vii. 22). Our adversaries admit that the description of
the plagues is quite in harmony with the climate of Egypt.
The changing of the water into blood would cause such
dread, as we find that Moses narrates, not only because
water was (and is) scarce in Egypt, but because the waters
of the Nile were esteemed divine. Again, before the word
iny ('Arob), the demonstrative n is prefixed, to designate
T
a particular kind of musca or fly, and that, too, one well
known. Recent research bears out the description of the
baker of Pharaoh, as the Mosaic account corresponds accu-
rately with the sculptures of the country. Attention must
also be called to the account of the embalming, burial, and
medicine of the Egyptian ; and this, with the significant fact
that the name Moshi is of Egyptian origin, is strongly in
favour of our contention.
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 773
The section treating of the exodus and wanderings of
the Israelites, the description of the different stations, their
names, situation, and distances, form striking proofs of the
veracity of the account. More convincing evidence still is
discernible in the fact that the author always speaks of the
land of Chanaan in the future, and, as it were, in the
manner of one who goes only by hearsay.
Let us here select various sections, and the assertion, so
often repeated, of " later composition," will be evident to the
reader as being but a weak objection :—
1. The law of Offering. This law is given in the
seventeenth chapter of Leviticus. We must here premise
that Kuenen and others consider the book of Leviticus to
have been written after the Babylonian Captivity.
The words of the law are (Lev. xvii. 3, sq.) : — "Any
man whosoever of the house of Israel, if he kill an ox, or a
sheep, or a goat, in the camp, or without the camp, and offer
it not at the door of the tabernacle, shall be guilty of blood,
&c." This must refer to the time when Israel had a camp,
and not to the period when the Jews had the temple at
Jerusalem, and when they had neither camp nor tabernacle.
Supposing the law to have been written after the exile,
would it not, thus framed, lack all meaning, and be wholly
inadequate to the requirements of the time ? Verse 7 clearly
shows that the law was specially promulgated to eradicate
idolatry ; in fact, the Israelites still were, as Bleek points
out, favourably inclined to the worship of goats,
(se-irim, demons) ; at short, a period after the Exodus was
the law drawn up. A similar allusion to the worship of
calves is made in 2 Paral. xi. 15.
Particular attention is to be paid to the precise wording
of the law: (1) it concerns the killing of animals within the
camp and without the camp; (2) the non-offering at the door
of the tabernacle. In the first case there is no reference to
any future state of the Israelites, and would be meaningless
at a later time, when there was a temple at Jerusalem. In
the second case, the omission to offer an animal killed would
have argued some illegal motive, were it not presented at
774 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
the door of the tabernacle, when this was so easy a thing to
do in the wilderness. For the future state, when the cir-
cumstances of the Chosen People should be changed, there
was a special law in Deut. xii. 13, 14. We must remark
that the law refers to sacrificial killing ; many animals, &c.,
could be killed in any place ; certain things, however, first-
lings, tithes, holocausts, and vows were to be offered at one
p]ace — the door of the tabernacle. If attention be paid to
these two considerations, the inapplicability of the law to
a later period will be evident.
2. The laws promulgated in the first seven chapters of
Leviticus lead us to infer that the Pentateuch was composed
in the Arabian Desert. The repetition of the formula
(el-michu lamachaneh), outside the camp,
without the pre-suppositioii of the wilderness and the camp,
would be purposeless. Moreover, the priests are mentioned
by name, not in general terms, " Aaron and his sons," &c. ;
it is only in the book of Deuteronomy (and subsequently) that
we find the expression D^n, D^ron (hallevim, hakkohanim),
"the priests, the Levites;" the reason of which is, we are
inclined to believe, that in the former case Aaron was still
alive; whereas in the latter, we conclude that he was dead.
In the mention of the sin-offerings of the anointed
priests, the heads of families, &c., no reference whatever is
made to the king. Could such an omission be conceived as
possible in a post-Davidic age? Chapters xiii. and xiv.
Leviticus, which contain the legal ordinances with regard to
the uncleanness resulting from leprosy, would be wanting
in force, unless modified, and formally explained, were
we to imagine Israel living in houses and cities, as the
critics wish us to believe. This fact is also noteworthy, that
in all these chapters there is not one whit of " difference
of style" to disintegrate the whole of these enactments.
3. We have seen that as the manner of writing proves
an eye-witness of the events narrated, so the detailed and
minute account of the religious ceremonies, the legal
ordinances, ail induce belief in the fact that these books
were written at the time of the first institution of such
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 775
legislation. Schouppe observes that the Pentateuch is
rather a memorandum or journal than a methodical and
consecutive history.
The absurdity of the supposition of a later composition,
is evident to a thinking person. What answer, we ask, can
be found to the three following questions ? — (1) What could
have induced anyone wilfully to corrupt the record at a
later time? (2) Suppose the book to have been written at
the periods the critics wish, would such important enact-
ments have been so wholly inapplicable ? (3) How could
such an imposture have been palmed off on the Jews, who
guarded their laws with such scrupulous care and religious
respect ?
4. In Exodus xxv., xxxi., a free-will contribution towards
the building of a sanctuary to Jehovah is set on foot, the
plan and the nature of which sanctuary is explained in detail.
Eationalists, and, in particular, De Wette, conclude from the
tenor of these ordinances, that they must have been written
in an age subsequent to that of Moses, as the Israelites, they
allege, could hardly have possessed so great abundance of
gold and silver. Hence they infer that the section is from
the pen of a later writer, who, beholding the temple of
Solomon, transferred the account to an antecedent epoch.1
Based as this argument is on false premisses, its conclusion
falls naturally ; the idea that the Israelites could not have
possessed so large a quantity of gold and silver being
advanced as fact. Exodus xxi. 35 and 36, show the Jews
to have borrowed from the Egyptians, "the Lord gave favour
to the people in the sight of the Egyptians . . . and they
stripped the Egyptians;" while Exodus xxxi. 3, sq., demon-
strate that there were among the Israelites men who could
work the materials.
There is a further consideration, which we have already
hinted at, viz., how could an author living in times nearer
the Christian era so cunningly compose a narrative in
an archaic style as to hide completely the characteristic
method of writing peculiar to his day? Aliquando Homerus,
1 See Bleek's Introduction to the Old Testament, by Venables.
776 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
dormitat, and in some unguarded moment something of a
self-condemnatory nature must certainly have slipped out
unconsciously.
From the various considerations we naturally pass on
to ask who this author was. Certainly no person more
thoroughly competent for the task can be conceived than
Moses, "learned" as he was "in all the wisdom of the
Egyptians." Exodus (xvii. 14), and innumerable other
passages in the Pentateuch furnish the answer. "And
the Lord said to Moses, Write this for a memorial in a
book."1 Other such passages affording similar testimony,
are Exod. xxiv. 4, 7 ; xx. 2, 11 ; xxi. ; xxiii. ; Deut. xxxi. 9, 11 ;
Deut. xxviii. 58, 61.
Thus, arguments based on intrinsic and extrinsic con-
siderations, the impossibility of later composition, the
personal fitness of the Jewish lawgiver for such a task,
compel us to give a ready consent to the belief in the
Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.
PART III.
In this part of our essay it is our intention to review
briefly a few of the objections raised against the authenticity
of the Pentateuch ; and we must at the outset acknowledge
our indebtedness to the learned works of Ubaldi, Comely,
Keil, and others. These objections we will reduce to four
heads.
I. Want of Chronological Accuracy.
1. In Gen. xii. 6, it is said, and repeated in xiii. 7, that
when Abraham came to the land of Chanaan, " The
Chanaanite was then in the land." Hence an inference
made that when the author of Genesis wrote the above the
Chanaanite was not then resident in Chanaan ; or, in other
words, the above was written after the conquest of Chanaan
1 We here quote from the Douay Version, but wish to call the reader's
attention to the inaccuracy in the text in the use of the indefinite for the
definite article. The Hebrew has 13 D3 (bassepher), "the" book, i.e.
one destined for the purpose; the definite article is indicated by the
dagesh in samech. The Septuagint also omits the article, efc
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. Ill
which took place after the death of Moses, and consequently
Moses could not be the author of the statement. Such a
deduction is, however, unwarrantable, and is refuted by the
real use of the particle ?N (az), which indicates rather the
T
previous condition without reference to any subsequent time.
In other words, it means then, and not before ; this history
confirms, inasmuch as the Chanaanites were not the
original inhabitants (comp. Herod. 1. i., c. 7 ; Strabo, 1. xvi.).
The Syriac particle adachil (adhere) gives ground for infer-
ring the continuity of the dwelling at the times when Moses
wrote.
2. The section Gen. xxxvi, 15, 43, is, we are told, post-
Mosaic, because the "dukes of Edom " would extend from
Esau to Moses ; and in verse 31 a further list of kings is
appended : " these are the kings that reigned in the land of
Edom before there reigned any king in Israel.'' Hence the
critics conclude that, as Israel had no king for several
centuries after Moses, this section is unquestionably a later
one, and from the mention of Hadad would probably be of
the age of Solomon.
In reply we must remark that there are two special
dignities here mentioned; the " dukes" (O^Dl^H, alluphim),
who were aristocrats, and whose title was hereditary ; and
the '''kings" (CDO^D, m'lakim), whose rank was not here-
' T :
ditary, and who were chosen by the people. The dukes
were descended from JBsau by his many wives, and their
title being transmissible to the children, many of them
would be contemporaries; on the other hand, one king only
at a time was living. Still from Esau to Moses was a period
of some centuries ; and surely eight kings is not too liberal
an allowance for this lapse of time. It is a manifest error
to confound the Hadad of Genesis with the one occurring
in the history of Solomon, the former was a king, the latter
was not. The further difficulty, presented by verse 31 is
easily removed by a consideration of the prophecy made to
Jacob, "kings shall come out of thy loins" (Gen. xxxv. 11),
Moses being aware that kings should rule in Israel. Besides,
the word "melech" means not only " king," but also "chief,"
778 'flie Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
and the Aramaic races call their chiefs ''melech" to this
day. In this latter restricted sense Moses could well be
called "melech."1
3. We read in Exod. xvi. 35, " the children of Israel ate
manna forty years, till they came to a habitable land." Now
the inanna ceased to fall only after the death of Moses
(Josue v. 5) ; hence Bleek, Wellhausen, and Davidson argue
that the above was written after the death of Moses. Moses
died just before the close of the forty years ; the travelling
in the desert was completed ; the Israelites were encamped
on the borders of Chanaan ; their immediate entrance into
the land of Promise was expected, and consequently the
manna would cease to fall. With a knowledge of such
facts, we ask, was Moses not justified in saying, " The
Israelites ate manna forty years till they came to a habitable
land?"
4. The formula mn CDISI iy "until this day" is supposed
to have been interpolated at a later date. Bleek, following
Vater, considers that there is a discrepancy between
Deut. iii. 14, and Numbers xxxii. 41, as to the two state-
ments concerning Havoth Jair ; as if the villages in Gilead
had obtained their name from Jair the Judge (Judges, x. 4),
who lived three centuries after Moses. Now the Pentateuch
says they were called by that name at the time of
Moses.
Firstly, in regard to the formula "until this day," we
must remark that it is not necessary for a great period to have
elapsed between the event and the time of chronicling;
most especially so in the case of some sudden change. To
a Semitic mind the expression is so simple, so idiomatic,
that the lapse of a month, or of even a week, could justify its
use. St. Matthew, for instance, in speaking of the Haceldama,
says, SLO e/cXtfOr) 6 aypbs eicelvos dypbs aifjLaros "ecosrrjs o-rjfjuepov'
(Matt, xxvii. 8) ; and yet a short period only had passed by.
Moses, too, in speaking of the villages of Argob, in Bashan,
conquered but a few months previously, employs the same
expression.
1 Philo often calls Moses " king."
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 779
Secondly, Judges x. 4 must not be understood as
meaning that these towns received their name from Jair
the Judge. They were called Havoth Jair before, but the
Judge's name being identical with that Jair from whom
they previously received their appellation, strengthened the
use of the name.1
IT. Geographical Inaccuracies.
1. The book of Deuteronomy is introduced by the words,
" These are the words which Moses spoke to all Israel beyond
the Jordan." Hence, Bleek infers that the expression
1TV»rroy (eberhayarden, "beyond the Jordan") indicates
the land of Chanaan west of the Jordan, or beyond
Jordan, from the standpoint of the speaker ; concluding
therefrom, that it "was evidently written by one on this
side of the Jordan, and, therefore, after the death of Moses
and the taking of Chanaan by Israel." The word "ay
(abar) really means " to cross over," when D (mem) is
prefixed; thus "OyD (mieber), it signifies beyond ;" if 2
(beth) is prefixed, its usual rendering is " on this side." In
this particular passage D (beth) is placed before, and the
Authorised Version renders it "on this side;" hence, the real
explanation is on this side, viz., the east of the Jordan.
Similar passages occur in Deut. iii. 8, iv. 41 ; still, in
Deut. xi. 30, we must admit that the meaning is " beyond."
Hence, Gese nius remarks, " manifestum est "Dy ab uno
eodemque scriptore de ulteriore et citeriore regione dici
potuisse." 2
Some scholars are of opinion that from the days of the
patriarchs, the region east of the Jordan was known by the
term " beyond Jordan," whatever might be the position of
the speaker.
We may instance how a Frenchman, at the present day,
may speak of the Italians as " ultramontane," even in Italy.
1 Menochius on this text says : " Secundus hie Jair eosdem fortasse
muris cinxit, frequentiores reddidit, in oppida erexit, ita ut firraius haec
illis adhaeserit nomenclatura nee primi tantum respectu, sed hujus etiauir
secundi."
2 Ges., His. Ling. Heb., p. 986.
780 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
Similarly, the lands east of the Euphrates are called by the
ususpopuli, Tran s-Euphrat em.
2. In the Pentateuch the western direction is indicated
by the word DN (yam), " a sea :" thus, Dsrm (ruakh yam),
T T-
fche "west wind:" HDs (yammah), "westward;" DV3(miyam),
TT T'
" from the west " (Gen. xii. 8, &c). Colenso, Davidson
and others object that when Moses was in the wilder-
ness the sea was not on the west ; consequently, this
term could only be employed by one writing in Palestine.
In reply, we must say that Moses was not the author of the
expression D>, as significant of the west. Such was the
T
consecrated usage of the people ; and to employ such a form
it was not necessary to be eastward of the Mediterranean.
In Exod. x. 19, D^n (ruakh jam) certainly means the
11 west wind," yet the Mediterranean was to the north of
the writer. Still, the second part of the objection solves
itself ; for Moses' phraseology was quite correct, inasmuch as
he wrote in the plains of Moab, and the Mediterranean Sea
lies to the west.
3. Joseph, when in prison, sai'd he was taken out of " the
land of the Hebrews." Bleek argues that, inasmuch as the
Hebrews had no land of their own, but wandered about as
strangers on the face of the earth, Joseph could not have
so expressed himself, but the words are the addition and
deduction of a later historian.2 The earlier history of
Abraham relates how he, with three hundred and eighteen
persons, defeated five confederate kings — the conquerors of
the land — and proved himself the master of the country.
The Hittites held Abraham in great veneration; " audi nos
domine" said they, " princeps Dei es tu apud nos." Now, at
the time of Joseph, the Hebrews had multiplied so much,
that the expression had a real foundation, and was a most
significant one. By Hebrews, we think Joseph must have
meant all the descendants of Abraham, who was the first to
be called nnyn (ha'ibri, Septuagint o Trepdrr)?, (t the pas-
^enables' Translation, p. 231.
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. • 781
senger"). In point of fact, the posterity of Abraham were
hardly ever called Hebrews at a later date, but rather
Israelites, &c. Thus, the expression was a most appropriate
one in the mouth of Joseph.
4. There occurs a list of names of places which the critics
attribute to a post-Mosaic author : —
(a) There is a city called by the name of Hebron as
early as the time of Abraham (Gen. xiii. 18, et alibi), which
name, we are informed by the critics, takes its origin only
from Caleb (Jos. xiv. 14, 15; xv. 13), as it was formerly called
Kirjath Arba, the town of Arba, the father of the Anakim
(Douay, Enorcim). The assumption that Hebron took its
name from Hebron, the son of Caleb, is practically ground-
less, the name of Hebron not occurring in the list of the
sons of Caleb in 1 Paral. ii. 42 ; iv. 15. The only basis of
the statement is the expression, " the son of Marasha, the
father of Hebron." Moreover, it is not stated that Joshua
gave Kirjath Arba to Caleb, but Hebron ; hence we conclude
that the town was already called by this name. The real
name, a Hittite one, was Hebron. That of Kirjath Arba
was given to it by the giants who possessed themselves of
the city, and, after one of their ancestors, Arba, gave it its
secondary and later title. Thus we find that Moses employs
the original appellation of the town.1
(b) Bethel, it is alleged, received this name after the
death of Moses, as the former title was Luz ("compare
Gen. xii. 8, xiii. 3, with Jos. xviii. 3, and Judges i. 22, 26).
The solving of this difficulty is a simple matter. Gen.
xxviii. 19, relates how Jacob on his way to Padan-Aram
re-named the place Bethel, on account of his vision. The
Israelites would naturally call the spot Bethel, while the
pagans, having no grounds for changing the name, would
use the only title known to them, viz. Liuz ; consequently
Joshua, on invading the land of Chanaan, found the pagan
inhabitants employing the only- name they knew.
1 "Hebronis vero nomen quo ci vitas ante Enacitarum occupationem non
appellabatur, nova ista appellatione non interiit ; invenitur enim in templo
Medinat Habu inscriptum a Ramses III. : sub ejus regno Israeiitae in deserto
peregrinabantur.'' — (F. Comely, S. J., vol, i., p. 90.)
782 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
(c) The critics, in speaking of Leish or Leshim (Jos.
xix. 47, Judges xviii. 29), say that the name " Dan" is given
for the first time by the Danites, who occupied it ; and hence
the account in Gen. xvi. 14 must be of later date than the
passages above cited, as the place is there called by the
name " Dan."
The assertion that u Dan" of Genesis is identical with
Leish, is nowhere positively affirmed, and from the fact that
Moses elsewhere, as we have observed in regard to Hebron
and Bethel, mentions the old and new titles, but here omits
to do so, we have no definite grounds for connecting the
two names. We think that either the sources of the Jordan
or some other place was called by this name. St. Jerome
is of opinion that the word " Jordan" is derived from the
"Kiver Dan," and consequently is much antecedent to
Moses. Other commentators incline to the view that Leish
was also named Dan from the pagan worship of a god, or
from some similar name (cf. Ubaldi). There is a city
mentioned as Dana, between Socoth and Kirjath-Sana in
the tribe of Juda, but as Abraham pursued his enemy as far
as Khoba on the left hand of Damascus, there is no reason
for connecting the names of the two towns. The most
reasonable conjecture is that there was a spot near the
sources of the Jordan called Dan. Still, whatever and
wherever be the place, the fact that Moses omitting to state
that Leish and Dan were identical, is the strongest proof,
though the proof be of a negative character.
III. Archaeological Difficulties.
1. The account of Og and his stupendous bed (Deut. iii. 2),
we learn, must be of a period subsequent to that of Moses,
as the chronicling so well known a fact would be useless. If
we recall to mind that Moses was writing not merely for the
people of his own time, but for posterity also, the force of
this difficulty disappears. Besides, the description was not
of use only to those who were to come after, but also to
some of Israel, as, for instance, the old men, the women, and
the children who had not seen the bed. We read that this
wonder was in " Kabbath of the children of Ammon;"
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 783
consequently, the whole of Israel would scarcely have seen
it.
2. The " sacred shekel" mentioned in Exod. xxx. 13,
xxxvii. sqq., 24, is another stumbling-block for the critics, as
it argues (to them) the temple of Jerusalem to have been
already existent. This assumption, as we shall see, is most
unwarrantable. The word tthpn (hakkodesh) means — 1
holiness; 2, that which is holy. If it is to be taken as
referable to a sanctuary, what grounds are there for referring
it to the Temple ? Kather should it be taken as applying to
the Tabernacle, a detailed description of which is given in
Exodus xxxv. 8, and which sanctuary was shortly afterwards
erected. That Moses should ordain a special tribe for the
maintenance of the tabernacle, was most reasonable ; so
much so, in fact, that subsequently the observance almost
passed for law.
3. Moses, it is objected, had no reason for giving the
foreign names of Mount Hermon " which the Sidonians
call Sarion (Sirron), and the Amorrhites Sanir (Shenir)"
(Deut. iii. 9). These names were certainly well known at
the time when Moses wrote. On the reasons which induced
him to give these, two passages from recent writers will
throw light : — " As I looked on that western barrier of
Bashan, the first sunbeams touched the crest of Hermon ;
and as they touched it, its icy crown glistened like polished
steel, reminding me how strikingly descriptive was the
name given to that mountain by the Amorites, Shenir the
4 breast-plate' or ' shield.' " x " From the spot where Moses
was speaking Hermon was clearly visible to the north-west ;
and perhaps the very phenomenon which gave rise to the
Sidonian and Amorite names, may on that morning of early
March have been conspicuous to all Israel, and called forth
an appropriate notice."2
IV. Philological Difficulties.
In the preceding part of this article we have already had
occasion to mention the objection relative to the " style " of
1 Forter, The Giant Cities of Basan, p. 30. Smith, c. i., p. 578.
784 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
the Pentateuch ; to what we have already said we intend to
add a few further remarks.
We have seen that, as Dr. Ubaldi points out, Hebrew
varied little in the eight centuries intervening between
Moses and the later canonical writers, as Malachias and
Zacharias, with, however, one distinguishing characteristic
in the most ancient books, viz., archaism. We saw also
that this absence of notable change is a peculiar feature of
Semitic languages.1 It remains for us to indicate a further
reason for this marked fixity of speech. This reason is the
exclusive nature of the Jews, which led them to hold aloof
from the neighbouring peoples. They never mixed with the
" Goim " (nations), looking on them as unclean. Certainly
they would never insert a foreign language in their sacred
books.
Moreover, the Pentateuch, possessing all the technicali-
ties necessary for the expression of religious, poetical, and
politic ideas, became the norm for all subsequent writers.
Another potent factor in the change of language is change
in the condition of the language-users, invasions, change of
dynasties and such like.2 But these are absent in the case
of the Israelites. Further, Bleek and others have proved
that the circumjacent peoples, notably the Phoenicians,
spoke the same language, or a very similar dialect. Com-
parison with the now-spoken European tongues would
be particularly useless and misguiding in the present
case.
Another consideration, relative to the Pentateuch as a
standard for subsequent writers, is this : the models of
earlier times can be copied by writers in after ages, still
hardly to such extent as to fitly vie with the original. In
exemplification of which we may compare the lovely style
of St. John Chrysostom with that of Demosthenes, though
seven centuries divided the lives of these orators.
Before concluding this, our first thesis, there remain for
treatment some few objections against the assertion that
Moses (and no other) wrote the Pentateuch.
1 Compare Renan, Histolre generate rfcs Icniyws semitiques, page 120.
2 Compare Whitney, Life and Growth of Language.
The Authenticity of the Pentateuch. 785
(a) The author always speaks of Moses in the third
person ; hence the two persons are not identical. Surely
we can grant to Moses what we so readily grant to other
historians. As an ordinary rule the first person is used in
writing for contemporaries, whereas in history the third
generally takes preference, especially should the author refer
to his own achievements, modesty prompting such a course.
Xenophon in his Anabasis, Caesar in his Commentaries,
Josephus in his History, thus write ; but let Moses use
the third person, and the case is quite altered in the
eyes of the prejudiced. Away, then, with such insensate
quibbling !
(b) The writer in many passages praises Moses; e.g.,
Exod. xi. 3 : " And Moses was a very great man ;" Numbers
xii. 3 : " Moses was a man exceeding meek," &c. Such
self-praise would be very unbecoming in the author.
To such a people as the Hebrews their leader and law-
giver was justified in sounding his own praises, for the
purpose of giving greater weight and authority to his state-
ments and enactments. Though the proverb affirms that
" self-praise is no recommendation," there are times when a
writer, not only can, but should, mention his qualities and
capabilities ; as, for instance, in the assertion of one's rights,
or for the benefit of one's office. From the remark that
Moses was a great man, we readily understand why it was
that the Egyptians should give their vessels of gold and
silver to the Hebrews. On the other hand, Moses mentions
his mildness, that the murmurings of the Israelites should
not be attributed to him, and that the punishments inflicted
on Aaron arid Miriam should be recognised as the chastise-
ments of Divine Justice, and not the results of the malice
or vengeance of Moses. Furthermore, the strict integrity
of the writer is proved by his mentioning his faults and
transgressions (Exod. iv. 10 ; Num. xx. 2-12 ; Deut. i. 37).
(c) The last chapter of Deuteronomy records the death
and burial of Moses, and plainly could not have come from
his pen. This is doubted by no one. The author of the
account was probably Josue ; and that this chapter was
originally part of the book of Josue, is manifested by the
VOL. xv. 3 p
786 The Authenticity of the Pentateuch.
fact that the book of Josue (in the Hebrew) commences with
the conjunction 1 (vav) " and."
(d) In the first part of this article we summarized
Dr. Kuenen's teaching on " Yahwism," the national religion
of the Jews. Though the subject is too great 'for treatment
here, yet we cannot conclude without making a few remarks
on his opinions. The assertion that " Yahwism " was a
national religion, is most arbitrary. Old Testament history
everywhere gives it a denial. The Old Law proclaims
Jehovah as the one and only God, and affirms that His reli-
gion was ready to receive all who would accept it, and who
would embrace the Mosaic Law. Though, in practice, we
do not find such to have freely taken place, yet such is the
principle of the doctrine from the outset. All nations are
blessed in the seed of Abraham. In Shiloh was the expecta-
tion of all nations. Balaam was a Gentile, yet a prophet of
Jehovah. Hobab is invited to share the privileges of the
chosen people, and to live among them. The Psalms of
David constantly harp upon the universality of this religion,
calling upon all nations to praise and worship Jehovah.
The prophets were subjected to persecution, not because
they preached this doctrine, but because they predicted the
numerous evils which the Israelites had deserved by reason
of their infidelity to the law of God. They predicted the
coming of the King of Peace, to whom all the Gentiles
should submit. Moreover, we know that the Jews never
rejected a Gentile who wished to embrace their religion,
and in later times we even find them proselytizing.
The Jewish religion, in reality and practise, was not
Catholic and all-embracing ; but what the prophets pro-
claimed of this religion was its universality, and for this they
suffered. The supposition of Kuenen, as to a national
Judaic religion, is refuted by the prophecies of Malachias
andZacharias (both post-exilian). Malachias says : — "For
from the rising of the sun to its setting, My name is great
among the Goim (heathen world), and in all places (is)
incense offered to My name as a pure sacrifice, for My name
is great among the Goim " (Hebrew version). To enumerate
all the passages of Scripture which give a most pointed con-
Religion in the Stuie. 787
tradiction to this unreal and biased concept of Dr. Kuenen,
would carry us far beyond the limits we have prescribed to
ourselves.
We have come to the end of these objections to the
authenticity of the Pentateuch. We have seen what the
nature of these objections is. As to the intentions of those
who adduce such charges, we are silent. A scholar has
remarked : " To such objections it may not be unjustly
replied, that there is no history, however authentic, that
will stand the application of such tests." But we need not
fear for the Bible. We have seen that the Pentateuch bears
the stamp of the hand of Moses. Professor Leathe has
remarked : " Treat the Bible how you will, it is not like
other books. The demand so often made so to treat the
Bible, is itself a witness to the fact that it is felt to be unlike
any other book." Objections will never prove of real harm
to the divine writings ; rather, indeed, they are of service,
as the natural result is a clearer explanation, and a better
understanding of the Sacred Text.
" Thy Word is tried to the uttermost,
And thy servant loveth it."
DAVID BENJAMIN.
BELIGION IN THE STATE
AMONG the various elements which, owing to their
recondity, render the history of the human race
extremely difficult to understand, in anything like a pro-
found and comprehensive manner, is the history of religious
belief. There are certain principles which, though apparently
of a very abstract nature, yet are capable of influencing
materially the destinies of the human race, and of moulding,
in one form rather than another, the practical character both
of the nation and of the individual. These, however, so
long as they pertain to the regions of purely immaterial and
philosophical speculation, take some considerable length of
788 'Religion in the State.
time— years, or even centuries — before they lead to any
definite line of action. Thus the doctrines of the imperfec-
tion of society and universal brotherhood remained in the
minds of men years before they resulted in the horrors and
bloodshed of the French ^Revolution. They must grow in a
congenial soil, surrounded by favourable conditions, before
they can reach to a successful maturity. It is not so with
such principles as are supernatural in their object or in their
origin. The belief in the existence of a deity, infinitely wise
and powerful, ubiquitous in every part of the great created,
and taking an active part in the affairs of creation, at once
begins to manifest itself in a change of conduct in the
individual.
Every other religious principle or belief is of a similar
nature. As soon as eve? it is received into the human
mind, fully acquiesced in and accepted, it exerts a positive
influence, for good or ill, upon the institutions, judgments,
and entire moral character. With the progress, therefore,
of religious dogma, there takes place a corresponding change
in man's personal and collective character. At first the
fundamental basis, or principles of belief, were very few.
They were of the simplest nature, and both universal and
impartial in their application ; but a change soon took place.
The light of revelation grew stronger and stronger, illumi-
nating with its refulgence the conditions and personal
surroundings of man. New laws were being continually
prescribed to the people ; new formulas of dogmas were
continually being solved, and soon accumulated to such an
extent as to form a distinct and separate science, now called
the science of theology. A further progress was introduced
by the application of the law to the individual circumstances
and events of life, thereby giving rise to numerous and
multitudinous distinctions. Other causes, too, were at work,
more human and natural in their origin. The moral law
sometimes pressed hard on the individual, opposing the
strongest interests and desires of his nature. Hence there
arose an effort to make this burden as light as possible ; and,
mainly by the use of analysis, began to seek out what were
the limits of the law, and how far it could be strained, so as
Eeligion in the State. 789
to accommodate itself to the exigencies and frailties of fallen
humanity.
From all these causes there has been a continual progress
in religious belief, and hence an ever-increasing influence for
good or ill in the destinies of the human race. It is for this
reason that the State has, in all times, acknowledged by its
legislation the influence which one belief more than another
has upon the well-being of society. There seem to have
been the grounded conviction that there was a necessity for
religious interference on the part of the State ; that the
government of the country should consider, and even, if
necessary, modify, the religious tenets of the people. It is
well known how, in the old pagan systems, the deities
occupied a very prominent position in legal enactments. We
read, again, in the Acts of the Apostles, that the introduction
of the worship of a new deity was made punishable even
with death. Nowhere, perhaps, is this so forcibly illustrated
as in the lives of the Roman emperors, when the upholders
of the new Christian doctrines were looked upon as the
most deadly enemies of the State.
The most important political revolutions were attended
by changes in the religious doctrine or practises of the
people. Such changes may seem to be rather accompanying
circumstances than active causes. But, in either case, they
were clearly blended with the efficient motives that lead to
those changes. It is curious to mark how the rise and fall
of Puritanism were so incident with the ascendancy of the
commonwealth. There is little doubt but that the religious
element formed no mean factor among the many circum-
stances that in their combination, issued in the formation of
the memorable protectorate of Oliver. There was at work a
hatred of the principle of the divine right of kings. Men
tended to submerge all social differences and inferiorities
under the one great axiom that the whole of mankind was
but one great family, and God was their Father ; on the field
of battle, before the contest, services were held, in which the
protection of the Lord of Hosts was solemnly invoked ; the
courage and enthusiasm of Cromwell's iron soldiers were
wrought to the highest pitch by war cries- selected from
790 Religion in the State.
appropriate parts of Holy Scripture. Indeed, to such an
extent did religion blend itself with the spirit of democracy,
that the history of the Puritan predomination is more the
history of a sect than of the vicissitudes of a mere party
faction.
What we see on a small scale we find carried on in
almost every country, and on almost every page of the
world's history. If we take away the element of belief,
we reduce all to chaos and confusion, and one-half of the
world's history would be swept away and completely obli -
terated. What the jnortar is to the bricks or stone of
soms stately edifice, that religion is to the political destinies
of nations : the whole world ceases to exist if the part
were removed. There have been made, however, no few
attempts in these past years to eliminate the religious
element from the progress and social well-being of society.
That full and ample liberty which the State affords without
distinction to all religious bodies, is a symptom and out-
come of this tendency. In the framing of new laws, in
the organization of parochial institutions, as well as in
the declared utterances of parliamentary leaders, we find
evidence enough of what may be called the gradual elimina-
tion of State craft from religion.
Such a process may present at first sight no incon-
siderable advantages. Where the State has practically
acknowledged the presence of religion, the greatest abuses
have frequently arisent The liberty of man's conscience
has been invaded, the intrinsic discipline of the Church was
altered to suit the convenience or caprice of civil rulers ;
while the clergy, too often enervated or corrupted by State
patronage, became unfit for the proper exercise of their
religious duties. In those conditions, moreover, of man's
life, where the religious elements largely intervene, many
intricate disputes have embittered the good understanding
of Church and State. Of these, we have numerous examples
in the formation or dissolution of the marriage tie ; in matters
of education ; and lastly, but not least, in the administration
of clerical discipline.
The history of our own island, is, in itself, a sufficient proof
Religion in the State. 791
of how great evils may proceed from the active union and
mutual recognition of State and Church. The difficulty of
deciding to what extent the clerical offenders should fall under
the civil power and law, and how far they should be answer-
able to civil jurisdiction and authority, the disputes regarding
the privileges and support of the clergy, and the mutual
jealousies so often arising between Pope and king, bishop
and baron, were all so many abuses arising from the mutual
endeavour of Church and State to recognise, in a practical
manner, each other's existence. In course of time these
abuses, however temporary in their nature, increased to an
almost alarming extent. Men began to think that the two
societies, the ecclesiastical and the civil, were so isolated in
their nature and qualities, so alien in their aims and methods
of working, that between them there could be no alliance or
sympathy whatever.
This opinion, however false and extravagant, is what
we should naturally expect. A diligent observer of human
nature and a close student of history could hardly expect
otherwise. The mind of the people varies by leaps and
bounds, and rushes from one extreme to the other with the
regular motion of a pendulum. In the great mass of the
people there is generally a woeful want of discrimination
and discernment. Men do not distinguish beween the
principle which dictates a cause of action, and the abuses
that, owing to human limitations and frailty, may rise in
the course of its use. Thus when they see this or that
abuse taking place, no matter how important or necessary
may be the fundamental principle that underlies it, they
come to the conclusion that the thing must be done away
with altogether. It was this same principle that gave rise
to the so-called Keformation, and to all the sanguinary
horrors of the French Kevolutiori. So also was the state
of things under discussion. Men, seeing that the union and
mutual recognition of the ChurcE and State gave rise to
certain abuses, rushed to the opposite extreme, and cams
to the conclusion that between them there must, and can,
be no sympathy whatever, and that the spirit which animates
them must needs be rather the spirit of antagonism than
that of mutual good-will and support.
792 Eeligion in the State.
But by their fruits you shall know them, and time in its
progress has not yet made tangible the evil effects that must
necessarily flow from such a system of irreligion. The
influence which the government of nations has over the
unruly elements that form such an integral part of that
nation is of a physical rather than a moral character. It is
true that St. Paul admonishes us to make it a matter of
conscience to obey the powers that be. But how few there
are who think of reducing these words to practice ; how few
there are among the good and pious ones that are accustomed
to associate the powers that be with Divine authority from
on high. Experience shows that when the physical power
of a government becomes weak, that all the elements of
disorder are at once set loose. In the case of an earthquake
or some general conflagration, not the least of the awful
horrors that attend these scourges are the armed bands of
robbers and assassins who, even under the shadow of death
itself, make no scruple to pillage and slaughter their fellow-
creatures
If at the present day, owing to the suddenly incre sed
power of the democratic elements, or to a general European
war, the strong arm of the civil power should suddenly be
relaxed, there is no doubt but that the evil passions of the
multitude, released from the thraldom of the civil power,
and deterred by the prospect of no physical chastisement,
would lead to the most awful and abominable excesses.
This is the natural consequence of divorcing state control
from religious influences.
Moreover, "Quis ipses custodes custodit?" Who shall
guide and counsel the minds and hearts of our legislators ?
What influence shall there be that can lead them to consult
the well-being of the nation at large in preference to their
own private interest ? Can men who in their legislation
throw off even the mask of religion, and in the spirit of
exulting triumph seek to stamp out even the shadow of
religious influence, be fit to pass such laws as shall benefit
the moral well-being of the people ? If man were made
of body alone, and his physical well-being alone worthy of
consideration, then, indeed, a government purely earthly
Religion in the State. 793
might suffice. But such we well know is not the case.
There is not a law that is passed but effects, directly or
indirectly, the moral well-being of thousands — multitudes —
of immortal souls. Is it right, then, that a government that
professes to act independently of any religious influence
should have the power of passing such laws ?
The advocates of secularism pure and simple, say that
the temporal rulers are concerned with the temporal well-
being of the nation, and that legislative enactments resulting
in the good of the nation can be passed by Jews and
atheists as well as by good, decent, and God-fearing
Christians. The holders of such arguments are taking for
granted the whole principle upon which the whole fabric of
their reasoning is based. They assume that the religious
belief or unbelief of a man has no influence upon his other
opinions, and that the temporal prosperity of a nation is
quite independent of the morality either of rulers or of
subjects. But an impartial and careful examination of the
workings of the human mind will soon show that, in reality,
there is not a single principle, however abstract it may seem
to be, that is not capable of affecting, even substantially,
the tenor of a man's conduct, and the hue and colour of all
his other opinions. Much more is this the case regarding
those opinions which, while called abstract, are in reality
most real, related as they are to the existence of a super-
natural world, and in connection with it. An ordinary man
will find that were it not for the truths of religion his
position in the world would be quite other than what it
is now, and that the great part of his life is most intimately
bound up with what he believes and holds in matters of
religion. Nor can we draw the line in the present case
between an individual and a collection of individuals. The
public character "upon which depends the public prosperity
is materially determined by the nature of the religious
element that accompanies it.
Then, again, the history of mankind shows us that the
second proposition, assumed by the advocates of state
secularization, is likewise false. The temporal prosperity of
a nation is far from being independent of the moral anci
794 Jean Betliune.
ethical element, and is most intimately connected with it.
The general law which presides over the destinies of man-
kind, and which in its general workings is infallible, is this,
that every injustice, every evil deed, is followed sooner or
later by misfortune and misery. As in ^ the private life,
thefts, usury, evil speaking, gluttony and intemperance are
followed by sickness, evil repute, and such like temporal
misfortunes, so great social wrongs and laws that are framed
without the slightest, regard for the supernatural element,
are sure to lead to the most disastrous consequences.
The secularization of the State, therefore, is a far greater
evil than the one they wish to avoid. Yet such is the tendency
of the age. The general opinion of the age is, that one
religion is as good as another ; that the most opposite, the
most conflicting views upon religious subjects, have all an
equal chance of turning right in the end. There are some
who call this the language of an age of intellectual enlighten-
ment and liberty of conscience. But it is, on the contrary,
the language of infidelity and sceptical contempt, and its
logical consequence is what we see in the present day,
namely, a general tendency to divorce religion from any
practical bearing on the daily life of a man, and from any
practical interference with the destinies of the nation.
J. A. DEWE.
JEAN BETHUNE
IF a man's happiness in this world is in any sense to be
gauged by the measure of success by which his efforts
are crowned, the late Baron Bethune, in his artistic career,
was a singularly fortunate person. At the age of twenty-four,
fired by the ardour and eloquence of Montalembert, he
bound himself to the resuscitation of mediaeval art ; and in
this, henceforth the darling object of his life, he succeeded
far beyond his wildest hopes.
What Euskin, Pugin, and Gilbert Scott — the whole
band of pre-Eaphaelites — vainly tried to accomplish for
Jean Bethune. 795
England, that did Bethune essay to do for his native
Flanders. Their labour was not lost. They purified art, they
inculcated a very general appreciation of the principles of
design ; they spread throughout the land the culture of the
beautiful and the true ; they vindicated the dignity of
decoration ; thanks to their example, English artists, even
the greatest of them, think it no degradation to be her
humble servants ; thanks to their efforts, as M. Destree
pointed out last January,1 English decorative art holds the
first place in Europe. All this they did, ancl much more; but
one thing they could not do : they could never infuse any real
life into the dry bones of English mediaeval art; they could
never again make it the art of the people. It could hardly
have been otherwise : the circumstances of time and place,
the whole environment of things, was against them. They
could find no fulcrum on which to rest their lever; the
very prosperity of England, the peculiar constitution of her
religious life, rendered any such attempt — for the time
being, at least — doomed to failure. But when these sons of
Britain failed, the Fleming's efforts met their chief success ;
and simply, because in Elanders, the conditions under which
he laboured were altogether different.
A little country, with a glorious past ; a humbled nation
which had only just regained its freedom; a faithful people,
wrhose Catholicity was no less fervent than their patriotism.
Bethune appealed to God and fatherland. This was the cry
which bore him to success, which breathed new life and
vigour into the corpse of ancient Flemish art; which made
of it, in hand of priest and politician, a living, moving,
energizing power.
Jean Bethune was the son of a wealthy cloth merchant of
Courtrai, on whom Leopold I. had bestowed the rank and
dignity of a baron. Burgomaster of his native town — an
office, be it borne in mind, which in Belgium is held in much
higher esteem than its equivalent, the mayoralty, is with
us — and a senator to boot, old Baron Bethune was, in his
day, a personage of no small importance. He had designed
1 la Eevue Generate, " Preraphaelites Anglais," 1394,
796 Jean Bethune.
Jean for a political career, on account of his own rank and
influence, and the ability which he knew his son possessed ;
in his mind's eye picturing for him, doubtless, a brilliant
future ; and, in furtherance of this end, when he had reached
the age at which young men usually go out into the world,
had obtained for him a subordinate position in the Provincial
Council at Bruges : to Bruges, accordingly, the embryonic
politician went : to Bruges, where there still lingered the
half forgotten recollection of the beauty of ancient art : to
Bruges with its convents and its hostelries, rich in the
glories of Munling and Van Eyck, and its churches,
unadorned save by the grandeur of their huge proportions,
and yet so lovely in their stern simplicity : to Bruges
where, in picturesque nooks and unlooked-for corners, great
gabled palaces with mullioned windows, like blinking eyes,
peer through thick foliage into sluggish streams, where
strange gargoyles jut from crumbling walls, and grotesque
heads and queer faces leer from doorpost and lintel, or peep
out from beneath the beetling eaves of old houses into the
muddy flow of some canal ; to Bruges with its world-famed
carillon, its old guild houses, its tramcless waterways choked
up with lilies, its quays devoid of merchandise, its swans,
its hundred bridges, its time-honoured town-gates; and,
scattered about here and there in narrow winding back
streets, by tourists and strangers rarely visited, its old inns.
-Those glorious old inns with their long panelled parlours
and timbered roofs, with their huge fire-places furnished on
either side with great high-backed settles, and ranged along
the wainscot and round oak tables, black with the wear
and tear of three centuries, their massive leather chairs, all
studded with brazen nails, made bright by the oscillation of
ten generations of stalwart Flemish backs. Such is the
quaint old city to which Bethune betook himself to learn
the ins and outs of communal administration, that he might
be initiated in the mysteries of political economy, that he
might become acquainted with the science of governing
men. A strange place to choose, certainly, for the education
of a politician ; nor can there be any doubt that the choice
left its mark on Bethune's career ; though it was to another
Jean Bethum. 797
circumstance, in itself accidental, that he became directly
aware of his true vocation. The event to which we refer
occurred some fifty years ago, when, our hero was about
completing his twenty-fourth year. It happened thus.
Montalembert, who had married a daughter of Count
Felix de Merode, one of Belgium's young nationality,
chanced at that time to be paying a visit to his father-in-
law, and from thence made a pilgrimage to Courtrai. It
naturally fell to the lot of the burgomaster to entertain
the young relative of his distinguished colleague ; to his
son Jean, who happened just then to be visiting the paternal
mansion, to show him the sights of the town. The
Church of St. Mary, a magnificent specimen of early
thirteenth century work — but, like the greater part of the
old Flemish churches of that day, disfigured by successive
restorations — was one of the places visited, probably because
it contained a celebrated Van Dyck — " The Elevation of
the Cross." On entering the sacred building Montalembert
stood transfixed, but not with admiration at the work of
the great master, the pride and glory of all Courtrai,
though he acknowledged its beauty ; but with horror
at the maladroit restorations which had deformed the
loveliness of the old church. Bethune was simply
astounded.
At length Montalembert spoke, as only he could speak,
and with words of burning eloquence pointed out to his*
young cicerone the splendour, the beauty, the truth of
mediaeval art. To Bethune his words were a revelation, he
had never thought of the tumbled-down old buildings of his
native town in that light before; but from that moment
he resolved within himself to revivify the time-honoured
architecture of Flanders, to restore once more the glories of
Gothic art.
Eesigning his appointment at Bruges, he now set to
work in earnest to prepare for the great work which he felt
himself called on to accomplish. With knapsack on back —
that legendary knapsack which all his friends knew so well —
and pencil in hand, he traversed all Europe — England,
France, Germany, Italy, Holland, and, of course, his own
798 Jean Bethune.
dear Flanders. Everywhere he took sketches of ancient
monuments, everywhere made copies of such documents as
he thought might be useful to him; but this was not
enough, he determined to make himself master of every
branch of mediaeval art, and, in turn, became architect,
painter 011 glass, on plaster and in oil, sculptor in wood
and stone, worker in brass and iron, in gold and silver, and
in precious gems. At length, when he had completed his
own artistic education, he settled down at Ghent, and,
gathering about him a troop of kindred spirits, set about the
accomplishment of his heart's desire.
Of his various foundations we shall only mention the
atelier of stained glass at Ghent, which he himself super-
intended till the day of his death, the Guild of St. Thomas,
and the Schools of St. Luke. A few young fellows of the
artisan class were his first pupils, and a rickety table, a
black-board, and some pieces of chalk, the first furniture of
their studio. What these schools have now become, and
what they have done for the restoration of Christian art,
need not be noticed here. Their work is well known;
besides, we ourselves have given some account of it in a
former number of the I. E. KECOED. Suffice it to say,
that in Elanders, as we have already seen, Bethune suc-
ceeded far beyond his wildest hopes, but his influence
was not bounded by the narrow borders of his native
land; it passed to England, Holland, France, and Germany;
nay, to Eome itself: for had he no part in shaping the
hand now raising there the great abbey of St. Anselm ?
Thus much, then, for Bethune's achievement, the grand
achievement of his life ; but what of his merit as an architect,
of the intrinsic value of his work ?
Too true an artist not to conceive his buildings in the
integrity of their composition— with all that completeness,
that perfection, which the decorative arts alone can give to
the work of the constructor, he seems to have attached
more importance to unity of style, to arch geological correct-
ness, than to the impression of aesthetic effect. With him it
was, so to speak, a point of honour to follow implicitly the
footsteps of his mediaeval masters. " C'est une acte," says
Jean Bethune. 799
his disciple and fellow-labourer, Jules Helbig, in one of those
charming essays with which he occasionally enlivens the
pages of the Revue de I' Art Chretien — " C'est une acte
d'humilite et d'expiation que nous devons bien a un art
contre lequel nos ancetres ont si cruellement peche."
It is no disparagement, then, to say that, like his great
predecessors of the Middle Age, Bethune excelled rather
in his architectural than his decorative efforts. That these
latter, however, were of no mean order of merit, the ravishing
little fifteenth -century oasis called Vive Capelle, about four
miles from Bruges, bears witness. This picturesque cluster
of buildings, consisting of church, convent, presbytery, and
schoolhouse, is, perhaps, his masterpiece. Here he had a
free hand ; and, what is more, the buildings are complete.
It may be objected that Bethune's scheme of colouring is
invariably pronounced, sometimes even harsh ; but to judge
fairly of a work of art, it must be viewed under the condi-
tions and with the surroundings with which it presented
itself to the mind of the artist who conceived it. At Vive
Capelle these conditions are realized ; the conception is
complete ; and we are bound to say that, notwithstanding
the archaic laidure of some of the sculpture and figure-
drawing, the general effect is simply ravishing. The memory
of the beauties of its sanctuary is pictured in the mind's eye
like the memory of a glorious dream. Here we have perfect
proportion, and perfect harmony of colour, all bathed in the
mellow light which filters through stained glass. Saints
gleam through the richly-tinted windows ; frescoes bloom
from the walls ; the stonework itself luxuriates in brilliant
pigments ; the very pavement seems to blush with the warm
glow of encaustic tiles ; while the deep, rich brown of oaken
screen and choir-stalls give a certain quiet dignity to the
scene.
The great abbey at Maredsous, with its noble church is,
doubtless, a grander conception j but it is still unfinished ;
the central tower is wanting ; the decorative work, too, is
incomplete. Many of the windows are unfilled with stained
glass ; and where this is not lacking, the designs, unless we
are much mistaken, are not Bethune's. If they be, they are
£00 Jean feetliune.
certainly most unfavourable specimens of his work — not to
be compared witb the windows at Vive Capelle, nor the
magnificent series in the clear-story of Ghent Cathedral.
The frescoes, too, though from the baron's cartoons, are
being carried out by a Beuron artist, who is altering them,
with the consent, it is true, of Mr. Bethune — but still, it
would seem, with his reluctant consent — to meet the canons
of that semi-Egyptian, semi-mediaeval, all-beautiful school
of painting, of which he is so able an exponent.
One word as to the yet-unfinished wood screen, and we
have done. Three Gothic arches of mellow oak, their
spandrels filled with open tracery, destined to frame the
iron gates and grill, which one day will shut in the choir*
support, athwart the chancel arch, a mighty beam. Above
the central span there stands the rood, in form non-
Jansenist — Christ stretches out His arms to all the earth.
His head is slightly bent ; the expression noble, awe-
inspiring, sjonpathetic ; the whole conception dignified and
reverent ; on either side the rood two figures — on the right
hand, our Lady and the Church ; on the left, the beloved
disciple and the synagogue.
Such is the last labour — withal a labour of love — of the
great artist who has just passed from among us. Along the
beam which spans the rood screen, on the chancel side,
graved in Gothic characters of gold, there runs a Latin
legend — a legend which at the present moment cannot fail
to touch the hearts of those who read it, of those especially
to whom it daily makes its mute appeal, who know full well
the bitter grief which, two years since, befell its gentle
author. It bids them, in their psalmody, remember the
Bethunes.
F. E. GILLIAT SMITH.
t 801 ]
"HOB^LITUKGICTE :" OK STUDIES ON THE MISSAL
"PROPRIUM SANCTORUM"
SOME MASSES FOR THE MONTH OF SEPTEMBER
Feast of the Most Holy Name of Mary. We have in
former papers drawn out the likeness which exists between
our ever-dear and beloved Lady and the priest, and in
to-day's Mass, as in all her Feasts, Holy Church sets her
before us a special object of our devotion. But to-day the
special object of our consideration is her most holy name,
which as the " melliflais " St. Bernard tells us in the lessons
of our Second Nocturn, means " Star of the Sea." In his
own incomparable way he brings out the signification of
this name. For as a star emits its ray without suffering
any detriment thereby, so our Lady brought forth her Son
without hurt to her virginity. She is that star which was
to rise out of Jacob (Numbers xxiv. 17 j, and to shine upon all
the world with her splendour, illuminating the heavens,
penetrating into the places beneath the earth (inferos), and
beaming over the earth to quicken with her rays the souls
of men, and cause the life of virtue to grow in their hearts,
and to destroy vice. She is the star that shines with merits
and illuminates us with her examples. Who does not see
in this the picture of the priest after God's own heart?
We, like our Divine Master, are called to be the light which
enlighcteneth the Gentiles (St. Luke, ii. 32); we are made to
rise upon the just and unjust, the very Sun of Justice who
comes each morning upon the altar, through our ministry,
and, blessed be His mercy ! we are not consumed by His
awful majesty and^ splendour. God has set us up in the
Church as a star whose ' ' kindly light " should shine out " amid
the encircling gloom," and whose rays should reach to heaven
arid give glory and highest worship "to Him that sitteth upon
the throne/' (Apoc. v. 13), and this fall gently like refreshing
due upon the parched lands of Purgatory bring rest and
coolness to the suffering souls. Our light should shine also
before the wayfarers here below, that they may be helped by
VOL. xv. 3 E
802 " Horce Liturgicce ;" or Studies on the Missal.
our example to live to God and forsake sin. Hence we see
how her gracious name, "like ointment poured out"
(Cant. i. 2), is, like His office, our heritage; and therefore
next to that of Jesus, none will be sweeter, none more
invoked.
The Introit points this out especially, calling us the
divites plesis; for of all God's fold we have received the
most from His bounty, and have more means of grace.
Therefore should our heart break forth into that "good
word," the most holy name of Mary, lovingly calling upon
her in all our necessity, especially when we tell to the King
our great work of the Mass, which we do " communicating
and venerating the memory of the glorious ever Virgin Mary,
mother of God and of our Lord Jesus the Christ " (Canon
Misses). All this is also clearly brought out in the Collect.
The fruits of devotion to her holy name are shown to us in
the Lesson; " the fruits of honour and honesty," or, as the
Vulgate has it, "of honour and riches." That is to say, of
honour from Almighty God with that regal gift of growth in
holiness, and of honesty in our dealings with Him, arising
from a true sense of the worth of our vocation which tells
us that He has chosen us that we may bear fruit to Him,
and that our fruit might remain (cf. John. xv.). Again,
from her we get the fire of ' ' fair love,' ' which casteth out
fear (1 John, iv. 18) ; and, withal, that sea which exists with
love being the gift of the Holy Ghost. We get through
her prayers the loving regard of God, and, at the same time,
our flesh and marrow are stricken with the awe of His
sacred presence. She is the way and the truth by which
we reach Jesus, the only way to the Father, and the only
truth which can save us ; for she is the neck, as the fathers
delight to call her. which unites the Head to the mystical
body. In her alone then is all our hope of life and virtue,
for she is the channel by which Jesus sends His graces to
mankind. We cannot be good priests walking worthy of
our vocation unless we have an unbounded devotion to her
whose spirit is sweeter than honey, and whose heritage is
above honey and the honeycomb. Devotion to her is the
sure means of progress in the way of God, for "he who eateth
" Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal. 803
me shall still hunger, and he who drinketh me shall still
thirst ; " that is to say, love of Mary will fill us with an
intense hunger and thirst after Jesus, who alone can satisfy
our heart's craving. In the Gospel are the words : " the
name of the virgin was Mary;" we may recall St. Bernard's
words (loc. cit.) : " In perils, in difficulties, in doubts, think
of Mary, call on Mary; let not her name depart from our
mouth, nor cease from our heart . . . following her we
go not astray, beseeching her we do not despair, thinking of
her we err not; whilst she holds us up we cannot fall, if she
protects us we need not fear; if she be our leader we shall
not grow weary ; if she be benign we shall succeed ; look
upon the star, and call on Mary."
September 14. Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross,
recalls to our minds the lessons we drew from the other
feasts in May (see I. E. RECORD, page 444). One new point
is suggested in the Gospel by the words: " And I, if once
lifted up from the earth will draw all things to Myself."
We, " the children of the light," know that it was on the
cross our Divine Master was lifted up above the world ; so
if we would conquer "the world and the lusts thereof"
(1 John, ii. 17), it will only be by the royal road He trod.
This road leads us away from the earth on towards heaven
as He hung between heaven and earth, for it lifts us up
above our earth-bound desires and loves. See also the
effects the life of the cross gives a priest when he is lifted
up by a mortified life as becomes a victim ; He draws all
things to Himself for a penitential life must act as a magnet
of souls, and lead others to run after him as after the good
adorer of the Christ (2 Cor. ii. 15). Our pastoral power is
increased a thousandfold ; our pleadings with sinners obtain
a force they otherwise would never have, for there is the
strong force of example, which is as strong to excite men to
good as it is to draw them on to evil. In a word, the
success of our ministry, as far -as it depends upon man's
part, depends upon us leading a life nailed with Christ to
the cross (cf. Gal. ii. 19).
September 20. St. Eustace and Companions, MM. See
IE. RECORD, vol. xiv., page 820.
804 " Hora Liturgicce ;" or Studies on the Missal.
September 28. 8t. Wencelaus, M. See I.E. BE COED, vol.
xiv., page 824.
September 29. Dedication of St. Michael's. Eecalls to us
the teaching of the Mass for the 8th of May [(page 459).
" Blessed is he who reads and understands the words of this
prophecy and keeps these things which are written therein,
for the time is short" (Lesson). Why is the Gospel about
childlike humility chosen for this feast of the archangel?
It seems that as Lucifer lost all through his hateful pride,
wherein he said, "I will not serve," so St. Michael and his
followers kept their places by humbly prostrating themselves
before God's eternal wisdom, and saying, " Who is like to
God'?" St. Michael's thorough knowledge of what a creature
is in the sight of his Maker made him obey his Lord's
behest ; and it is this spirit of humility which must lie at the
bottom of our service, if we would be pleasing to God. He
has called us to serve Him in one particular way. Who is
like to Him? Must we not, from the simple fact that we
are His creatures, obey Him fully and willingly in all our
vocation implies ? Have we any rights, as the work of His
hands, which we can set up 'against His sovereign claims
upon all we are and have ? See now, He has called us to be
co-victims with the Divine Victim ; He has called us to a
life of priestly perfection, to be a light set in a dark place, to
be the angels of His mercy to our fallen race. Is it not then
the first and last object of our very being to obey His voice,
and to fall in with loving submission to His gracious views
concerning us, and thus to recognise that there is none like to
our God who dwells in the highest ? (cf, Ps. cxii. 5) . If we, His
angels upon earth, take a low view of our vocation, we are
stumbling-blocks in the way of His little ones ; and then,
woe to us. The light will not shine, the salt will not
give savour. Woe to us ! for then we despise His
little ones, and St. Michael with his angels, who ever
see the face of God, and who, being so far above us in
light and love, give us such an example of the humility
which becomes a creature, will be our condemnation in the
latter day.
" HorcB Liturgicce:" or Studies on the Missal. 805
THE TEACHING OF THE * SUNDAYS AFTER PENTECOST
In order to complete our sketch of the teachings of the
Missal, we will grve a few notes upon the names for the
Sundays after Pentecost. As we have the life of our Divine
Master portrayed for us in the first half of the Proprium de
Tempore, so in the second half we have His teaching set
forth in detail, and He tells us how we must perform our
duties. Durandus in his Rationale, tells us that as our life
is a combat against the devil, the world, and the flesh, so
Holy Church preaches for us at this time, extracts from the
Book of Kings, wherein we read of the victories and trials of
God's people, and lessons from the Scriptural books, which
show us how we too are to triumph over our foes. It would ba
an interesting work to draw out the connection between the
Matins and Mass of each Sunday, and one which would
not be without advantage. But at present this does not
enter into the plan of these little studies ; we will content
ourselves with noting the most salient points in each Mass.
We find in each one of them some particular thought to
which all the chief parts of the Mass refer. Some writers
on the Liturgy have thought that they could find in these
Masses a complete and orderly scheme of doctrine ; but it
seems to us rather to be the case that each Mass stands
separately by itself, and has no direct relation with either
the one that precedes or follows. When will the day come
when the Sunday, the Lord's day, will resume its old place,
and not be put out so constantly as it is now? When that
consummation devoutly to be wished for arrives there
will be more chance of a return to the liturgical spirit and
devotion among our people.
First Sunday. We have here a practical lesson of charity
towards others which is based on the mercy God shows to
us. We put our trust in Him who giveth us good things
(Introit), who is the strength of them that hope in Him,
and without whom mortal weakness availeth naught (Collect) .
He is love itself, and has shown His love toward mankind by
sending His only-begotten Son into the world that we may
live by Him. Therefore if He hath so loved us, we ought to
806 " HorcB Liturgies ;" or Studies on the Missal.
love one another for His sake (Epistle). If we do this and
"understand" with that knowledge which love gives, the
needy and the poor, blessed are we, and in the evil hour
God will deliver us (Gradual). Then, our Lord tells us to
be merciful, and not to judge others, neither to condemn ;
to forgive and to be generous; for with the measure we mete
to others so shall it be meted unto us (Gospel). So we pray
for help to follow this teaching, and base our petition on the
fact that we pray to Him in the way He has prescribed in the
Gospel (Offertory) . After the Sacrifice is completed we have
a reminder of the wonderful acts of mercy we have received,
and this should excite us to show charity to others
(Communion) ; and the same thought runs on in the final
prayer, wherein we pray that we who have been filled with
gifts so great, may never cease to praise God by living
a life full of charity towards our brethren.
Second Sunday continues this lesson of charity, and
gives as a reason the great goodness of God who is become
our protector, and has brought us into the "wide place"
of His Church, and who wills to save us (Introit), accord-
ing to those words of the Apostle (1 Tim. ii. 4), "God
our Saviour who will have all men to be saved," for He
never fails those whom He bringeth up in the steadfastness
of His love (Collect). His loving-kindness has made us pass
from life to death, because we show love to our brethren.
We have a proof of His goodness towards us in that He
laid down His life, according to His own blessed words :
"Greater love than this no man hath, that he layeth
down his life for his friend" (John xv. 13). Therefore as
He has so loved us we should love our brethren whom He
has loved so well, and should lay down our life for them,
and love them not in word nor in tongue, but in deed and
in truth (Epistle). Then we have brought before us the
thought of the Blessed Sacrament, that miracle of love, and
He tells us of that sacred banquet to which He so sweetly
invites us (Gospel). And when we are going to renew this
great act of His mercy, "which is of old," we ask humbly
His help, on account of this love He shows us (Offertory) ;
and that from day to day the work of heavenly life may
"Horce Liturgicce:" or Studies on the Missal, 807
progress in us ( Secret). After having partaken of this banquet
of angels, we sing a song of thanksgiving for His infinite
goodness towards us (Communion) ; and we pray that by
frequenting these mysteries the salutary effects thereof
may be increased in our soul (Post Communion), and we
may love the brethren in deed and truth.
Third Sunday. This Mass carries on the same lesson
again, and sets before us another reason in the fatherly care
of the Good Shepherd for the sheep gone astray. He has
shown pity for the one who had wandered out alone, and
was stricken with poverty. He regarded the piteous state,
and the labour, and He has forgiven the sin. So as in Him
we hope and are not put to shame (Introit), so ought we to
extend the same pity, the same long suffering to sinners.
We know, alas ! by experience that without Him we are not
strong, neither are we holy ; and as we need the increase of
His mercy, and should have Him as guide and ruler if we
would pass through things temporal so as not to lose things
eternal (Collect), so this very knowledge urges us to bear
with sinners, and to patiently help them to put their trust
in the strength of His grace. He has care of the works of
His hand, and gives grace to resist the Evil One. If we
trust in Him, He will establish us, and will settle us (Epistle).
So, as we have learnt for ourselves, we teach others to use the
grace He so lavishly gives, and trusting in Him to resist the
Evil One, The Divine Shepherd goes forth into the desert
to seek the wandering sheep ; and, finding it, rejoices, and
brings it back home : so we, who have a charge of the
Shepherd's office, and who should partake in His love for
sinners, must go forth to seek him, no matter at what cost
or toil, and, showing him all the love of a Father's care,
lead him back rejoicing to the Sacred Heart (Gospel).
The great act of sacrifice for which we are about to
prepare is a solid proof that the Lord will never forsake
those that seek Him again with true repentance, and
He is not heedless of the prayers of those in need of His
gracious assistance (Offertory). So as He has so many
times brought us back, and has welcomed us again, oh ! so
lovingly, we will do His work for others, and cause
808 " Horce Liturgiccs :" or Studies on the Missal.
angels of heaven to rejoice when sinners return to their
God by penance, and once more living to Him (Communion).
Fourth Sunday, teaches us that we are made for life
eternal, and we can never attain it without the help of
God's grace. He is the only light and salvation of mankind.
Sheltered by His grace, whom shall we fear ? If armies in
camp stand together against us, our heart shall not be afraid
(Entroit) ; for by His grace the course of life will run peace-
fully for us, and we shall enjoy perfect quietness of heart
(Collect). Though sorrow and pain be our lot here, yet
what can they compare with the glory in store for us when
we receive the adoption of the sons of God (Epistle) ? This
adoption has already begun for us in Holy Baptism, and is
still further increased by our ordination. Therefore, even
now we lift up our head confidently and boldly, for lo! our
redemption is at hand (Luke xxi. 28) ; and when trials do
come upon us we call upon God with all confidence to be
propitious to us, His adopted sons, and for the honour of
His name to save us. God's honour is involved in our
salvation, because He has called us to life eternal, and knows
we cannot possibly reach it unless He help us with His
£race. Therefore is it a matter of honour with Him, who
sitteth upon the throne and judgeth rightly, to be the refuge
of the poor in the hour of tribulation (Gradual). What a
ground for confidence ! Our Lord, we must remember,
teaches us, from the ship of St. Peter, how to gain life
eternal, and to put out into the deep of His compassion, and
to let down our nets into His Sacred Heart, and thence
gather in an abundant stock of the graces we need. We
must remember this, that it is in the Church, and under
St. Peter that we have to reach life eternal ; in that loving
conformity with the mind of the Church which St. Ignatius
gives as a mark of a true Catholic. The letting down of our
nets teaches us our need of help, and the sense also of His
power to help us (Gospel) ; therefore when we are going, at
His word, to let down the net by the sacrifice of the Mass,
we pray Him to give us His light to see how to manage the
grace we shall receive lest we sleep in death (Offertory) ; for
pur will is rebellious, antf often will not follow the light He
'• Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal. 809
gives, so we ask Him to so sweetly compel our will that we
may "run after Him in the odour of His ointments " (Cant.
i. 3, Secret). Then when we are one with Him in Holy
Communion we feel that He is our firmament, and refuge,
and deliverer, our God, and our helper, who will lead us to
life eternal, and will not fail us.
Fifth Sunday. This Mass teaches us the duty of prayer,
and tells us how to pray so as to be heard. We pray with
humility, when we say: "Be Thou my helper; forsake me
not, 0 God of my salvation" (Introit). We pray with love,
when by His grace we love Him in all and above all (Collect).
We pray with certainty, when we are "of one mind," with
our Divine Head ; that is, when we pray with the Church,
using her prayers, and speaking in her name, sanctifying
the Lord, the Christ in our heart (Epistle). We pray with
joy and exultation, because He hath made us kings, a royal
priesthood, and enables us to trust in His power, and greatly
rejoice in the salvation He shows us (Gradual). We pray
with charity towards our neighbours, when we see in them
our brethren in Jesus (Gospel) ; with gratitude for all His
gifts, especially for the gift of understanding hidden things
of His love which is ever set before our eyes (Offertory).
We pray in the union of all the saints, and refer our prayers
for the benefit of others (Secret) . We pray with perseverance
and singleness of aim to do only His will (Communion)
and with a real hatred of sin, and a love of inward purity
(Post-Communion) .
Sixth Sunday teaches us that by Baptism we died to
the world and sin, that we have undertaken to lead a new
life, and that we therefore ought to nourish our soul upon
that bread of angels which is the true food of our soul. We
are His people, His own heritage, and He our Eternal King,
and the One whose will is to receive our prayers (Introit).
Therefore pray we to grow in this new life of His heritage
by the virtue of religion, and that whatever good He finds
in us He would deign to cherish and guard by the gift of
piety (Collect). Baptism was our dying to sin, and our
rising with Christ to a new life, so we are bound to walk
in the newness of life, crucifying our old nature and destroying
810 " Horce Liturgicce :" or Studies on the Missal.
the body of sin, and no longer living as slaves thereof. Our
life henceforth must be God's, and it is His by means of Christ
Jesus our Lord, who is one with us in the Mystical Body
(Epistle). He is our refuge, and in His justice will free
us, and will make speed to deliver us from evil (Gradual).
This He does by the Blessed Sacrament, wherein He shows
His great pity for mankind who faints in the desert of this
world if he be not fed with the Bread of Life and the
"few little fishes" of the uncovenanted mercies (Gospel).
Therefore in the paths of Him who has such food for our
sins, we pray that our feet may ever be set, and that His
mercies may ever be magnified upon them that trust in Him
(Offertory). He will listen to our prayer for help to lead
this new life (Secret), and will allow us to offer in His
dwelling-place the victim of praise, rejoicing, singing, and
speaking praise to Him (Communion) for having blessed and
strengthened us in the way (Post-Communion) to heaven.
Seventh Sunday We are taught to-day to be on our
guard against false doctrine, and are told how to recognise it.
All nations are called to serve God in the joy which arises
from the truth which the mighty Lord, the terrible One,
the great King over all the earth (Introit) has designed to
teach us. As this is His desire, His Providence will not
fail to keep us aright, but will help us to keep out of
harm's way (Collect) by the instinct of faith, especially as
regards those things whose end is death and the darkening
of the understanding. The wages of the human thing, the
infirmity of the flesh, is death ; but the grace of God, which
comes by truth, is life eternal, because it unites us to our
divine Head, Jesus Christ (Epistle). Therefore, let us go
to Him, and learn of Him holy fear, and be enlightened with
His truth, so that we shall not be confounded (Gradual).
The false teachers who will try and rob us of the real Pearl
of Price, our faith, can be known by their fruits. The
grapes which give the wine which gladdeneth God and man
(Judges ix. 13), can never be gathered from thorns only fit for
the burning ; nor can the pleasant fig, so sweet to the taste,
from the thistle. False teachers say : " Lord, Lord," but do
not do God's will (which is that everyone should be brought
" Horce Liturgiccv ;" or Studies on the Missal. 811
to a knowledge of the truth) ; therefore, they close heaven's
gate against themselves (Gospel). Alas ! are we also to judge
ourselves as false teachers according to this heavenly rule ?
If we try to do His will, and His truth abides in us, then,
indeed, will our sacrifice be acceptable to Him (Offertory), as
being offered by His devout servants ; on being blessed by
Him it will profit all God's fold (Secret). But unless He
hear us, and make speed to help us, we shall fall a prey to
our enemies, who seek to rob us of the truth (Communion) :
therefore we pray that the healing power of the Blessed
Sacrament may preserve us from our own perversities, and
lead us into all things which are right and in accordance
with the truth (Post-Communion).
Eighth Sunday. We are spiritual men, and have only
one aim and object in life, namely, to attain to salvation ;
hence must we cast away all carnal devices which are un-
worthy of the sons of God. This is to-day's lesson as
contained in the teaching of the Mass. By a vocation we
are called in the midst of the Church to receive the fulness
of His mercy, both for ourselves and for our people, therefore
should His praise abound in our hearts, the city of God, and
His justice be shown forth in our lives, which He holds in
the hollow of His hand (Introit). So we pray Him to give
us the spirit of thinking upon what is right, and of doing by
His grace what will help us to live according to His will ;
for, no longer are we debtors to the flesh so as to be its bond
slaves ; but we ought to be its masters and mortify it, not in
the spirit of servile fear, but in the spirit of the adoption of
sons. Our vocation is the witness of the Holy Ghost, that
we are in a special sense God's sons, the co-heirs with our
Divine Head in the kingdom (Epistle). So, as men who live
according to the spirit, we put our trust in Him, and hold
our heart firm as His city and holy mount ; and we take
heed lest we betray it into the hands of His enemy, and
thus become once more debtors to the flesh. We are only
stewards over this city, and we must heed lest we waste the
Master's goods, for the time cometh when we can no longer
hold our stewardship, but will have to account for our charge.
How shall we act prudently as children of the light ? By
812 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
making a step-stone to heaven of our flesh which of itself
seeks to lead us to hell; by mortifying and crucifying it, so
that it may be a means of reaching the everlasting dwelling.
This is a real making friends of the mammon of iniquity
(Gospel). A spiritual man is an humble man : pride robs us
of spirituality, and, by darkening the light of God, brings us
once more into deeds of darkness under the yoke of the
flesh (Offertory) ; therefore, we supplicate for grace by means
of the Blessed Sacrament that our mortal pilgrimage may
be holy so as to reach the never-ending joys of the eternal
dwellings. What joy can the things of the flesh bring to
one who tastes and sees how sweet is the Lord (Communion).
As morning after morning we feed ourselves on this bread
containing in itself all sweetness, all worldly joys grow dis-
tasteful, the spiritual alone secures an object of delight, and
by degrees the defects of our mind and body are repaired
by its might until it raises us up at the last day (Post-
Communion).
ETHELBED L. TAUNTON.
THE VENEEABLE JOAN OF AEC
WHAT are we to think of the shepherd girl of Lorraine,
who, whilst yet a child, leaving her father's house,
beneath the shadow of the village church at Domremy,
became the liberator of Orleans, the victor of Patay, and the
conqueror of the great Talbot ; who crowned her king at
Eheims amidst the enthusiastic rejoicing of an exultant
people, and rescued her country from the deepest depths of
depression and degradation ?
The English, baffled by her skill and prowess, looked
upon her as a witch, and as inspired by the Evil Spirit ; and
heartless, God-forgetting writers consider her to have been
the victim of a disordered mind.
" At thee the mocker sneers in cold derision ;
Through thee he seeks to desecrate and dim
Glory for which he hath no soul or vision,
For God and angel are but sounds to him." 1
1 Mangan.
The Venerable Joan of Arc. 813
But fair-minded English, French, and German writers
dwell with delight on the splendid story of her life, and
enthusiastically portray the moral greatness and patriotism
of this miracle of Christian womanhood and of Christian
chivalry. Catholics have always revered this holy maiden,
who, uniting the warlike skill of Scanderberg and Sobieski,
the single-mindedness and purity of St. Catherine of
Sienna, fought for God and for her country, and, by the help
of God, gave back freedom to her native land ; and although
the Church has not yet given her the honour of beatification,
the Sovereign Pontiff, now gloriously reigning, has allowed
her process to be introduced, and we already have the
happiness of saluting her as the Venerable Joan of Arc.
Jeannette Romee D'Arc was born on the Festival of the
Epiphany, in the year 1412, in the lovely village of
Domremy, in the Duchy of Bar, in Lorraine, separated from
France by the Kiver Meuse, and situated on an ancient
Roman road, then the great highway between Burgundy
and Flanders. Her father was a native of Champagne, and
the King of France was Suzerain of the country. She
spent the happy days of girlhood in the low-roofed, rough-
cast cottage home, with its fortress-like windows, nestling
amid a pleasant garden, watered by a nestling flowing brook,
beneath the shadow of the village church.
The life of this " strong, beautiful, and sweet-voiced"
maiden was that of a modest, pious, peasant girl, who loved
to pray in the village church, and to listen to the music of
.its bells ; who tenderly nursed the sick and dying, and won
the simple hearts of little children by her winsome ways
and as she sat at home by her mother's side^ and learned to
sew and spin, sang the holy songs of her native land. God
was always present to her mind, whether she worked in her
room, or trudged along the highway, or wandered through
the silent woods ; and He alone was her guide in weal and
woe. She loved to linger in the "village church, and whilst
her young companions played in the fields or streets, she
was wont to kneel in prayer before the Crucifix and the
statue of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the dimly-lit Church of
St. Margaret and St. Catherine. She went every Saturday
814 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
on pilgrimage to the Chapel of Our Lady of Bermont, and,
having prayed devoutly and lighted candles, emblems of her
faith and love, she decked the statue of the Queen of
Heaven with skilfully-woven wreaths of wild flowers,
gathered by her loving hands in the woods and on the
wayside. The little girls of Domremy, who trusted her and
loved her, and fearlessly followed her whithersoever she bent
her footsteps, imitated her example, and often chided her
for being too holy. She thus spent the happy days of
childhood in obedience, work, and prayer; and, moved by
sympathy for suffering, she was wont to yield her cosy bed
to wayfarers and pilgrims, and to lie down to sleep upon the
rough earthen floor of the kitchen. " A good girl, virtuous,
chaste, and pious, speaking with all simplicity according to
the precept of the Gospel :" such was the witness borne to
her in after times by the companions of her youth.
When Joanna was born the air was dark overhead with
thunderclouds, for the victory of the English at Agincourt
had prostrated France in the dust, and everywhere were
heard the trumpet wails of battle, and the grass was growing
over countless Frenchmen who had fallen fighting nobly,
but in vain, in defence of their king and country, their altars
and their hearths. The country of Charlemagne and
St. Louis had become almost a province of England, and
when the King of France, Charles VI., died, in the year
1421, heralds cried aloud in the streets of Paris, " Long
live Henry of Lancaster, King of England and France."
The King of France, called in derision by the English, "the
Little King of Bourges," was about to give up the struggle
and fly to Scotland, or to Spain, and the kingdom was not
unlike a ship beaten by the billows and rushing wildly upon
the rocks. Everywhere there was gloom and sorrow, and
naught else was heard over the fair fields and sunlit valleys
of France save the cries of heartbroken widows and orphans,
maltreated by lawless invaders, and become outcasts from
their pleasant homesteads ; whilst resistless armies overran
the whole land, devastating and destroying. Such was the
terror inspired by the English name, and so great was the
horror of these dreadful warriors, who swarmed into France
The Venera Ue Joan of Arc. 815
from the mysterious, mist-shouded, sea-girt island of the
West, that it was a common saying among the simple
peasantry of Lorraine, that Judas, the prince of apostates,
was their fellow-countryman.
Joanna, like another Judith, wept over the woes of her
native land, and her prayers often went up to Heaven craving
pity for her people. She knew that nothing on earth is done
without a cause, and that sorrow does not spring out of the
earth, but that God chastises men for their iniquities, and
saves them for His mercy. And God saw the affliction of
the people, and heard their cry ; and knowing their sorrow
came to deliver them ; and He who chooses the weak and
contemptible things of this world to confound the strong
called this lowly maiden, and made her go forth, like
Macchabeus, and do battle against, and drive out the
invaders of her country.
As Joanna was in her father's garden one day in Summer
she suddenly beheld the Archangel St. Michael blazing with
splendour beside the village church, and she heard his angelic
voice, as of yore the simple-minded shepherds on the hill-
side of Bethlehem listened with ravished hearts to the
angelic choir bidding them hasten to worship the Holy Babe;
and he told her the sorrows of France, and bade her on the
part of God bring succour to the King. St. Margaret and
St. Catherine then appeared, and ordered her to go to the
captain of the King at Vaucouleurs, and that he would send
her to the King ; that she should raise the siege of Orleans,
and crown the King at Kheims. The shepherd girl, awe-
struck, answered that she could neither ride on horseback nor
lead an army to battle ; but they rebuked her, saying that she
should boldly bear aloft her banner, that God would help
her, and that she should aid her King to regain his kingdom
despite his many foes. Joanna was filled with joy, and kissed
the ground trodden by their feet, and thenceforth she lovingly
adorned their statues with flowers, and offered tapers to the
priest to be lighted on the altar in their honour. These
visions were frequently repeated, and the holy maid after-
wards declared that her only wish was to fly to the help of
the King, knowing it to be the will of God, and that " if she had
816 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
a hundred fathers, and a hundred mothers, and even were she
the daughter of a king, she must have gone."
Joanna went with her uncle, who alone believed in her
heavenly mission, on Ascension day, in the year 1428, to the
small frontier fortress town of Vaucouleurs (Vallis colorum)
which was still faithful to the King, in order to get an escort
from the Governor, the sire de Baudricourt; but he answered
that her uncle ought to box her ears, and send her back to
her parents. She came again, the following year, in her poor
peasant's dress, and told him that it was the will of God that
she should raise the siege of Orleans, and crown the King
at Eheims ; and he came one day with the Cure to the
house of the wheelwright, where Jeanne was staying, and
where she remained three weeks, helping his wife spinning
with her, dividing her time between household occupations
and prayer in the church, or in the crypt, where she often
prayed in the chapel of the Virgin. The Cure, wearing his
stole, prepared himself to exorcise the maiden, commanding
her if she were under the influence of an evil spell to retire ;
if not she was to approach. Jeanne approached the priest,
and knelt before him, and afterwards told the Commandant of
the popular prophecy, that "France should be lost by a
woman, and saved by a young girl."1 The people of
Vaucouleurs were eager chat she should strive to save
France, and they bought her a horse, and a military dress,
and two gentlemen of the town offered themselves as an
escort to her on her journey. And one of them said to her,
" Why do we delay, are we all to become English." "I have
come here," she answered, "to the King's house to speak
to Robert de Baudricourt to take me, or to send me, to the
King ; but he cares not for me nor for my words, and yet
before mid-Lent I must be before the King, even should I
wear my feet to the knees, for no one in the world, neither
kings, dukes, nor the daughter of the King of Scotland, none
other can regain the kingdom of France. He has no help
save in me, and truly I had much rather spin at my poor
mother's side, for this is not my estate of life; but I must be
1 Footsteps of Jeanne D'Arc, by Mrs. Caddy.
The Venerable Joan of Arc. 817
up and doing, for such is the will of my Lord." He asked
her, "Who is your Lord?" She answered him, " He is God."
The chivalrous soldier thereupon took her hands between
his own, and swore that with the help of God he would lead
her to the King. Joanna, foiled in her hope of help from the
Governor of Vaucouleurs, and urged on by the voice of the
Archangel ever ringing in her ears, "Daughter of God, go,
go, go ! I will help thee," set out in the middle of February,
on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the patron saint of Lorraine,
at St. Nicholas-du-Port ; and St. Nicholas heard her fervent
prayers, for when she returned to the small frontier town
the sire de Baudricourt received her kindly, and furnished
her with an escort.
Joanna, with military dress, and armed cap-a-pie, rode
forth with her little troop from the gate of Vaucouleurs, on
the 23rd of February, in the year 1429, towards the head-
quarters of the .King at Chinon. She hastened forward to
the succour of the kingdom, upheld by the manliness of
an humble soul and the strength of steadfast love, with
undanted courage and fearless heart, across the war-stricken
plains of France, through wintry uplands and leafless
woodlands, over many dark broad rivers for one hundred
and fifty leagues, avoiding the high roads, and towns which
were held by the English and Burgundian invaders, and
resting at night at some lonely hamlet, or sleeping in her
armour beneath the shelter of some forest tree. She
sped onward towards the west, through Champagne and
Burgundy, and through the wild moorlands of Berri, and the
low-lying meadows and undulating vine slopes of Lorraine,
until at length, on the Gfch of March, she safely reached the
gates of Chinon, on the River Loire, where Charles VII.
held his court with his few faithful followers. When the
young maiden, after many delays, was admitted into the
presence of the King, she walked, clad with shining armour,
and with modest mien, through the throng of gaily-dressed
nobles and officers, and throwing herself at the feet of her
sovereign, she, with a sweet and gentle voice, thus gave him
greeting: "God give you a happy life, noble Dauphin. I
have been sent by God, fair Sir, to bring help to you, and to
VOL, xv 3 F
818 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
your kingdom; and through my voice He bids you have
yourself anointed at Bheims, and become the vicar of the
King of Heaven, as every true king of France should be."
She then made known to him a hidden secret of his
heart, and he half believing in her sent her to be examined
by an assembly of learned men at Poitiers. She foretold to
them that the might of England would be broken at Orleans ;
that the King would be crowned at Kheims ; that he would
reign at Paris, and, that the Duke of Orleans would be freed
from his prison bonds ; and these learned ecclesiastics after
a long and careful scrutiny declared her life was blameless, her
words were wise, and her answers inspired by God, and that
as the faithful subjects of the King had no longer any human
hope, she should be entrusted with an army, and sent forth-
with to the succour of the beleagured City of Orleans. The
holy maid, meanwhile, spent almost all her time both day
and night in prayer in her lodging or in the churches of
our Lady, of St. Peter, and of St. Hilary, and those who
came to see her proclaimed her very holy and the beloved
child of God.
Joanna went at the end of April to Blois, where the main
body of the army was gathered, and as she rode at the head
of her knights and men-at-arms, clad with glittering armour
given to her by the King, and with the sword of Charles
Martel by her side, and her sacred banner emblazoned on
either side, with the figure of our Lord, and with the shield
of France borne by angels, in her hand, the enthusiasm of
jhe people \vas very great, and the soldiers who had lost
aeart became again hopeful of victory. And as the meadows
vere once more bright with flowers under the benign
influence of the balmy breezes and the warm sun of spring,
so the French were filled with gladness at the sight of the
heaven-sent maid.
Orleans, the last stronghold of the French King, was
then besieged by the whole English army, and was
about to surrender through dearth of food, but Joanna
summoned the English leaders to retire, and besought them
to join with France in a crusade against the Turks; and
when they mocked at her letters she moved forward at the
The Venerable Joan of Arc. 819
head of the French army, and, instructed by the heavenly
voices, she with consummate skill succeeded in carrying
abundant provisions into the beleagured city. The young
maiden, mounted on a white horse, with her white banner
borne before her, and with the brave Dunois riding by her
side, went through the streets of Orleans which were ablaze
with torchlight, amidst the acclamations of the citizens and
soldiers, who regarded her as an angel, to the cathedral to
thank God for His protection, She called one day to the
English from a bastion to withdraw; and when they answered,
" Shall knights fly before a woman, n she said, " Ketournez
de par Dieu en Angleterre ou Je vous ferai courrouces ;" and
every day the courage of the besieged increased, and the
besiegers began to lose heart, so that whereas formerly two
hundred Englishmen were able to put five hundred French-
men to flight, four hundred Englishmen now fled before two
hundred Frenchmen. No military commander ever showed
more watchfulness, more military foresight, and more skill than
the Maid of Orleans; and whether defending the barbicans and
bastions of the town, or leading an attack on the enemy,
she exhibited a warlike wisdom and bravery that has never
been surpassed. She at the head of her troops seized one
by one the sixty strong entrenchments and redoubts of the
besiegers, and having slain about eight thousand English
soldiers, she beheld the English army, crest-fallen and beaten,
fly from Orleans on the 8th of May, the Feast of the
Apparition of the Archangel St. Michael. Joanna fasted
and went to confession before every fight. She wept over
the fallen foemen, and tenderly cared for the wounded,
whether friends or foes ; and when the great victory was won
she had a solemn procession made through the streets of
Orleans, to thank God for His blessings, and she had a
funeral service celebrated for the souls of the slain.
The victorious maiden was enthusiastically welcomed by
the King at his royal castle of Loches ; and, though she was
thwarted by his weakness of will, and by the jealousy of his
courtiers, she succeeded in persuading him to set out for
EheiniF, in order that he there might receive the heavenly
ratification of his rights, by being solemnly anointed and
820 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
crowned with the crown of Chlovis in the primatial Cathedral
of France. Meanwhile she rode back to Orleans, and putting
herself at the head of a splendid army to which soldiers
flocked from all sides, she struck swift and strong blows
upon the enemy. She marched with the Duke of Alen^on
on Saturday, June llth, with streaming banners and
glancing armour towards the East, along the marshy
meadows by the side of wayward Loire, and on the follow-
ing Sunday morning she laid siege to the strong fortress of
Jargeau, which was held by the Duke of Suffolk with a large
English garrison; and crying out, " Forward, fair Duke," and
holding her sacred banner in her hand, she rushed towards
the entrenchments, and took the town by assaults, leaving
eleven hundred English soldiers dead within the walls ; she
then returned in triumph to Orleans with her prisoners and
her trophies.
Joanna, on Wednesday, suddenly fell on the fortified
bridge of Meung, drove the English out of Beaugency, and
advanced swiftly with her victorious army after the flying
foe to the plain of Patay, where the French army, com-
manded by the Maid of Orleans, and the English army,
commanded by the great Earl Talbot, met face to face.
When Joanna beheld the English army drawn up in battle
array, she encouraged her troops with these soul-stirring
words : " Fall boldly upon them ; they will soon fly.
Advance boldly on the English ; they will be beaten. The
noble Dauphin will to-day gain his greatest victory ; my
voices tell me that they are ours." The fight was short and
bloody ; and before the sun had set a glorious and decisive
yictory was gained. The English army was utterly routed ;
the heroic Talbot was a prisoner ; and the battle-field was
strewn with the corpses of the enemy. The holy maiden
wept when she saw so many brave foes lying stretched -upon
the field of battle ; and her tender heart was moved with
pity for the sufferings of the hapless prisoners of war.
Having seen an angry soldier strike his prisoner on the
head, she hastily dismounted from her horse, and took the
wounded man in her arms ; and as he was dying she, with
tears in her eyes, encouraged and consoled him, and held up
The Venerable Joan of Arc. 821
his head whilst he was receiving the last rites from the
priest.
Joanna presented the renowned and formidable warrior,
Earl Talbot, to the King ; and Charles VII. began, on
June 29th, his triumphal march to Rheims, escorted by the
holy maid ; for, although the towns and the country through
which he had to pass were still mostly in the hands of his
foes, the power of England was broken, and its prestige
gone. Joanna rode at the head of an army of twelve thousand
men, mounted on a richly-caparisoned palfry, wearing a
dark-green surcoat and a bright crimson mantle over her
armour, with lance in hand, her trusty sword by her side,
and her battle-axe slung from her girdle. She prayed as she
moved hopefully onwards under the brilliant summer sun,
through dusty highways, flowery lanes, and shady forests ;
and she never failed to worship in all the wayside chapels,
and to entreat little children to pray to God for the success
of her glorious enterprise. The English and Burgundian
garrison fled at their approach, and the keys of the city were
given to the King.
The King, with his whole army, entered Eheims,
Saturday, July 16th, as the setting sun was shedding its
after-glow upon the Norman towers and pinnacles of the
Cathedral of Chlovis and St. Clotilde. Joanna had kept her
promise, and fulfilled her mission, by bringing her king to
the city where the kings of France were always crowned.
She had left her humble cottage at Domremy five months
before, and now all Christendom rang with her glory ; and
there, close, by the closing scene of her triumphs, her father
folded her to his bosom. She was then nineteen years
of age. At sunrise next morning — Sunday, July 17th,
A.D. 1429 — the citizens and soldiers were astir ; and the
King, surrounded by his princes and nobles, amidst the
chiming of bells, the blare of trumpets, and the loud accla-
mations of the people, was crowned, and anointed with holy
oil from the Sainte Ampoule, as the rightful King of Franec.
All those who saw the holy Maid of Orleans standing near
the King, holding her banner in her hand, and heard her
say : " Fair King, the pleasure of God is now fulfilled, who
822 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
wished you to come to Rheirns to be anointed the true king
of France, to whom the kingdom of right belongs," looked
upon her as the guardian angel of their country.
" No longer on St. Denis shall we cry,
But Joan la Pucelle shall be France's saint ;
Come in, and let us banquet royally,
After this golden day of victory."
Joanna wrote a touching letter to the Duke of Burgundy,
who was in league with England, and whose subjects fought
side by side with the English soldiery, on battle-field and
city wall, entreating and ordering him on the part of God,
to make peace with the King of France, and to take up arms
against the Saracens, and bidding him beware of waging
war upon the holy kingdom of France. The Duke of
Burgundy, however, did not hearken to her appeal, but
remained a steadfast ally of England, and a relentless foe of
France, and of the holy maid. When a lowly friend from
her native village asked the gentle girl whether she felt
afraid amidst the din and strife of battle, Joanna answered:
"I fear treachery alone;" and before the summer had come
again she had fallen into the hands of her Burgundian
enemies through the base treachery of her own false
friends.
Meanwhile the pleasure-loving monarch went slowly
onward from town to town of his newly-conquered kingdom,
and at his coming the English and Burgundian soldiers fled,
and the city gates were thrown open to the rightful king,
whilst the holy maid reduced all the neighbouring strong-
holds of the English to subjection, and made their French
nobles and peasants flock to her victorious standard. On
August 15th, at the head of seven thousand men, she fought
against the English army, commanded by the Duke of
Bedford, who had marched from Paris with ten thousand
men to stay her progress; and, although she failed to storm
their strong entrenchment, they retreated, and she slept upon
the field of battle. She entered in triumph into Poissons,
Senlis, and Compiegne, and sang a Te Deum in the Cathedral
of Beauvais, for the mercies of God to her afflicted country.
The Venerable Joan of Arc. 823
Cauchon, the count bishop of Beauvais, thenceforth hated
her with a deadly hatred. Picardy was now ready to
swear fealty to Charles VII., and Normandy was wavering
in its allegiance to the English king, but Joanna besought
in vain the weak-minded and voluptuous French monarch
to march on Paris, and seize that last great bulwark of the
power of England in France. The dauntless maid set
forward thither on Tuesday, 22nd August, saying gaily to the
Duke of Alen9on : "Fair Duke, get ready your followers,
and those of the other captains ; I will see Paris nearer
than I have seen it yet;" and riding swiftly through tree-
shaded valleys and flowery fields, in front of her splendid
cavalcade, with banners floating in the summer breeze, and
armour glancing in the sunlight, she reached the town of
St. Denis, hidden amid the woodland by the side of the
winding Seine, and within a few days the whole French
army was encamped on the plain of La Chapelle, on the
outskirts of Paris. The King arrived at St. Denis, on the
7th of September, and was solemnly enthroned in the ancient
abbey church, where the warlike kings of his royal race were
sleeping in their tombs.
The French forces, twelve thousand strong, were drawn
up in battle array at Montmartre, on the following day,
September 8fch, the feast of our Lady, and the mail-clad
maiden, with battle-axe in hand, led the attack on the gate
of St. Honore, and fought during the whole day with mar-
vellous skill and daring. The faint-hearted French leaders,
however, withdrew from the fight in the afternoon, despite
her earnest assurances that if they persevered the city would
be taken. The heroic maiden still fought beneath the walls,
although she had been severely wounded in the side by a bolt
shot by an English cross-bow man, and she had to be forced
from the field of battle at nightfall, crying out impetuously
meanwhile: " The place might have been taken." She
wished the next morning to renew the assault, but the King
ordered her to desist ; and whether jealous of her fame or
weary of the war, he forsook the great prize that was almost
within his grasp, and, leaving half his a-rmy to garrison the
newly-conquered towns, he retreated with the remainder to
824 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
the banks of the Loire. The Lords persuaded Joanna to
follow him, although her voices bade her stay at St. Denis.
But before she left for ever this last scene of her military
glory, she knelt humbly before the shrine of the patron
saint of France, and gave thanks to God, to the Blessed
Virgin, and to the holy martyrs, for having escaped death;
and, in accordance with the chivalrous custom of that age,
she hung up on a pillar beside his tomb her rich suit of
armour, and the sword which she had won in fight from an
English knight, at the siege of Paris. She then followed the
French king in his flight to Gien, being sad at heart at the
thought that her heaven-given mission had not been entirely
fulfilled; for "God does not help those who do not help
themselves."
Whilst this youthful shepherdess was being taunted at
Poitiers with her rashness in undertaking to save France,
one of her judges said to her: " You ask for men-at-arms,
and you say that it is the pleasure of God that the English
should depart from France, and return to their native land :
if that be so, no men-at-arms are needed, for the will of God
alone is able to repulse and drive them homewards." She
answered: "The men-at-arms will fight in the name of
God, and God will give the victory." She neglected no
human means, as if all depended on her skill and foresight,
and she hoped in the help of God as if success were to come
from Him alone. As she rode triumphantly through the
beleagured city on the banks of the Eiver Loire, she said to
the citizens who thronged the streets in order to see her
pass : " The Lord has sent me to succour the good town of
Orleans." And when an aged man cried out: "My daughter,
tbe English are strong and well entrenched ; it will be hard
to drive them away," she answered: "Nothing is impos-
sible to the power of God." The holy maid sought in every
way to win the help of God. She led a stainless life ; she
daily fasted, and confessed her sins with tears; and when-
ever she might she received in Holy Communion the sacred
Body of Jesus Christ. She always went to the church at the
dawn of day ; and, having by sound of bell summoned together
the priests, who followed the army, to offer the Holy Sacrifice
The Venerable Joan of Arc. 825
of the altar, she knelt in their midst, whilst they chanted a
hymn to the Blessed Virgin ; and when she rushed to the
fray with her sacred hanner waving in the wind, her war-
song was the hymn to the Holy Ghost. She never failed
to beg the prayers of pure-minded maidens and sinless
children, in order to win the blessing of God upon her work ;
but her chief care was to reform the evil lives of her fellow-
soldiers, since she looked upon their sins as the greatest
enemies of her glorious enterprise ; " for the success of war is
not in the multitude of the army, but strength cometh from
heaven."1 She at one time sweetly reproved them, and at
other times severely upbraided them, for their crimes ; but the
constant example of her spotless life, and her earnest piety,
was the most powerful incentive towards their conversion.
She ever exhorted them to penance and to trustfulness in God
and His infinite mercy, and she promised them victory if
they remained in the state of grace. She solemnly received
Communion before them in the open air, and her faith and her
love of God so worked upon their souls that most of them
confessed their sins, and gave up their evil ways ; so that
within a short time the army became like a peaceful procession
of religious men. God did not withhold His all-powerful help ;
but blessed the holy maiden so much that she became a
miracle of holiness and wisdom ; and the peasants who
flocked to her standard fearlessly followed wherever her
sacred banner wTaved. She was the wisest in council, the
most unwearied in work, and the most fearless in the fight ;
and so unrivalled was her warlike prowess, that gallant
knights fled before a woman. The French army and nation,
however, became intoxicated with success as a holy priest
had foretold, and fell back into their former wicked ways.
Joanna foresaw the misfortunes that were to follow, and she
often said to her confessor : " If I should soon die, bid the King,
my master, for me, to be pleased to build chapels wherein
the Lord may be invoked for the souls of those who have
been slain whilst fighting in defence of the kingdom." The
fair creature was doomed to die, and bribery and treachery
1 1 Macch. iii.
826 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
were the means of her destruction. The English looked
upon her as possessed by the devil, and as a women of evil
life, and they threatened to burn as a witch " that creature
in the form of a woman, who was called the Pucelle " by
her countrymen. The holy girl herself never ceased to
believe in the doom that awaited her ; and although she did
not foresee the manner of her death — the many spectators
thronging into the city of Rouen, the lofty scaffold, the
surging smoke, the crackling flames, and the angry shouts
of bitter foemen — she ever felt within her soul a presenti-
ment of her sufferings and shameful death.
November had now arrived, and the army of the King
had been disbanded The bitter winter wind swept wildly
through the leafless forest, and the earth, both on hillside
and valley, had become hard beneath its icy breath, and
gloom again overspread the land of France. When, however,
the springtime had come back, and the birds sang joyfully
on bush and brake and hedgerow, Joanna, who loved her
banner forty times more than her sword, and never slew a
foe, leaving behind her the sensual court and the thankless
King, girded on her armour, and dealt many a sturdy blow
against the enemies of her country, and her soul-stirring
war-cry once more resounded on battlement and bastion.
She sped onwards towards Paris during Easter week bereft
of help, and sorrow-stricken of heart ; but her presence soon
aroused the enthusiasm of her fellow-countrymen, and she
fell swiftly upon the English army which was besieging Melun,
and drove them away in headlong flight. As she stood one
balmy April day on the city wall, gazing on the glistening
Seine and the distant woods, and listening with delight to the
music of the cathedral bells, as it floated over the fields by the
riverside, she clearly heard her voices warning her that before
the feast-day of St. John she would be a prisoner. The
holy maid received the heavenly message with resignation,
although she shrank from suffering, and willingly consented
to bear the cross which her Lord was pleased to place
upon her. She, however, earnestly prayed that her im-
prisonment might not last long.
Joanna left Melun at the end of April, and hastened
The Venerable Joan of Arc. 827
forward towards Compiegne, the French frontier town
between the kingdom of France and the territory of the
Duke of Burgundy and Flanders which was about to be
attacked by the whole Burgundian army, aided by their
English allies ; and as she drew near Paris, the English
governor, the Duke of Bedford, and his most trusty warriors
were dismayed, but the holy maid passed on, and on the
13th of May reached Compiegne. The royal chancellor
withdrew at her coming, but many of her former companions-
at-arms gathered around her, and ere long she had brought
together a powerful army for the defence of the threatened
town. On the morning of Ascension-eve, May 24th, 1430,
Joanna received Holy Communion in the church of St. James;
and, as the story was often told in bygone days, whilst stand-
ing near a pillar of the church, and looking sadly at the eager
faces of the children clustered round her, she said: "My
children, and dear friends, I tell you that I have been
betrayed and sold and soon I shall be delivered up to death.
I therefore beseech you to pray for me, as nevermore I shall
have power to serve the King, and the realm of France."
She rode out of the city gate at the head of the French
army, at five o'clock that evening, and made a sudden
onslaught on the besieging armies. The Burgundians fled
before the impetuous onslaught of the French ; but the
English gaining heart successfully fell upon their flank, and,
the French soldiers fled towards the city despite the heroic
efforts of the holy maid. This "very beautiful, and very
strong maiden," waving her sacred banner, and dealing
blows right and left with her flashing sword, fought furiously
in order to cover the retreat.
Many Frenchmen yielded themselves prisoners of war,
whilst many, panic-stricken, threw themselves into the river
flowing beneath the city wall. As friend and foe were
mingled together outside, the Governor raised the draw-bridge)
and Joanna was left alone with her faithful body-guard
surrounded by her fierce assailants. She made superhuman
efforts to cut her way through the throng of soldiers ; the
bells of the city meanwhile ringing the alarm, and the
townsfolk on the ramparts breathlessly looking on, until at
8'28 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
length a soldier seized her crimson surcoat, and dragged her
from her horse. She still refused to cry for mercy, and
sought to wrest herself from their grasp ; but she was taken
prisoner, and given as prize to the Burgundian leader, John
of Luxembourg, who sent her strongly guarded to his fortress
of Beaulieu, and afterwards to his castle of Beaurevoir.
She spent the weary hours of her prison life praying for her
native land, for she was filled with sorrow for the sufferings
of her people, and she yearned to fly to the help of her
comrades at Compiegne. When she heard that she had
been sold, by the Duke of Burgundy, to the English, terror-
stricken and dishearter-ed, making the sign of the cross, and
entrusting herself to God and to the Blessed Virgin, she
leaped from the topmost tower, hoping to escape, and was
found by the warders lying senseless in the castle-fosse.
The order at length came, that she was to be taken to Rouen,
to stand her trial for sorcery, heresy, and rebellion, and she was
hurried off in mid-winter to Le Crotoy, at the mouth of the
river Somme. She beheld from the battlement of her prison
the grey sea and the bleak strand stretching westward,
and heard the waves beating on the shingly beach, and the
melancholy sough of the wind coming from England, and
then as the sweet sound of the bells of St. Valery was
wafted across the sands, her mind wandered back to her
bright home in the vine-clad valley of Domremy, and the
forlorn, and forsaken girl wept.
At Christmas when there was gladness and plenty
throughout the land she rode through Normandy manacled
and downcast amid her bitter foes, and looked for the last
time on the fields and trees and peaceful homesteads, and
having reached the town of Eouen at the beginning of the
new year, she was roughly thrust into a gloomy dungeon of
the castle, and sadly spent her nineteenth birthday therein,
and lingered within its massive walls tightly bound with
heavy iron chains around her neck and waist arid feet until
the spring had come again, forgotten by the faithless king,
and bereft of every word of sympathy and love, but hoping
in God, and ever praying for the welfare of France and of its
rightful sovereign. Homesick and sad at heart, and daily
The Venerable Joan of Arc. 829
ill-treated and beaten by her savage guards, she bore her
great sufferings with patience, and whilst standing before her
pitiless judges, fearless as on the battle-field, the guileless
maiden answered their wily questions with wise and modest
words. This caged bird never ceased to sing her song of
love of country and love of God, and instructed by her
heavenly voices foretold that soon her native land would be
freed by a victory given to it by God, and that the English
would be driven out of it for ever. Prayers were offered up
for her in the towns of France, and some gallant knights
made a fruitless effort for her deliverance. Her voices
promised her freedom and a glorious victory, and her hopeful,
buoyant youthful heart rejoiced, for she little thought that
a shameful and cruel death was the means ordained by God
to free her from a life of strife and sorrow, and to lead her to
a heavenly kingdom. She appealed in vain to God and to the
Holy Father, and besought to be sent to the ecclesiastical
prison of the city ; but her wicked judges refused her prayer,
and unjustly sentenced her to death by burning. When the
guileless maiden heard her awful doom, and learned that she
was to die in the spring-tide of her youth, she shuddered,
and, overcome by a paroxysm of fear and anguish, throwing
herself upon the stone floor of her narrow prison cell, she
tore her hair and shrieked aloud, and piteously entreated to
be put to death by the sword; but soon peace came back into
her soul, and cheerful resignation to the will of God beamed
upon her face like a sunburst when the storm-cloud has
passed away ; and, clasping her hands together, she earnestly
prayed to God for mercy and for the forgiveness of her sins.
The holy girl then confessed her sins, and solemnly received
the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ, and at nine o'clock
on the 30th May, in the year 1481, she was seated on a rough
cart with her hands bound behind her back, and she went
to her martyrdom through the streets of Koueri guarded by
eight hundred English spearmen^ bewailing her sad fate and
uttering mournful cries, whilst tears streamed down her
cheeks, to an open space where the half-finished cathedral
of St. Ouen was rising in all its loveliness, and she was led
to the summit of a lofty platform in sight of a vast throng of
830 The Venerable Joan of Arc.
French and English citizens and soldiers, some of whom
were moved with pity at beholding the meek and humble
maiden about to die, whilst others were filled with deadly
hatred against the great conqueror of their countrymen.
The saintly girl clasped to her bosom and kissed and
bedewed with her tears the crucifix which had been brought
to her from a church close by ; and then kneeling down she
prayed aloud for her friends and foes, and asking and
granting forgiveness she besought the people to pray for her
and the priests to offer sacrifices for her soul. Whilst she
was praying to God, to the Archangel St. Michael, and to
St. Catherine, she was dragged amid the scoffs and wrathful
shouts of the English rabble to a wooden scaffold, and was
chained to a stake, and fire was set to the faggots beneath
her bare feet. As soon as she felt the scorching heat she
sent away her faithful friend the Dominican friar, Martin
L'Advenu, and stood alone amid the billows of white smoke
and hissing flames until at length her body was wrapped in
a sea of fire. She cried out thrice with a loud voice, Jesu,
Jesu, Jesu, and bidding farewell to France she ceased to
live. She had fought her last fight, and had won the victory,
and her death gained freedom for her native land. May her
death still plead for France, and may England be forgiven
her share in that awful crime.
ALBEET BARRY, C.SS.K.
[ 831 ]
LAMENNAIS
IV.
FROM his childhood Lamennais had been an ardent
royalist. He had indeed been dazzled for a while by
Bonaparte's splendid triumphs ; but the attempt to make
the Church and her Pontiff the tools of the imperial power
had confirmed him in his old allegiance. He welcomed the
Restoration as at once the re-instatement of the rightful
monarch and the deliverance of the Church from an
ignominious yoke. But he soon found that under the
Bourbons the Church's position was hardly less humiliating
than before. Louis XVIII., and much more Charles X.,
looked upon themselves as the heirs of all the ecclesiastical
prerogatives claimed by Louis XIV. It was plain that under
such circumstances Lamennais' uncompromising ultramon-
tanism and his ardent royalism must sooner or later come
into collision. As in other incidents of his life, his own
impetuosity and the folly of his party precipitated the conflict.
In 1825 he brought out a volume entitled : La Religion
consider ee dans ses Rapports avec VOrdre Politique et Civil.
The Government immediately prosecuted him on the ground
that the book was an attack on the royal authority. Berryer
defended in a speech which produced an extraordinary
impression throughout the country, and is still looked upon
as one of his master-pieces. When he had ended, Lamennais
rose up. Disdaining any explanation of his meaning, or any
appeal to the clemency of the judges, he said defiantly:
"I owe it to my conscience and to the sacred character with
which I am invested, to declare to this tribunal that I remain
firmly attached to the lawful head of the Church ; that his
faith is my faith ; that his doctrine is my doctrine ; and that
I will continue to defend this faith and this doctrine to my
last breath." Though he was only fined a nominal sum, the
prosecution rankled in his mind. Henceforth he ceased to
be a royalist. He did not, however, immediately adopt any
other political creed. He remained in a sort of pessimistic
indifference until he was roused by the example of our
832 Lamennais.
illustrious O'Connell. The Irish blood which ran in his veins
was stirred at the'sight of his brethren demanding religious
liberty in the name of the common principles of freedom.
At the same time the brave Belgians were successfully
struggling against their Dutch Protestant persecutors. In
his own country, on the other hand, the King, while exacting
the most servile submission from the Church, nevertheless
sacrificed her interests by ifie ordinances of 1828 against the
Jesuit schools. Lamennais could restrain himself no longer.
A fresh volume, Des Progrcs de la Revolution et de la Guerre
contre VEglise, announced a complete break with his political
past, and a defence of the Church's rights on advanced
liberal lines.
" We demand for the Catholic Church [he wrote] the freedom
promised by the Charter to all religions ; the freedom which Pro-
testants and Jews enjoy ; the freedom which the followers of
Mahomet and Buddha would enjoy if there were any of them in
France. . . . We demand freedom of conscience, freedom of the
Press, freedom of education — just as the Belgians are demanding
them from their government oppressors."
In his letters, he spoke even more strongly: — "The
Belgian Catholics are much more advanced than we are.
They see the nead of curing themselves of that terrible
disease called Koyalism." " People tremble at Liberalism :
make it Catholic, and society will have a new life." " When
the Catholics shout out ' Liberty,' you will see many
changes." When Charles X. tried to make head against
the Kevolution, Berryer implored Lamennais to rally to the
royal cause. "Too late," was the answer; "Jamfcetet"1
And when the unfortunate King and his family fled into
exile, their former champion only said of them: "They
thoroughly deserved their fate, they can never return."
Three months after the fall of the Bourbons, the first
number of the famous newspaper L'Avenir appeared. Few
men have possessed the qualities of a great journalist in a
higher degree than Lamennais. Bold and quick, clear,
brilliant and forcible, widely but not deeply read, he could
discuss the graver topics of the day at short notice, in
1 John xi. 39.
Lamennais. 833
limited space, and in a manner adapted to tho general intel-
ligence. His weak health prevented him from making full
use of his powers, but he had around him a devoted band of
young and able men who were well qualified to second his
efforts. Lacordaire, at this time a young priest, twenty-
eight years old, had only lately joined the community of
La Chenaie. A profound thinker, a passionate Liberal, he
had long been repelled by the unsound philosophy and
extreme royalism of the master. No sooner, however, had
Lamennais finally broken with his old friends than this bril-
liant recruit rallied to his side. A still younger colleague,
Montalembert, who was not yet of age, saw the first numbers
in Ireland and hurried back to plunge into the fight.
Though others sometimes wrote, it was these three —
Lamennais, Lacordaire, and Montalembert — who were the
soul of the new paper. The prospectus came out on August
20th, 1830. The very name L'Avenir, " The Future," was
a programme in itself. It indicated the coming in of a new
era. The age of kings was gone; the age of the people was
at hand. The Church must still continue ; but to live and
thrive she must frankly accept the new conditions, and give
up all vain longings to bring back an irrevocable past. A
luminous cross, surmounting the Bible and the Keys of
Peter, formed the arms of the paper, and for motto was
chosen, riot the old " God and King," but " God and
Freedom."
" The majority of Frenchmen [said the prospectus] wish for
religion and freedom. No stable order is possible if these two are
looked upon as hostile to each other. The two chief forces of society
cannot be in conflict without producing divisions and confusion.
On their union — natural, and even necessary, as it is — depends the
safety of the future. But there are many prejudices to overcome —
many passions to be soothed. On the one side, men sincerely
religious do not accept, or accept only with difficulty, the doctrines
of freedom. On the other, ardent friends of freedom look with
mistrust upon the religion professed by twenty-five millions 'of
Frenchmen.
The present is a favourable time to put an end to this antagon-
ism, for a salutary change has already taken place in French
Liberalism. There are two Liberalisms among us — the old and the
new The former, inheriting the subversive doctrines of the
philosophy of the last century, and particularly its hatred of
VOL. XV. 3 G
834 Lamennais.
Christianity, breathes nothing but intolerance and oppression. But
the new Liberalism, which is growing every day, and will end by
swallowing up the other, restricts itself, as far as religion is
concerned, to demanding the separation of Church and State — a
separation necessary for the freedom of the Church, and equally
desired by all enlightened Catholics."
October the 16th, 1830, was the date of the first number.
The opening article was from the pen of Lamennais himself.
After taking a rapid survey of the past, he pointed out that
one rude hour had sufficed to engulf it for ever. "All this
was going on but yesterday — to-day we seek in vain for
some traces of what was thought to be everlasting, and now
time rolls its waves over these mighty ruins." The torrent
whiqh swept them away is next magnificently described.
"What then," goes on the writer, "What then is left ? Two
things— and two things only — God and freedom ! " In the past
the French clergy, notwithstanding the warnings of Borne,
had made themselves the servile tools of despotism, and so had
led men to believe that the Church was a foe to freedom.
Hence the infidelity of the philosophers : hence the perse-
cutions of 1793. The excesses committed in the name of
freedom had, in turn, made that name hateful to Catholics.
The time was now come to burst the ancient bonds, to heal
the ancient feud, to make the Church put her trust in freedom,
and freedom put her trust in the Church.
A violent outburst from nearly every side greeted this
outspoken language. The old royalist party, fallen, but not
yet utterly cast down, were filled with indignation against
the traitor who would dissolve the sacred union between
Church and king, and force the Church into an unholy
alliance with the Kevolution. With few exceptions, the
Liberals, too, were equally antagonistic. Their mighty foe
was more dangerous than ever, now that he had entered into
their stronghold and was robbing them of their weapons.
The younger clergy and the flower of the youthful laity—
the partisans of the Essai — knew no bounds to their enthu-
siasm. They went about everywhere, Avenir in hand,
flourishing the new teaching in the faces of their grave
elders and bearing down all opposition. Day after day the
[Lamennais. 835
new journal continued to pour forth articles on the most
burning topics. It demanded complete and unreserved
freedom of conscience for all Frenchmen ; the abolition of
privileges of every kind ; the entire separation of Church
and State ; the suppression of the salaries paid to the
clergy ; the repeal of the Concordat ; free communication
with Borne ; above all, the non-intervention of the civil
authority in the choice of bishops, and freedom to teach and
to form associations. Outside the domain of religion the
Avenir advocated the extension of the franchise and the
establishment of local government in the departments
and the communes. The opponents of this programme,
Eoyalists and Liberals alike, were assailed with a power and
a fierceness never exerted before on the side of religion.
Philosophers and Gallicans, ministers of State and petty
sub-prefects, doctrinaires and bourgeois, all came under a
lash which knew no pity. Lamennais and his little band of
followers seemed to revel in the numbers and the dignity of
their foes.
Again following the example of O'Connell, they founded
a Catholic Association (Agence Generale pour la Defense de
la Liberte Religieuse) to carry out into practice the doctrines
proclaimed in their journal. Woe to the Minister of State
who issued a decree hostile to religious freedom ! Woe to
the petty official who dared to insult a village cure ! Pulled
down from their pride of place, or dragged out of their
obscurity, they were held up to ridicule and contempt in
the Avenir, and remorselessly pursued by the Agence. The
military commandant at Aix forbade the Capuchins to wear
their habit in public ; the Agence summoned him before the
Supreme Court, and obtained his removal to the other end
of France. When the Trappists of Meilleraye were to be
dispersed by a band of soldiers, the Agence offered to defend
them by force of arms. The famous case of refusal of burial
by the Cure of Aubusson led to- an eloquent address to the
clergy. A portion of it will give some idea of the style
and method of the Avenir.
" One of your brethren has refused to a man who died outside
your communion, the usual farewell address and prayers ....
836 Lamennais.
Your brother was right. He acted like a free man, like a priest
of the Lord resolved to keep his lips from servile benedictions.
Woe to him who blesses against his conscience ! Woe to him
who speaks of God with a mercenary heart ! Woe to the priest
who mutters lies at the grave side, and who through fear or for
vile wages conducts a soul to the judgment-seat of God. Your
brother was right. Are we the gravediggers of the human race ?
Your brother was right. But a shadow of a pro-consul was
of opinion that so much independence was out of place in one
so vile as a Catholic priest. He has given orders for the body
to be brought before, the altar, and the doors to be burst open, if
necessary — the doors of the refuge where reposes under the
protection of the law and the guardianship of liberty, the God of
all mankind, and acknowledged by the majority of Frenchmen
... A mere sub-prefect, a paid removable, whose own dwelling
is secured from invasion, has dared to violate the house of God
Himself. He has done this while you are slumbering peacefully
on the faith pledged by the Charter of August 8th ; while you
are obliged to call down blessings on the king, the head and
representative of the freedom of the nation. He has done this
in the teeth of the law, which declares all religions to be free —
and how can a religion be free, if its temple is not free — if dirt
may be cast into it by armed force ? . . . He sits by his fireside,
calm and self-satisfied. You would have made him tremble had
you taken your dishonoured God and borne Him to some poor
little hut, vowing never to expose Him again to insult in the
temples of the State."
The Avenir did not restrict itself to attacks on the
invaders of the Church's rights. The clergy were earnestly
called upon to rise up, and cut off the chains with which
they were bound : —
"Priests of Jesus Christ, what have men made of you?
Nothing but public officials, paid for services rendered at the
bidding of anyone who deigns to command you ; imprisoned
within narrow boundaries which you are forbidden to cross ;
compelled, at the whim of a policeman, to put on or to put off
the distinctive dress of your calling — this is what you have
become . . . The civil authority follows you to the altar ; and
there, standing by your side, it keeps an eye on the sacrifice and
presides over the sacred mysteries. Do you recognise, in the
unutterable degradation of this hateful slavery, the priesthood of
the Son of God ? And do you wonder that the people, disturbed
and distracted, ask themselves how there can be anything divine
in such an institution? Look at Christ : be poor like Him, and,
like Him, you will be free, you will be revered, you will be strong.
It was not with an order upon Caesar's paymasters that Jesus
Lamennias. 887
sent His apostles to conquer the world . . . What does a priest
require for his mission ? Nothing but lips that can speak freely
and a morsel of bread ? We are paid by our enemies, by those
who look upon us as hypocrites and fools, who are convinced that
our very existence depends upon their money. True, they are
our debtors ; but they have come to believe that in paying us,
they are really giving us an alms. . . Fancy a debtor meeting his
creditors, and flinging down some money in the mud, and telling
them: 'Work, you idle beggars, work!' This is how our
enemies treat us ; and here we have been for more than thirty
years stooping down in the mud to pick up the pittance which
they throw us."
If such language excited the lower clergy, it produced a
veritable panic among the bishops. Lamennais knew well
that the hierarchy would not tolerate any dictation from a
simple priest. Nevertheless he spoke out boldly to them : —
" To you especially, bishops of France, do we address our-
selves ; to you who are at once our chiefs and our fathers ; to you
on whom rest all our hopes, and to whom, in these evil days, we
feel more keenly the need of drawing closely. Who are to be
your successors ? As death moWs you down, one after another,
to whom will your flocks be entrusted ? Is there a Christian soul
who does not shudder at the mere thought of bishops being
chosen by the very men who have hewn down our wayside
crosses, forbidden our teaching, and persecuted our faith ? The
ruin of the faith, the death of Catholicism in our midst — would
not this be the inevitable result of a state of things which gives
the Government control over the episcopal nominations ? Think
how soon there would be in France nothing left but a Church in
chains, a mere shadow of a pastoral ministry, a vile puppet of a
priesthood, blind, deaf, motionless, except when started by the
lowest menial of the State. Bishops of France ! bear well in
mind, it is you, and you alone, who can grasp this great question,
and secure the preservation of the sacred deposit entrusted to
your care. The destinies of the faith, the salvation of the
generations to come, are in your hands. Judge ye ! "
The bishops were not long in coming to a decision, but
that decision was a condemnation. In several dioceses the
paper was forbidden. Seminarists who took it in had their
orders stopped ; professors were deprived of their chairs and
cures of their parishes for maintaining its doctrines. This
opposition did not at first alarm Lamennais and his friends.
They had always looked upon the bishops as Galileans, as
838 Lamennais.
mere tools of the Government, with secret clingings to the
vile pay and empty honours bestowed by the State. They
boldly declared that as long as Borne was on their side they
could bear with the condemnation of the bishops. But the
circulation of the paper rapidly fell away ; the material
resources of the party were reduced ; and some of the
members felt that they could go on no longer in so false a
position. Lacordaire, who had had the largest hand in the
Avenir, and had always been more of a colleague than a
disciple of the master, advised an appeal to the Pope. It
was arranged that Lamennais, Lacordaire, and Montalembert
should go to Eome, and ask the Holy Father to decide
between them and the bishops. Accordingly, thirteen
months after its first publication, the Avenir ceased to appear.
The last number (November 15th, 1831) contained an article
signed by all the editors.
" We confide our protest [they said] to the memory of all
Frenchmen in whom faith and decency have not died out ; to our
brethren of the United States, of Ireland, of Belgium : to all who
are in labour for the freedom of the world, wherever they may be.
We carry this protest, barefooted if need be, to the city of the
Apostles, to the steps of the confessional of St. Peter ; and we
will see who will dare to stop the Pilgrims of God and Freedom."
V.
No one in France had done more for the overthrow of
Gallicanism than Lamennais. In the early days of his
collaboration with his brother Jean, in his own Essai sur
I' Indifference, and the controversies connected therewith, in
all his articles in the Avenir, he had insisted in season and
out of season on the infallible authority of the decisions of
Kome. He boldly defended the rights of the Holy See from
the encroachments of the State ; he vehemently attacked
the bishops for their want of submission to their Head.
And yet in all this ardent advocacy we cannot fail to note
a something that excites our mistrust. He seems to uphold
Rome because Rome is on his side rather than because he
is on the side of Rome ; and he gives us to understand that
the best proof of the infallibility of the Pope would be the
approval of the Essai and the Avenir. He goes to the Holy
Lamennais. 839
See as a dictator rather than as a suppliant ; he demands a
decision — a favourable decision, of course — and the Holy
See must be quick about it. One already trembles to think
of what will happen if Lamennais' principle of authority and
Lamennais' personal authority come into conflict. How-
ever, he and his two friends now journeyed to Borne, full of
confidence in their triumph.
The Pilgrims of God and Freedom had hardly reached
their destination when they perceived that their cause
was lost. The mis-named Holy Alliance presided over by
Metternich, was in the height of its power. Austria, Russia,
and Prussia had been beforehand with them at the Vatican,
and had called upon the Pope to condemn these audacious
revolutionaries, who incited the populace to rebel in the
name of religion. The French Government, too, exerted all
its influence against them. In ecclesiastical circles their
coming was viewed with marked distrust. Zurla, the
Cardinal-Vicar, refused to receive them. When they asked
for an audience of the Holy Father, they met with fresh dis-
couragement. Leo XII., Lamennais' kind patron and friend,
was dead, and had been succeeded by Gregory XVI. The
new Pope had found himself face to face with the wave of
revolution which swept over Italy in the autumn of 1831.
But for the intervention of Austria his temporal authority
would have been destroyed. He had been obliged to repress
with sternness among his own subjects those very liberties
for which the Avenir had been clamouring. The wonder is
that he had not condemned its doctrines long before. He
now caused Cardinal Pacca to convey to the editors his
admiration for their abilities and good intentions, but at the
same time his dissatisfaction with them for raising certain
controversies, and advocating opinions which, to say the
least, were dangerous ; and, as the examination of their case
would take considerable time, he counselled them to return
to France.
This announcement filled Lamennais with indignation.
He could see in it nothing but cowardly truckling to the
powers of this world. When at last, late in February, an
audience was granted, he attempted in vain to discuss his
840 Lamennais.
business with the Holy Father. Gregory received him
kindly, gave him a pinch of snuff, talked for a quarter of an
hour about the claw on one of Michael Angelo's lions, and
sent him away with his blessing. The measure of Lamennais'
resentment was now filled up : that single audience decided
his fall.
"I have often wondered [he said, a few years later in his Affaires
de Borne] , I have often wondered that the Pope, instead of showing
towards us that silent severity, did not say simply : ' You meant
well, but you have made mistakes. Placed at the head of the
Church, as I am, I know better than you her needs arid her
interests, and I alone am the judge of such matters. While dis-
approving of the direction of your efforts, I pay full justice to your
intentions. Go back now, and from henceforth, before intervening
in these delicate questions take counsel with those whose authority
should be your guide.' These few words would have settled the
whole matter. None of us would ever have thought of resuming
our suspended activity, Why did he, on the contrary, persist in
refusing us even a single word ? I can only explain his conduct
by the intrigues which went on around him, by the secret
calumnies with which our enemies sought to blacken us in his
eyes, and also by the incapability, which seems inherent in all
powers, to believe in disinterestedness, sincerity, and uprightness."
One at least of the pilgrims — he who had originally
suggested the appeal to Eome — submitted humbly to the
Pope's injunction. Lacordaire now saw, when it was too late,
that the appeal had been a fatal mistake, and that they had
brought all their misfortunes upon themselves. He left the
Eternal City soon after the audience. On the other hand,
Mont alembert, who, though still a youth, had clearly foreseen
the result of the appeal, and had therefore been opposed to
the journey, now clung with chivalrous devotion to his
discomfited master. Lamennais determined to stay on ;
he had come for a decision, and a decision he would have.
Shunned in all quarters, civil and ecclesiastical, he lingered
on through the spring far into the summer.1 The bitterness
of bis feelings, the acute sufferings of his nervous, feverish
temperament, during these weary months of delay may be
seen in his letters. He speaks of the Pope as " a good
1 He stayed at the Earnabite Convent of St. Andrea della Valle as the
gue«t of Father Ventura.
Lamennais. 841
religious, who knows nothing about the world and has 110
idea of the condition of the Church." He compares the
Papal Curia to the vile eunuchs of the lower Empire.
" One of the happiest days of my life will be the day on
which I shall get out of this huge sepulchre of worms and
bones . . . I must have air to breathe : I must have move-
ment, faith, love — none of which can be found amidst these
old ruins over which the basest human passions crawl in
darkness and in silence, like so many loathsome reptiles."
At last he gave out publicly that he meant to return to
France, and resume the Avenir.
" As soon as our mind was made up [he writes in his
Affaires de Rome] we lost no time in quitting Eome. It was
towards evening in the month of July. From the high ground
overlooking the vale through which the Tiber winds its way we
bade a last and sad farewell to the Eternal City. The slanting
rays of the setting sun lit up the dome of St. Peter's, the image
and reflection of the ancient glories of the Papacy. One by one
the various objects faded from view, as darkness came upon the
scene. By the doubtful twilight we still caught a glimpse, here and
there, of the tombs along the roadside ; not a breath of air
stirred the dull, dead atmosphere, not a single blade of grass
waved ; no sound fell on the ear but the tramp of the horses'
hoofs, and the monotonous rumble of the diligence wearily
dragging along over the desert plain."
Germany, not France, was their first destination. Passing
through Venice and the Tyrol, they reached Munich. Soon
after their arrival they were joined by Lacordaire, who
became reconciled with his old leader by the mediation of
Montalembert Next day, August 30th, the three editors of
the Avenir were entertained at a banquet by the principal
artists and literary men of the Bavarian capital. Gorres
was there, and Schelling, and Baader, and a young professor
already famous — Ignaz Dollinger. The company had just
drunk with great enthusiasm the toast of union between
French and German Catholics, when Lamennais was
summoned out of the room. In a few moments he returned,
but with troubled face and flashing eyes, and carrying a
document in his hand. He said nothing. Everyone felt
that something serious had happened. Soon afterwards the
842 Lamennais.
company broke up. As they were going out, Lamennais
whispered to his colleagues: "I have just received an
encyclical. It is against us ... We must immediately
submit." At last Gregory XVI. had spoken. The troubles
in his states had hitherto prevented him from issuing the
letter usually addressed by a new pontiff to the bishops of the
world. The encyclical beginning with the words Mirari vos,
and dated August 15th, 1832, explained this omission, and
ako took occasion to condemn in severe terms, but without
naming any person, the whole policy of the Avenir. Liberty
of conscience, liberty of worship, freedom of the press, the
right of Insurrection — all were condemned.1 Lacordaire and
Montalembert went home with Lamennais to his lodgings,
and there an act of submission was drawn up and signed by
all three. The Avenir was not to appear again; the Agence
was declared to be dissolved. Let us listen again to
Lamennais on his submission and its sequel.
" It was, I confess, a happy day for me when I was able to go
back to a calm, quiet life. Certainly, no thought, even the
vaguest, of taking any new action entered my mind. I had had
enough of fighting ; I was worn out with fatigue. Rome gave me
rest once again, and I embraced it with a joy which would have
made me scruple, had it not come under the guise of duty. All that
the editors of the Avenir had promised, they fulfilled to the letter.
The affairs of the paper, and of the Agence were duly liquidated.
Everywhere throughout the provinces our friends displayed the
same unhesitating submission. Far away from Paris, retired in
the country, living there in the bosom of Nature, whose charm is
never so great as when one has seen close at hand the passions
of men and the crying miseries of society — no desire, no regret,
no feeling of ennui disturbed the peace of my solitary hours
of study. This peace was not to last long. Certain miserable
creatures store up, in their gloomy depths, animosities which
nothing can calm ; secret hatreds, which hide out of very shame, but
which burst forth when they can clothe themselves with a pretext
of zeal. Hardly had our declaration appeared when murmurs
1 This is not the place to explain that the condemnation fell upon these
doctrines in the abstract. In practice, under special circumstances, they
might be tolerated, and even advisable. See Acta ex quilus excerptus cst
Syllabus editns die viii. Decembris, MDCCCLIV, Romae, 1865 ; Dupanloup's
La Convention du 15th Septembre, et VEncyclique du 8 Decembre, for which
the author was thanked by Pius IX., Newman, Anglican Difficulties, vol.
ii., page 246, sqq.
Lamennais.
of mistrust and discontent began to be whispered abroad. It was
not complete enough or explicit enough ; it was too like the
respectful silence of the Jansenists. Intrigues were hatched ;
calumnies were sown secretly; timid souls were disturbed by
these charitable impostures uttered in a tone of regret — impos-
tures which they would not and did not believe, but which
nevertheless were repeated by everyone. Then came direct
provocations, insults, outrages. Our enemies hoped to entangle
us in discussions which were as delicate as they were dangerous
for persons in our position. We detected the snare, and avoided
it by holding our tongue. This increased their rage. They had
not reckoned on this moderation — and why should I not say it ?
— they had not reckoned on such patience, in which they detected
something like contempt."
VI.
The eventful year 1832 passed away, and the spring of
1833 arrived. Great preparations were made at La Chenaie
to celebrate Easter with more than usual solemnity. The
morning broke brilliantly. Lamennais, assisted by a
number of the neighbouring clergy, officiated at the Mass,
and administered Holy Communion to his youthful disciples.
All the community were filled with the gladness of the
feast. Their dark days were over and gone ; their prospects
never seemed brighter. Little did they dream that they
had been present at the last Mass of the master.
In truth, Lamennais was far from enjoying that peace of
mind of which he boasted. Sainte-Beuve was astonished at
his bitterness against Eome. To Lacordaire he seemed like
one from whom the Spirit of God had departed ; like a
second Saul, borne along to a sure and awful doom. And
while all was troubled within, his adversaries allowed him
no chance of rest. Monsignor D'Astros, Archbishop of
Toulouse, in concert with other bishops of the South, con-
demned a hundred and forty propositions extracted from his
writings. This step was severely censured by Borne, on the
ground that the decision of such matters belonged to the Holy
See. Far from being touched by this protection, Lamennais
spoke with increased bitterness. Then came threats of sus-
pension. The Bishop of Rennes, in whose diocese La Chenaie
was situated, was an old soldier of the army of Conde, and held
rigid views of discipline. Once again Lamennais appealed
844 Lamennais.
to Gregory XVI., to beg to be informed of what was required
of him. The 'answer, received through the Bishop, insisted
on absolute adhesion to the encyclical Mirari Vos, and a
promise neither to write nor to approve of any doctrine not
in conformity with it. This was more than he was pre-
pared to do. Accordingly, the Bishop addressed a circular
to his clergy announcing that M. de Lamennais had resigned
his faculties, and would not receive them again until he had
given satisfactory proofs of his complete submission. This
was a severe blow to the unfortunate abbe, as the communi-
ties at La Chenaie and Malestroit could no longer exist
when their founder was silenced. And then came a keener
pang. As he was packing up the library for transport to
Paris, his brother Jean came upon the scene, and exclaimed
indignantly, " Your books ! your books ! they are ours.''
Feli left the cases as they stood, and set off without a word.
The two brothers never met again.
All was not over yet. The Archbishop of Paris,
Mgr. de Quelen, while disapproving of Lamennais' views,
had always treated him with the greatest kindness. By his
good offices the erring priest was induced to communicate
again with Kome, and at length to sign a complete and
unreserved submission (December llth, 1833). The Pope's
joy was unbounded. He himself wrote a touching letter to
his repentant son, congratulating him on his obedience and
exhorting him to employ his splendid talents in defence of
the doctrines of the encyclical. But the submission was
only an act of despair. Lamennais was resolved to have no
more to do with ecclesiastical matters, but to devote himself
to politics. Soon it was rumoured that a fresh book was
coming out which would startle the world more than any-
thing he had ever written before. Mgr. de Quelen became
alarmed. He wrote to ask whether the report was true, and
was assured that the work was a merely political one. Then
he called in person, and implored Lamennais not to publish
it. But all in vain. Within a few months of his complete
and unreserved submission the little volume entitled Paroles
d'un Croyant wrecked his career for ever.
One morning, more than a year before this time, as he
Lamennais. 845
was pacing the gloomy walks of La Chenaie, and brooding
over the desertion of his followers and the ruin of all his
schemes and hopes, it occurred to him to unburden him-
self in a series of rhythmical prose poems. As each was
finished he went back into the house, and wrote it down,
and then set out to begin another. Though they were at
first meant only for his own eye, he soon imparted the
secret to the faithful few who still stood by him. Then came
his difficulties with the bishop, his suspension, his conflict
with Rome, and, finally, his submission. This last act
exhausted his self-restraint. " It is time that all this should
come to an end/' he said to his young friend Sainte-Beuve,
and placed in his hands the manuscript for publication. As
the sheets were passing through the press, the printer wrote
to say that the little book would make a great stir in the
world, for his workmen were wild with excitement about it.
And, surely enough, a violent commotion followed its appear-
ance. Not France only, but all Europe, read it and received it
with enthusiasm or rejected it with horror. Beginning with the
Sign of the Cross, and arranged in verses like the Scriptures,
and closely following their very words and style, it describes,
n visions and parables, the woes of the down-trodden
people and the infamies of their rulers. Sometimes we
seem to be reading the most inspired passages of the
Imitation;, or we gaze on some touching scene of the virtues
and sorrows of the poor ; then we are hurried away, and
plunged into the nethermost pits of hell, to emerge again, and
see the multitudes rising in their strength, and marching on
to victory. No analysis of such a book can be attempted ;
it is arranged on no plan ; it follows no rules. It must be
read to be understood ; and even at this distance of time the
reader will feel something of the horror and the admira-
tion which it aroused on its first appearance. We cannot
here quote the beautiful chapter on Prayer (xviii.), the
sonorous litany (xxiii.), the wailing chant of the exile
(xli.), the blessings on the youthful defenders of the father-
land (xxxviii.). We have only space for an extract which
will enable us to understand why the book was so severely
condemned. Take, for example, the vision of the kings,
846 Lamennais.
seated on their chairs of iron, in a gloomy hall, draped with
black, and lit only by a single blood-red lamp (xiii.) : —
" In the midst of the hall stood a throne made up of bones,
and at the foot of the throne for a footstool a crucifix reversed,
and in front of the throne an ebony table, and on the table a
vessel of foaming blood and a man's skull.
And the seven men with crowns on their heads looked
pensive and sad, and from the depths of its hollow orbit their eye
sent forth from time to time flashes of livid fire.
And one of them rising up staggered towards the throne,
and put his foot on the crucifix.
As he did so his limbs shook, and he seemed ready to faint.
The rest gazed on fixedly; no one of them stirred, and yet a
something passed over their brow, and a smile that is not human
contracted their lips.
And he who had been ready to faint stretched forth his
hand, seized the vessel of blood, poured some into the skull, and
drank.
And the draught seemed to give him strength.
And lifting up his head a cry came from his breast like a
death-rattle :
' Cursed be Christ, who brought freedom upon earth !'
And the other six men crowned rose up together and
together uttered the same cry :
' Cursed be Christ, who brought freedom upon earth !'
After which, when all were once more seated, the first said :
' What shall we do, brethren, to stifle freedom ? For our
reign is ended, and the reign of freedom hath begun . . . Here
is what I advise. Before Christ came, who could withstand us?
It is His religion which hath undone us : Away then with the
religion of Christ !' And all answered : ' It is true, away with the
religion of Christ.'"
Then each in turn goes through the same ghastly
ceremony, and suggests the abolition of science and thought,
the suppression of free speech, the propagation of discord
and terror, the sowing of vice and corruption.
" Then the seventh, having drunk from the skull like the rest,
spake thus, with his foot on the crucifix :
' Away with Christ ! there is war to the death between Him
and us.
But how can we detach the people from Him? Our own
efforts have been in vain. What is to be done ? Listen to me :
we must win over the priests of Christ by riches and honours and
power, and they will command the people in the name of Christ
Lamennais. 847
to be subject to us in all things, and the people will believe
them, and will obey for conscience' sake ; and our power will be
strengthened more than before.'
And all made answer: 'It is true. Let us win over the
priests of Christ.' "
In short, the moral of the Paroles is, that the powers that
be are not of God, but of the devil ; that kings are monsters
of infamy, and priests are their willing tools. Though the
Church and the Pope are not mentioned, the whole is a
fierce attack on the doctrines of the Mirari vos. Lamennais
himself acknowledged that Rome must now speak out.
The encyclical Singulari nos, dated June 25, 1834, 1 is
couched in terms very different from those of the encyclical
two years before. The Paroles cCim Croyant is described as
" small indeed in bulk but in wickedness enormous." Its
attacks on lawful authority are set forth at length, and are
there pronounced to be " false, calumnious, rash, leading to
anarchy, contrary to the word of God, impious, scandalous,
erroneous, already condemned by the Church in the
Waldenses, Wycliffites, Hussites, and other like heretics."
Moreover, Lamennais' philosophical system, so long tolerated
out of respect for his services, was now condemned.
This encyclical dealt the final blow to Lamennais and
his school. Lacordaire had already left him. The others
soon followed. He himself never again gave any sign of
submission. And thus the great movement, begun amid such
brilliant hopes, seemed to have come to an end ; but it was
destined to be taken up again in better days and conducted
by wiser if not abler hands to a glorious and successful issue.
T. B. SCANNELL.
1 Iticard and Spuller repeatedly give the date as July 15, and I have
unfortunately followed them in my first article. The document bears the
date, *' vii. Kal. Julias," that is, June 25.
[ 848 ]
liturgical motes
ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS
MAY A WOMAN BE PERMITTED TO SAY THE EESPONSES
TO A PRIEST CELEBRATING MASS ?
REV. DEAR SIR, — I find among the priests of my acquaintance
a difference of opinion regarding the nature of the circumstances
which render it lawful for a priest to say Mass when he cannot
have a male Mass-server, but must permit a woman to say the
responses. For while some maintain that this is never lawful
unless the priest is obliged to say Mass, either for the purpose of
enabling a number of persons to satisfy the obligation of hearing
Mass on a Sunday or other day of obligation, or for the purpose
of consecrating a host wherewith to administer the Viaticum to
a dying person ; others, on the contrary, hold that it is lawful,
even when the priest wishes to celebrate Mass merely out of
devotion. As the question is at present a very practical one, you
will confer a favour not merely on the readers of the I. E. RECORD,
but also on the liturgical canons, by stating what precisely they
teach on this point.
SACERDOS.
On the point raised by our esteemed correspondent there
are several decisions of the Congregation of Eites, two of
which are quite recent. The first decision bears the date of
August 27th, 1836, and refers to the case in which the priest
who wishes to celebrate Mass is under some necessity of
celebrating. The Congregation was asked : —
" Potestne Sacerdos, omnibus sibi prius commode dispositis,
quae ad sacrificium occurrere possunt, ne mulieres inserviant
altari, uti ministerio mulieris tanturn pro responsis ?"
The reply of the Congregation was a conditional affirma-
tive: "Affirmative, urgente necessitate."
This reply, we need hardly remark, did not finally settle
the question, for it left undefined the nature of the necessity
that would justify a priest in permitting a woman to say the
responses.
Answers to Correspondents. 849
For, clearly, the condition — urgente necessitate — appended
by the Congregation to their affirmative reply can be under-
stood in at least two ways. In the first place it may refer
to the case in which it is necessary for the priest to celebrate
Mass in order to give others the opportunity of fulfilling the
precept of hearing Mass, or that he may be able to administer
the Viaticum to a dying person. Or, secondly, it may merely
refer to the case in which a priest wishing to celebrate Mass
cannot conveniently have a person of the male sex to serve
his Mass, while he can have a woman to say the responses.
The latter, we believe, was the usual, if not the universal,
interpretation of the condition as expressed by the Congre-
gation. However, as the other interpretation was at least
probable, the one commonly acted upon remained doubtful,
and hence the Congregation was lately asked to solve the
doubt, and so settle the matter for all time. The question
to the Congregation came from the Vicar-General of the
diocese of Cahors. We submit both question and reply to
our readers: —
" E. D. Vicarius Generalis Emi. Domini Episcopi Cadurcen.
S. Eituum Congregation! sequens dubium pro opportuna solutione
humillime subjecit, nimirum ;
" Ob ternporum nequitiam saepe contingit ut nonnisi diffi-
cillime habeatur minister qui missae inserviat, ita ut sacerdoti a
sacro abstinendum sit nisi ministerio mulieris utatur. Quum vero
dubitatur utrum hoc in ca&u vera adsit necessitas de qua in
Decreto S. Eituum Congregationis dici 26 Augusti 1836, hinc
quaeritur.
" An Urgens dici possit necessitas in casu quo sacerclos sacro-
sanctum missae sacrificium celebrare non potest quod minime
necessarium est neque ad sacramentum pro infirmo conficiendum
nee ad praeceptum adimplendurn ?
" Et sacra eadem Congregatio, exquisite voto alterius ex
Apostolicarum caerimoniarum Magistris ita proposito dubio
rescribendum censuit ;
" Negative.
" Atque ita rescripsit et declaravit, die 4 Augusti, 1893."
This response of the Congregation of Kites rendered
untenable the second opinion mentioned by our corres-
pondent, and obliged priests wishing to celebrate from mere
devotion rather to abstain from celebrating than to permit a
VOL. xv 3 H
850 Liturgical Notes.
woman to say the responses. And as a pretty general
custom contrary to this decision had already been in
existence, the decision was naturally a cause of considerable
consternation to many priests, and numerous questions
regarding its authenticity and full effect, as well as numerous
complaints regarding the inconvenience of observing it,
were forwarded to the Congregation. Moved by these the
Congregation suspended the execution of the Decree, and
announced this decision in the following letter addressed to
the Bishop of Cahors, and dated January 12th, 1894 : —
EEVERENDISSIME DOMINE UTI FRATER,
Novit Amplitude) Tua quod dubio ab ipsam et proposito circa
mulieris ministerium in Missa, Sacra haec Eituum Congregatio
negative rescribendum censuit die quarta Augusti anno superiore.
Quum inde hac de re ad Eamdem nonnulla quaesita pervenerint,
idem Sacrum Consiliurn nova in iisdem allata rationum momenta
statuit perpendenda, atque interim praefati diei Kescriptum non
esse execution! mandatum.
Haec dum pro mei muneris ratione AmplitucTini Tuae com-
munico, diuturnani ex animo felicitatem adprecor.
Amplitudinis Tuae
Uti Frater
CAJ. GAUD. ALOIS: MASELLA, S.R.C., Praef.
VINCENTIUS Nussi, S.R.C., Secret.
Bomae, die 12 Januarii 1894.
For the present, therefore, the custom existing previous
to the Decree of August, 1893, may be persevered in.
ADDITION TO THE SIXTH LESSON OF THE OFFICE OF
ST. VINCENT DE PAUL, AND TO THE MABTYKOLOGY
Our Holy Father, Pope Leo XIII., at the urgent request
of many bishops has declared St. Vincent de Paul the patron
of all the charitable societies in the whole world, whose exist-
ence can be in any way traced to the influence of this great
apostle of fraternal charity . In commemoration of this,certain
additions have to be made to the sixth lesson in the feast of
the saint, and also to the Eoman Martyrology on the 19th
of July, the day of his feast. We append the changes,
Answers to Correspondents. 851
together with the Rescript sanctioning them, both of which
we hope, for the sake of the clergy, will be duly recorded in
the Or do for the coming year.
IN FESTO S. VINCENTII A PAULO CONF.
ADDITIO AD CALCEM VI. LECTIONIS.
Post verba: "die decima nona mensis lulii quotannis
assignata " addatur : " Hunc autem divinae caritatis eximium
heroem, de unoquoque hominum genere optime meritum, Leo
Tertiusdecimus, instantibus pluribus Sacrorum Antistitibus,
omnium Societatum caritatis in toto catholico orbe existentium,
et ab eo quomodocumque promanantum, peculiarem apud Deum
Patronum declaravit et constituit."
ADDITIO MAETYEOLOGIO EOMANO INSEEENDA.
(19 lulii) Quarto decimo Kalendas Augusti ... " Sancti
Vincentii a Paulo Confessoris, qui obdormivit in Domino quinto
Kalendas Octobris. < Hunc Leo decimus tertius omnium Societatum
caritatis in toto catholico orbe existentium, et ab eo quomodo-
cumque promanantium, caelestem apud Deum Patronum
constituit."
EESCEIPT.
Quum per Litteras Apostolicas in forma Brevis, diei 12 Maii 1885,
Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Leo Papa XIII. Sanctum Con-
fessorem Vincentium a Paulo omnium societatum caritatis in toto
catholico orbe existentium et ab eo quomodocumque promanantium
seu peculiarem apud Deum Patronum declaraverit et constituerit ;
Emus D. Antonius Fiat, Moderator Generalis Congregationis
Missionis, quo sancti Patris ac Fundatoris sui in universa
Ecclesia honor et gloria magis magisque adaugeatur, Sanctissi-
mum eumdem Dominum Nostrum iteratis precibus rogavit, ut de
eiusmodi Patronatu tarn in Officio quam in Martyrologio Eomano,
die decimanona lulii, per additamenta a se proposita, mentionem
fieri benigne concederet.
Hae porro additiones quum a me infrascripto Cardinali Sacrae
Eituum Congregation! Praefecto et Eelatore, in Ordinariis ipsius
Sacrae Congregationis Comitiis ad Vaticanum subsignata die
coadunatis, ut approbarentur propositae fuerint ; Emi ac Emi
Patres Sacris tuendis Eitibus praepositi, audito E. P. D. Augustino
Caprara S. Fidei Promotore, ita rescribere rati sunt : Pro gratia
et ad Emum. Ponentem cum Promotore Fidei. Die 10 lulii 1894.
Itaque earumque additionum revisione per me infrascriptum
Cardinalem una cum eodem Promotore S. Fidei rite peracta,
atque a meipsofacta Sanctissimo Domino NostroLeoniPapae XIII
852 Correspondence.
de hisce omnibus relatione, Sanctitas Sua sententiam eiusdem
Sacrae Congregationis ratam habens eiusmodi additamenta prout
huic praeiacent Decreto, tarn in Breviario quam in Martyrologio
Romano inseri iussit. Die 23 iisdem mense et anno.
^ CAI. CABD. ALOISI-MASELLA S. E. C. PEAEF.
ALOISIUS TEIPEPI, Secretarius.
D. O'LOAN.
Correspondence
PEETEE S-ADOEATBUES
BEV. DEAE SIE, — In the July number of the I. E. EECOED,
in an article on the Association of the " Priest- Adorers " of the
Blessed Sacrament, by the Eev. P. A. Sheehan, Mallow, over
the words : — " Already, in some dioceses in Ireland, priest-adorers
have gathered around them in their weekly adoration large
numbers of the faithful, who can also be associated."
This practice appears to have arisen from a mis-reading of the
statutes of the Association, and it is a pity that the faithful
should be permitted to suppose that they gain indulgences which
they do not, whereas by the same devout exercises they may
gain many ample indulgences.
I am enclosing a copy of the Statute, Associationis, in which
you will notice, under II. Conditiones adscriptionis, that the first
condition is, " Ut Sacerdotali charactere insigniatur, vel sit saltern
in Sacris Ordinibus constitutus." There is nothing in the other
conditions modifying this first essential.
Under III. Associationis regulatio, occur the words that have
caused the mistake.
No. IV. speaks of the annual tax of two francs levied on all
associates towards defraying expenses.
No. V. speaks of the privileges of " Benefactors," as all are
entitled who contribute ten francs annually.
No. VI. speaks of the privileges of "Founders," as all are
entitled who make a donation of two hundred and fifty francs.
No. VII. reads as follows : — " Omnis laicus praedictis condi*
tionibus satisfaciens, quae sive pro benefactoribus sive pro funda-
Correspondence. 853
toribus assignatur, omnibus et singulis privilegiis supra, enumeratis
jurefruitur."
The " above-named privilegia " cannot be taken to include
membership, of which, as we have seen, Holy Orders is a sine qua
non. Father Sheehan's words, therefore, "the faithful who can
also be associated" appear to be incorrect; for, if " associated,"
they would be " associates," i.e., members of the Association,
and they would be entitled to share in the indulgences.
Benefactors and founders cannot, as such merely, obtain any
indulgence, their privileges consisting in the inscription of their
names amongst those of other benefactors or founders, and in a
share in the Holy Mass offered monthly for them. Those
privileges only are open to the faithful.
We have guilds and confraternities under our direction, of
men, women, boys and girls, and families; but in the "priest-
adorers " we stand units ourselves, without any thought of others
to distract us ; as professional men we seek a private audience
with our chief, and look into the account of our trust.
If the zealous priests alluded to in Father Sheehan's article
would wish to present to our Lord the adoration of pious souls
from their flock, along with their own, they may do so ; and, at
the same time, enable the faithful to gain numerous indulgences,
by having them enrolled in some confraternity to which a plenary
indulgence is given for a visit to the church. Our Holy Father
Leo XIII. has drawn special attention to the League of the
Sacred Heart, which, in the devotion of " The Holy Hour," has
a very similar devotion to the hour of watching of the priest-
adorer. The chief difference is, that the priest-adorer may gain
a plenary indulgence every day, and as many times in the day as
he makes an hour's adoration, if he receives Holy Communion on
that day, and fulfils the other usual conditions ; whereas the
layman can gain the plenary indulgence only once a week.
Possibly the Brief of the Holy Father may havo escaped the
attention or the memory of some. Permit me, therefore, to
allude to it. The devotion of the Holy Hour was instituted by
our Lord Himself, when he told the Blessed Margaret, in order
to bear Him company in the humble prayer which He offered to
His Father in the garden, to rise between eleven o'clock on
Thursday night and midnight ; " and then," He said, " prostrate
along with Me, to appease the Divine anger, to ask mercy for
sinners, and in a manner to sweeten the bitterness which I
854 Correspondence.
suffered when My apostles all abandoned Me, and could not watch
one hour with Me." This devotion became common, was indul-
genced, and by a Kescript of May 13th, 1875, the time of gaining
the indulgence was extended from 2 p.m. on Thursday to the
rising of the sun on Friday. Our present Holy Father, by a Brief
of March, 1886, "in order," as he says, "to prevent any
members of the apostleship from being deprived of a grace of
such importance," has empowered local directors to name any
hour during the week, on which all members under their direction
may gain this same indulgence. Membership of the League of
the Sacred Heart requires only enrolment, and the promise to
make a mental morning offering. Further information could be
obtained from the Central Directors, at 6 Great Denmark-street,
Dublin ; and at Messenger Office, Wimbledon, Surrey.
I must say, however, that to me the attention required to
direct the devotion of others during the hour's adoration of the
priest-adorer appears foreign to the spirit of this Association.
Make the "Holy Hour" with your people, by all means, but
make your hour's private adoration as well.
Before closing, permit me to mention a pious custom that is
now being introduced by the priest-adorers on the Continent into
the clergy retreats; i.e., to petition the bishop for a day's
exposition of the Blessed Sacrament.
I remain, rev. dear sir, yours faithfully,
W. J. SMITH.
MORTOMLEY, SHEFFIELD, August 13th, 1894.
[ 855 ]
Documents
DECRETUM SACRAE RITUTJM CONGREGATIONS DE MUSICA
SACRA
Quod S. Augustinus ceterique Patres saepenumero. docuerunt
de cantus ecclesiastic! decore ed utilitate, ut, per oblectamenta
aurium infirmior animus in affectum pietatis assurgat ;' id Eoma-
norum Pontificum auctoritas sibi integre eximieque perficiendum
semper attribuit. Quapropter in hoc Catholicae Liturgiae munus
ita Gregorius cognomine Magnus curas ac studia contulit, ut vel
ipsam appellationem ab eo sacri concentus sint mutuati. Alii
vero, processu temporum, Pontifices, quum nescii non essent
quantam huius rei partem sibi divini cultus vindicaret dignitas,
immortalis decessoris sui vestigiis insistentes, Gregorianum
cantum non modo ad receptam, eamdemque probatissimam,
numeri formam revocandum, sed etiam ad aptiorem rnelioremque
exemplaris rationem exigendum indesinenter curarunt. Prae-
sertim, post Tridentinae Synodi vota et sanctiones, atque Missalis
Eomani diligentissime exarati emendationem, Pii V. praecepto et
auctoritate peractam, de promovendo liturgico cantu magis in
dies assidua excelluit solertia Gregorii XIII., Pauli V., ac caete-
rorum, qui, ad incolume Liturgiae decus tuendum, nihil potius
et antiquius habuerunt, quam ut rituum uniformitati, sacroruin
etiam concentuum uniformitas ubique responderet. Qua in re
illud Apostolicae Sedis sollicitudinem iuvit praecipue, quod ipsi
curae fuerit Graduale, accurate recognitum et ad simpliciores
modos reductum, loanni Petro Aloisio Praenestino elaborate
praeclareque adornandum committere. Nam mandatum, ut erat
dignum nomine omcii sui perstudioso, docte ille complevit ; et
celeberrimi magistri praestare valuit industria, ut, iuxta pruden-
tissimas normas, servatisque genuinis characteribus, liturgici
concentus reformatio iure conficeretur. Opus tanti momenti
illustres Petri Aloisii Praenestini discipuli, insigne eius magis-
terium et documenta secuti, typis Mediceis Eomae excudendum,
Pontificum voluntate, susceperunt. Incoepta tamen huiusmodi
experimenta et conatus non nisi aetati huic demum nostrae
absolvere est concessum. Quum enim sa, me. Pius IX. liturgici
cantus unitatem feliciter inducere quam maxime in votis haberet
1 Confess., 1, x., c. 33, n. 3,
856 Documents.
a S. E. C. assignandam, eiusdemque ductu et auspiciis muni-
endam, peculiarem virorum Gregoriani cantus laude praestantium
Commissionem in Urbe instituit ; eiusque examini editionem
subiecit, qua denuo in lucem evulgaretur Graduale Eomanum,
typis olim Mediceis impressum et Apostolicis Pauli V. Litteris
approbatum. Hanc dein editionem saluberrimo opereabsolutam,
parique studio et opportunis inductis emendationibus, ad normas
a Commissione praescriptas, revisam, sibi valde probari baud
semel ostendit, atque authenticam declarare non dubitavit suis
Brevibus Litteris, die ,30 Maii anno 1873, datis, quarum ilia est
sentential "Hanc ipsam dicti Gradualis Eomani editionem
Reverendissimis locorum Ordinariis, Usque omnibus quibus Musices
sacrae euro, est, macjnopere commendamus ; eo vel magis, quod sit
Nobis maxime in votis, ut cum in ceteris, quae ad Sacram
Liturgiam pertinent, turn etiam in cantu, una, cunctis in locis ac
Dioecesibus, eadcmque ratio servetur, quaEomana utitur Ecclesia"
Antecessoris Sui adprobationem decreto confirmare atque exten-
dere e re esr.o duxit Sanctissimus Dominus Noster Leo Papa XIII.
Littei'3 enhii Apostolicis, die 15 Novembris anno 1878, primae
A'-itiphonara partis, quae Horas diurnas complectitur, novam
elitioncm, ab iisdem viris per S. E. C. deputatis, egregie sane,
ut deuelat musicos erudites, atque intelligenter revisam, peculiar!
commendatione est prosequutus, his sapienter ad Episcopos
omnesque Musicae Sacrae cultores verbis usus : " Itaque memo-
ratam editionem a viris ecclesiastici cantus apprime peritis, ad id
a SS. Eituum Congregatione deputatis, revisam probamus atque
authenticam declaramus, Eeverendissimis locorum Ordinariis caete-
risqiw, quibus Musices Sacrae cura est, vehementer commendamus,
id potissimum spectantes, ut sic cunctis in locis ac Dioecesibus,
cum in caeteris, quae ad Sacram Liturgiam pertinent, turn etiam in
cantu, una eademque ratio servetur, qua Eomana utitur Ecclesia."
Verum, quemadmodum post Pontificium Pii. IX. Breve de
Graduali, ad ipsam editionis adprobationem in dubium vocandam,
controversiae pluries subortae et obstacula sunt permota, ob quae
S. E. C., die 14 Aprilis an. 1877, sui muneris esse persensit
editionem authenticam adserere, suoque suffragio penitus confir-
mare ; baud aliter, post Apostolicos etiam Leonis XIII. Litteras,
quin finem contentionibus facerent, sibi adhuc integrum puta-
verurit nonnulli consilia et decreta negligere de instituto cantus
ecclesiastici, constanti Eomanae Liturgiae ratione et usu
comprobati. Immo, ohoricis Ecclesiae libris in lucem prolatis,
Documents. 857
totaque hac re ad exitum egregie perducta, largiores evasere
disputationes ; et, in conventu cultorum liturgici cantus anno 1882
Aretii habito, validius excitatae censurae eos moerore affecerunt,
qui in ecclesiastic! concentus uniformitate, Apostolicae Sedi unice
obtemperandum iure rneritoque existiraant. Quum autem qui
Aretium hanc ob causam contenderant, vota quaedam seu
postulata de eadem re non tantum in populum prodiderint, verum
etiam Sanctissimo Domini Nostro Leoni XIII. formulis concin-
nata exhibuerint, Pontifex idem, negotii gravitate permotus, ut
sacrorum concentuum, potissimum vero Gregoriani cantus,
unitati et dignitati consuleret, vota ilia seu postulata in examen
adducenda assignavit peculiari Coetui ab se delecto quorumdam
Patrum Cardinalium Sacris tuendis Eitibus Praepositorum. Qui,
omnibus mature perpensis, exquisitisque insignium quoque
virorum sententiis, die 10 Aprilis anno 1883 sine ulla dubitatione
decernendum censuerunt : " Vota seu postulata ab\ Aretino
Conventu superior e anno emissa, ac Sedi Apostolicae ab eodem
oblata pro liturgico cantu Gregoriano ad vetu&tam tradictionem
redigendo, accepta uti sonant recipi probarique non posse. Quamvis
enim ecclesiastici cantus cultoribus integrum liberumque semper
fuerit ac deinceps futurum sit, eruditionis gratia, disquirere
quaenam vetus fuerit ipsius ecclesiastici cantus forma, variaeque
eiusdem phases, quemadmodum de antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus ac
reliquis Sacrae Liturgiae partibus eruditissimi viri cum plurima
commendatione disputare et inquirere consueverunt ; nihilominus
earn tantum uti authenticam Gregoriani cantus formam atque
legitimam Tiodie habendam esse, quae, iuxta Tridentinas sanctiones,
a Paulo V., Pio IX. sa. me. et Sanctissimo Domino Nostro
Leone XIII. atque a Sacra Eituum Congregatione, iuxta Editionem
nuper adornatum, rata habita est et confirmita, utpote quae unice
earn cantus rationem contineat, qua Itomana utitur Ecclesia.
Quocirca de hac authenticitate et legitimitate, inter eos, qui Sedis
Apostolicae auctoritati sincere obseqimntur, nee dubitandum neque
amplius disquirendum esse."
Attamen postremis hisce annis, diversas ob causas, pristinae
dimcultates iterum interponi, recentesque immo concertationes
instaurari visae sunt, quae vel ipsam quum huius Editionis turn
cantus in ea contenti genuinitatem aut infirmare aut penitus
impetere aggrederentur. Neque etiam defuere qui ex desiderio,
quo Pius IX. et Leo XIII., Pontifices Maximi, ecclesiastici
cantus uniformitatem summopere commendatam habuerunt, alios
858 Documents.
quoscumque cantus, in Ecclesiis peculiaribus iampridem adhibitos,
omnino vetari inferrent. Ad haec dubia satius enucleanda,
omnesque in posterum ambiguitates arcendas, Sanctitas Sua
iudicium hac de re deferendum constituit Congregationi Ordi-
nariae omnium Patrum Cardinalium Sacris tuendis Eitibus
Praepositorum, qui, in coetibus ad diem 7 et 12 lunii nuper
elapsi convocatis, resumptis omnibus ad rem pertinentibus
aliisque mox exhibitis mature perpensis, unanimi responderunt
sententia : " Servandas esse dispositiones sa. me. Pii IX. in Brew
1 Qui choricis ' diei 30 Maii, 1873 ; Sanctissimi Domini Nostri
Leonis Papae XIII. in Brevi ' Sacrorum Concentuum ' diei 15
Novembris, 1878; ac S. B. C. in Decreto diei 26 Aprilis, 1883.''
Quod autem ad libertatem attinet, qua Ecclesiae peculiares
cantum legitime invectum et adhuc adhibitum possint retinere,
Sacra eadem Congregatio decretum illud iteranduni atque incul-
candum statuit, quo, in coetu die 10 Aprilis an. 1883 habito,
plurimum hortabatur omnes locorum Ordinaries aliosque eccle-
siastici cantus cultores, ut Editionem praefatam in Sacra
Liturgia, ad cantus uniformitatem servandam, adoptare curarent,
quamvis illam, iuxta prudentissimam Sedis Apostolicae agendi
ra^onem, singulis Ecclesiis non imponeret.
Facta autem de his omnibus per infrascriptum S. E. C. Prae-
fectum Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Leoni XIII. fideli relatione,
Sanctitas Sua Decretum Sacrae Congregationis ratum habuit,
confirmavit, et publici iuris fieri mandavit die 7"Iulii an. 1894.
CAIETANUS Card. ALOISI-MASELLA, S. E. C , Praef.
L.*S.
ALOISIUS TRIPEPI, S. E. C., Secretarius. •
The following regulations were annexed to the above
Decree: —
The Sacred Congregation of Eites at its ordinary sessions
on the 7th and 12th of June, 1894, after mature deliberation,
approved the following regulations regarding Sacred Music.
PART i.
ART. I. — Every musical composition which is inspired with
the spirit of the sacred function which it accompanies, and
religiously corresponds to the sense of the rite, and the meaning
Documents. 859
of the words, is capable of exciting the devotion of the faithful,
and is therefore worthy of the house of God.
ART. II. — Such is the Gregorian Chant which the Church
regards as truly its own, being the only one which she adopts
in her liturgical books.
ART. III. — Polyphonous* Chant, as also Chromatic Chant,
provided they be marked by the characteristics mentioned below,
may likewise be found suitable to sacred functions,
ART. IV. — Amongst the chants of the polyphonous kind which
are recognised as being most worthy of the house of God, are
those of Pierluigi da Palestrina, and of his worthy imitators ;
whilst, for chromatic music, those compositions are recognised
as suited to divine worship, which come down to us from the
masters of the various Italian and foreign schools, and especially
from the distinguished Eoman masters, whose words were praised
and acknowledged by competent authority as being truly
sacred.
ART. V. — As it is well known that a composition of poly-
phonous music, however excellent, may become unsuited to its
purpose by defective execution, in such cases the Gregorian
chant should be employed in all strictly liturgical functions. ^
ART. VI. — Figured music for the organ should generally have
a grave, harmonious character suited to the nature of the
instrument. Instrumental accompaniment should sustain the
chant decorously, and not drown or oppress it. In preludes
and interludes the organ as well as the other instruments should
always maintain a sacred tone in keeping with the spirit of the
function.
ART. VII. — The language to be used in canticles during
solemn, and strictly liturgical functions should be the proper
language of the rite, and the texts " ad libitum " should be taken
from the Sacred Scripture, from the Breviary, or from the hymns
or prayers approved by the Church.
ART. VIII. — In all other functions the common language of
the country may be used, taking the words from devout and
approved compositions.
ART. IX. — All profane music, whether vocal or instrumental,
particularly if it be inspired by motives or reminiscences of the
theatre, is strictly forbidden in the church.
ART. X. — To provide for the respect due to the woi^s of the
liturgy, and to prevent the ceremony from being unduly prolonged,
860 Documents.
every chant is forbidden in which words are at all omitted,
or transposed out of their natural sense, or indiscreetly re-
peated.
ART. XI. — It is forbidden to separate or divide into distinct
pieces verses that are necessarily and naturally bound 'together.
ART. XII. — It is forbidden to improvise fanciful pieces on
the organ, in the case of all who are not capable of doing it in
such a manner as not only to respect the rules of musical art,
but also to preserve and excite the piety and recollection of tke
faithful.
PART II.
I. Sacred Music being part of the liturgy, the Most Eev.
Ordinaries are recommended to take special care of it, to make
it the subject of suitable prescriptions, particularly in diocesan
and provincial synods; always following the sense of these
present regulations. The co-operation of the laity is admitted
under the vigilance of the bishops, and subject to their
authority.
No committees can be formed, nor congress held, without the
express consent of the ecclesiastical authorities. These are the
bishop in his diocese, and the metropolitan with his suffragans
in the provinces. Periodicals on sacred music cannot be published
without the "Imprimatur" of the Ordinary. All discussion on
the articles of the present regulation is prohibited. In other
matters regarding sacred music it is allowed, provided— (1) the
laws of charity be observed ; (2) no one sets himself up as the
master and judge of others.
II. The Most Eev. Ordinaries will see that the obligation of
studying the Plain Chant, as it is found in the books approved by
the Holy See, shall be exactly fulfilled by their clergy. With regard
to other kinds of music, and the practice on the organ, they will
not make it obligatory on their students in order not to distract
them from the more important studies to which they are obliged
to attend. But if any of them should be already instructed in
this kind of study, or show a particular disposition for it, they
can permit them to perfect themselves as far as possible.
III. The same Most Eev. Ordinaries will watch with care
over their parish priests and rectors of churches, and see that
they do not permit musical chants contrary to the instructions of
the present regulation, having recourse, if necessary, with
Notices of Books. 861
caution and prudence, to canonical penalties against those who
disobey.
IV. With the publication of the present regulation, and. its
communication to the Most Eev. Ordinaries of Italy, all preceding
acts on the same subject are completely abrogated.
His Holiness Pope Leo XIII., an account having been
presented to him of the above regulations by the undersigned
Cardinal Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of Eites, deigned
to confirm and sanction in every part the preceding regulation,
ordering its publication on the 6th day of July, 1894.
GAETANO CAED. ALOISI MASELLA, Prefect.
L. S.
LUIGI TEIPEPI, Segretario.
IRotices of Books
DISTINGUISHED IRISHMEN OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
By the Kev. Edmund Hogan, S. J. London : Burns and
Gates.
THE author of this work has given us a very valuable contribu-
tion to Irish historical literature. In a series of interesting
chapters he tells us of the lives and sufferings of a number of
Jesuit priests, who bore with heroic courage the tortures and
persecutions inflicted upon them during the reign of Queen
Elizabeth. In his graphic sketches he presents to us a faithfu^
picture of the times, and recalls the devotion and heroism of many
faithful Catholics who did not belong to his order, and whose
courage and fidelity in these evil days should never be forgotten
in Catholic Ireland. We would draw special attention to his
account of Miss Margery Barnwall, whose name would not
unworthily figure alongside those "of the noblest Eoman virgins
who suffered in the days of Nero or Domitian. But Father Hogan
is chiefly concerned about the members of the Society of Jesus
who fought the battle of the faith, and contributed the part of
one noble regiment to the victory against such terrible and such
862 Notices of Books.
unscrupulous enemies. In these pages we learn— to use the
words of Lord Macaulay — " With what dauntless courage, with
what self-denial, with what exact discipline, with what forgetful-
ness of the dearest private ties, with what intense and stubborn
devotion to a single end, the Jesuits fought the battle of the
Church." And at the end of our perusal it is impossible not
to recall that other passage of the great English essayist in
which he pays his tribute of admiration to the sons of
St. Ignatius : —
'« In spite of oceans and deserts, of hunger and pestilence, of
spies and penal laws, of dungeons and racks, of gibbets and
quartering blocks, Jesuits were to be found under every disguise,
and in every country — scholars, physicians, merchants, serving
men ; in the hostile Court of Sweden ; in the old manor-houses
of Cheshire ; among the hovels of Con naught ; arguing, instruct-
ing, consoling, forming the hearts of the young, animating the
courage of the timid, holding up the crucifix before the eyes of
the dying."
This picture will be easily recognised in Father Hogan's
sketches of Fathers David Woulfe, Edmund O'Donnell, Eobert
Bochfort, Charles Lea, Edmund Tanner, Eichard Fleming, John
Howling, Thomas White, Nicholas Comerford, Dominic Collins,
Walter Talbot, Florence O'More, Thomas Filde, Eichard
de la Field, Henry Fitzsimons, James Archer, William Bathe,
and Christopher Holywood. We have no hesitation in saying
that this book is one which should find a place in every library in
Ireland. The author has taken great pains to consult original
documents, and make his information as accurate as possible.
His work is written in an attractive and readable style,
and when such pains have been taken, we have little doubt but
that clergy and laity will show their practical appreciation of the
work, and give the author the encouragement and recognition
to which his labours so justly entitle him. Catholics are some-
times reproached with their neglect of historical studies, and
with allowing the glories of the past to lie buried in the archives
and records of libraries and offices of the state. We trust that
when a practical effort is made to clear the ground from under
such critics, that it will receive such support as not only to
compensate its author, but to encourage others.
J. F. H.
Notices of Books. 863
THE VENERABLE VINCENT PALLOTTI, FOUNDER OF THE
Pious SOCIETY OF MISSIONS. By Lady Herbert ; with
a Preface by H. E. Cardinal Vaughan. London and
Leamington : Art and Book Company.
THIS is a very interesting as well as a very edifying biography.
It tells us all about the life and work of the venerable servant
of God, Vincenzo Pallotti, who founded the " Pious Society of
Missions," with which the Foreign Missionary College of Mill Hill,
London, established by Cardinal Vaughan, is connected. The
fathers of the Society have also a church in London, and devote
themselves chiefly to the large Italian colony who inhabit the
city. They likewise attend the Italian hospital, and have opened
large schools under the care of the Sisters of Charity. They have
founded another Mission at Hastings, and are doing admirable
work in New York, Brooklyn, and in South America, at Monte-
video, at Mercedes in the Argentine Republic, and at Valparaiso
in Chili. The story of the venerable founder, and of his work, is
admirably told by Lady Herbert, and the preface is written by
Cardinal Vaughan, who has always had a great interest in the
"Pious Society." J. F. H.
LE SAINT SACRIFICE DE LA MESSE. SON EXPLICATION
DOGMATIQUE, LlTURGlQUE ET ASCETIQUE. Par le
Docteur Nicholas Gihr, Traduit par M. 1'Abbe L. Th.
Meccano, Vicaire General d'Annecy. Paris : Lethielleux,
1894.
THIS is the first volume of an important treatise on the Mass,
by a learned German divine. It treats — (1) of the sacrifice in
general ; (2) of the bloody sacrifice on the cross ; and (3) of the
unbloody sacrifice of the altar. The liturgical portion of the
work is only begun in this volume. So far we have only what is
to be found in the ordinary books of theology on the nature and
effects of the holy sacrifice. We look forward to the second
with interest ; for, if well done, it will be a valuable acquisition
to Catholic literature. There are questions connected with the
liturgy of the sacrifice, and particularly with the Canon of the
Mass, some of them dogmatic, some historical, and some purely
liturgical, which, if well treated, must prove full of interest. It is
difficult to get a full and able treatment of them in any one work
at present. We must therefore reserve our opinion of the value
of the whole work until the second volume reaches us.
J. F. H.
864 W Notices of Books.
HYMNAEIUM QUOTIDIANUM B.M.V. ExHYMNis MEDII AEVI
COMPABATUM. CUBA ET STUDIO K. P. KAGEY, SOCIETATIS
MABIAE. Paris: Lethielleux.
WITH great discernment and diligence the author of this
work has collected from the most varied sources the Latin
Hymns of the middle ages composed in honour of the Blessed
Virgin. It was a labour of love conceived and carried out by a
devout client of our Lady. It is arranged so that one hymn
corresponds to each day of the year, beginning with the 1st of
January, and ending with the 31st of December. Although the
author was at much pains to collect, and arrange the materials
for his volume in this order, it is to be regretted that the critical
and historical part of the work is so meagre. We miss the
valuable notes which make the collections of Mone, Dreves, and
other German writers on the same subject so useful, and so
interesting. The author, however, had but one object chiefly
in view, viz., to bring together in one volume the chief literary
tributes of the middle ages to Notre Dame. In this he has well
succeeded. As he himself proclaims in the introduction, his
work was an undertaking of piety, and not of erudition. As in
the English work recently published, entitled Carmina Mariana,
in which the poetic contributions of English writers in honour
of the Blessed Virgin were compiled, and wreathed together, so
here we have the still more beautiful and pious chaplet of the
devotion of the ages of faith.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD
OCTOBER, 1894
THE AKMENIAN CHURCH
fTlHE public prayer of the Church is, as all the world
JL knows, one of the safest as well as one of the most
interesting witnesses to the faith and customs of Christian
antiquity. Hence the proverb : formula precandi norma
credendi. This is especially true with regard to the rites
used in the administration of the sacraments, and par-
ticularly of the Blessed Eucharist. Supposing that all the
writings of the fathers were devoid of authority, and that even
the Gospels were lost, the ancient liturgies, some of which
date back to the second century of our era, would suffice
to convince us of the belief of our forefathers in the real
presence of our divine Lord, after the words of consecration
have been pronounced by the priest over the species of bread
and wine. The study of the Divine Office is indeed of minor
importance compared with that of the sacramental functions.
Nevertheless it is sufficiently interesting to justify the
student of Church history in his spending many hours in
the acquisition of Oriental languages in order to enable him
to understand the sacred forms of prayer used by the various
local churches many centuries ago, and to console and edify
himself thereby.
Public prayer was in use long before the coming of our
Lord. We find distinct allusions to it — though no precise
command — in Holy Scripture; as, for instance, in Psalm cxviii.
(vv. 62 and 164) ; again, in the Book of Daniel (vi. 10), in
VOL. XV, 3 i
The Armenian Church.
which we read of three different hours of prayer. The New
Testament is yet more explicit. The prayer at midnight is
distinctly mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles (xvi. 25),
as also that of the sixth hour (ibid., x. 9), and that of the
ninth (ibid., x. 3 and 30) ; while that of the third is probably
alluded to in the history of the first Pentecost. During
the first few centuries we catch an occasional glimpse of
the Divine Office in the writings of the fathers ; thus when
we hear of St. Ignatius, the " God-bearer " (f 116), that he
introduced antiphonal singing, and that another patriarch
of Antioch prescribed the service of the " bending of the
knees" on Pentecost afternoon, the fifty days during which
the knees should never be bent being then over.1
But, on the whole, the early fathers are silent on the
subject ; they had enough to do to defend their faith against
pagans and heretics, and to propagate the Christian doctrine
among the Gentiles. As soon, however, as the persecutions
ceased, we behold the spectacle of a fully- developed hierarchy,
flourishing religious institutions, a complete ritual, and a
well-arranged canonical office. Eusebius Pamphili (1 340)
in his Church History2 claims as Christian certain practices
concerning the Divine Service attributed by Philo to Jewish
Ascetics in Egypt. Still more explicit is Cassian (f 440),
who in 380 undertook a long journey to Syria, Palestine,
and Egypt, and on his return to Southern Gaul wrote several
works on the manner of life of the Eastern monks and
anchorites. The second and third books of his Institutions
are a mine of information on the subject. For my present
purpose it will suffice to say that both in Syria and Egypt
the greater part of the night was given to prayer ; during
the day the Egyptians did not assemble in Church, but
accompanied the work of their hands with the recitation of
psalms ; whereas the Syrians met three times a day in church,
for the third, sixth, and ninth hour, each of which consisted
of three psalms.
1 See J. M. Neale's (posthumous) H>stonj of the Patriarchate of Antiocli,
London, 1873, Appendix ll.,p. 200.
2 Book ii , chapter 17 ; Migne, GV., 20, 184.
The Armenian Church. 867
We have here, altogether, five canonical hours, viz. : —
Vespers (the beginning of the night), the night office, and
the three hours during the day; and this number is
further confirmed by St. John Chrysostom, who, in the
Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul to Timothy,1
gives a short description of the lives of the monks in the
mountains near Antioch : — "Having finished the morning
prayers and hymns, they turn to the reading of the
Scriptures; there are also some who have learnt to write
books. They then say Terce, Sext, and None, and recite
Vespers; and while dividing the day into four parts, they
worship God in each of these parts by the singing of psalms
and hymns." The division of the night office into two
parts, one to be performed in the middle of the night, the
other at the dawn of day, is of somewhat later date.2 At the
end of the fourth century a new hour was, for the first
time, introduced in the large monastery at Bethlehem. It
appears that some monks after (what we should call) Lauds
went back to bed, and slept until late in the morning.3
To prevent such an abuse the office of Prime was introduced
as a fitting preparation for the manual labour. The origin
of Compline is not quite clear. It cannot be traced back
beyond the time of St. Benedict (f 543). Probably it owes
its origin to the relaxation in the matter of fasting. Accord-
ing to the old discipline of the Church, no food should be
partaken of on fasting days until after Vespers. In order to
bring this rule into harmony with the requirements of a
lukewarm age, Vespers were gradually anticipated, and from
an evening prayer, became an afternoon service, so that a
new office, Compline, had to take the place of the ancient
night prayers.
As I have mentioned before, there were different sets of
prayers in use in different churches. Everywhere the psalms
formed the groundwork, round which canticles, hymns,
lessons, and " bidding prayers' '.were grouped. Already at the
first appearance of the Divine Office in the writings of the
1 Migne, Gr., G2, 57fi.
2 Apost. Const., viii. 34, Migr.e 1, 1135, footnote.
s Caman Inst., book iii, Set- Migne, £<#,, 49, 12Q,
868 The Armenian Church.
fathers, we find great diversity ; and, if we may judge from
our present knowledge, it would seem that there were, at a
very early epoch, as many as six different rites in use; the
Coptic, the East Syrian, the Greek (with an Ethiopian, a
West Syrian, and an Armenian branch1), the Gallican, the
Gothic, and the Koman Eites. It is possible that further
investigation may reduce this number, but since much harm
has been wrought in liturgiological matters by rash assertions,
it seems more prudent to dogmatize as little as possible. A
very vague recollection of these various offices, and their
origins survived until the eighth century, when the curious
Origo cantuum* was written, probably by an Irish monk in
France. We shall have occasion to mention it again later on.
The comparison of the various rites would be easy, if we
possessed a proper breviary of each ; but such is not the case.
Manuscripts containing the Divine Office are, as a rule, of
very late date, for in the earlier centuries tradition alone
appears to have guided the monks, and even when we
occasionally meet with some kind of rubrics, they are so
enigmatical that the utmost care is required lest they
be wrongly interpreted. The only safe method to reach the
original cast, is to take the office in its most perfect form,
and to divest it of all notoriously late additions. Such, for
instance, are most of the hymns ; they bear, as a rule, the
names of their authors, or, at any rate, the characteristics of
the epoch of their composition. But, even so, there remains
many a question without an answer. Nevertheless, every
contribution to the study of the various rites is a step
towards the final investigation of a highly interesting
subject.
One thing, however, requires explanation before we turn
to the study of the Armenian Office. However different the
various rites may have been, even at the outset, there are
]1 have had no occasion as yet to study the Ethiopian and the West
Syrian offices, nor am I aware that anybody else has done so, with a view
to comparing them with other rites. In making the above statement, I
am guided by the contents of certain manuscripts in the Bodleian Library,
at Oxford, as described in the catalogue of MSS. As to the Armenian
branch, I shall substantiate my assertion.
* Migne, Lat, 72, 605.
The Armenian Church. 869
certain features common to all, which could not be the
result of blind hazard. We have seen that some kind of
canonical hours were known to the Jews long before the
dawn of Christianity. The merit of having drawn the
attention of students of liturgy to the Hebrew prototype
belongs to a German professor, Dr. G. Bickell.1 Though
principally engaged with the earliest history of the Mass
and its points of contact with the ritual of the Passover, he
did not altogether neglect the Jewish forms of prayer.
Until we shall have an occasion to devote time and labour
to this subject, we may adopt the result of Dr. Bickell's
summary report.
The principal liturgical function of the Jews is the
Shacharith (morning offering) on the Sabbath. It begins
with the morning blessing, that is, with divine praises,
thanksgiving and prayer, followed by certain lessons taken
partly from the Scripture, partly from the Talmud, and
referring to the daily sacrifices ; the psalmody, which
consists of a blessing (something like an antiphon), the
psalm inserted in 1 Paral. xv. 8-36, a whole series of psalms,
and concludes with Psalm c. (Vulgate, Psalm xcix.). After a
prayer, Psalms cxlv. to cl. are recited, followed by a hymn
of praise. Another song of the antiphon type serves as
introduction to the canticle of Moses (Exod. xv.), while a
blessing brings this part of the service to a conclusion. On
the Sabbath, Psalm xcix. is left out, but in its place nine
other psalms are inserted, and the blessing begins with the
words : " Let every spirit praise the Lord." The third part of
the service begins with a kind of responsory between cantor
and congregation. After a very long magnificently-worded
blessing, in which God is praised for the creation of light,
and for the election and salvation of Israel, the exhortations
(skma, so called from the first word: " Listen, Israel ") are
recited (Deut. vi. 4, 9 ; xi. 13, 22 ; Num. xv. 37, 41). In the
Middle Ages the piutim (festival hymns) were here inserted.
The service continues with the verse : " Lord, open Thou
my lips, and my mouth shall declare Thy praise ;" and now
1 Messe und Pascha, Mainz, 1872. The following extracts are taken
from page 64.
870 The Armenian Church.
come the eighteen (at present nineteen) " blessings of
Esdras." After the third, the Kedusha, resembling strongly
our own preface with the Sanctus, is recited. If a descendant
of Aaron be present, he imparts to the congregation the high
priestly blessing (Num. vi. 24). The fourth and last part of
the service consists of lessons from the Pentateuch (parasha)
and the Prophets (haftara), with a sermon ; and the whole
proceeding terminates with bidding prayers, for the congre-
gation, for peace, for women in childbed, for the sick, for the
king, and for the departed.
Such is the Jewish ritual for the morning service, and
three other daily services are much on the same lines.
Dr. Bickell is evidently of opinion that this function is, on
the whole, identical with the services we read of in the New
Testament. I cannot follow him into details, but I would
ask my readers to remember the principal items, especially
the portion of the Psalter, with the canticles, and the six
last psalms, the blessings, the readings, and the bidding
prayers. %
I. — THE CHUECH OF AEMENIA.
I had devoted a great deal of time and labour to the
Divine Office of the Greek Church, such as it appears in the
eighteen large volumes constituting the Greek breviary.
Having acquired a fair knowledge of it,1 I resolved to turn
to the Armenian Office. I cannot say that I had any definite
idea as to what it was likely to be, for all my preliminary
knowledge consisted of two points only : the first, that one
of the office books bore the title Sharagan ; the second,
that the office was much shorter than the Eoman. The
first piece of information was tolerably exact, while the
second, though supported by what claims to be an authority,
is a gross misrepresentation. Besides these two points,
I also was acquainted with some Armenian hymns, inserted
in Dom Gueranger's Liturgical Year. Nevertheless, I was
not altogether unfavourably disposed towards the Armenian
language and Church : the former having been the means of
1 See my articles in The Month for January, February, and March,
The Armenian Church. 871
preserving even to our own days many a valuable work
of Christian antiquity ; the second being venerable for its
unshaken firmness in an ocean of persecution and calamity.
Though I cannot share Father Lucas Ingigi's bold assertion,
that Armenian was the language of Adam and Eve them-
selves (if so, poor Eve !), it certainly is an important branch
of the Aryan family of languages, its nearest relation being
Persian, with which it advantageously compares as to the
number and variety of forms in declension and conjugation,
whose richness of the vocabulary, and facility of derivation
and composition of words it shares, though it does not equal
it in poetical genius.
In the oldest times the Armenians made use of cuneiform
characters, and about fifty inscriptions of that kind are still
preserved. Later on, the Greek and Syriac alphabets were
adopted, until, in the fifth century, St. Mesrob invented an
Armenian alphabet of thirty-six (now thirty-eight) letters,
which has proved so convenient, that the Turks themselves
sometimes make use of it. Little, if anything, is preserved
of pre-Christian literature; but the moment Armenia em-
braced Christianity, its scholars devoted their pens to
translations from the Greek and Syriac fathers, and even
the Greek classics, so that within one century Armenia
became acquainted with every branch of sacred and profane
knowledge. The place of honour among these translations
belongs unquestionably to the Holy Scripture, not merely
on account of its unsurpassed elegance, but also on account
of its faithfulness, so that even now the Armenian text is
as eagerly consulted as the Peshitto or the Itala, in order to
determine the genuine reading of the New Testament. To
give an example or two of the scrupulous faithfulness of the
Armenian translators, I may mention, that for the word
"angel," they make use of three different words, meaning
'* messenger " and " bodiless, ""as in Greek, or " watcher," as
in Syriae ; again, the Greek verb, " to paint " (£o>ypa<l>ew)
is literally translated (khentankrel, from " life," and to
"write"), while the salutation "hail" (%<upe) is rendered
" rejoice." Under these circumstances, the translations of
Plato and Aristotle, and of St. Ignatius, Tatian, Eusebius,
872 The Armenian Church.
St. John Chrysostom and others, are doubly valuable, especially
where the original is lost. As authors, the Armenians are
scarcely less remarkable. Profane literature, it is true, was
never cultivated ; for as most of the educated class belonged
to the clergy, secular and regular, they naturally occupied
themselves chiefly with theological and historical subjects.
Eznik (fifth century) is as deep an apologete as any of the
Western fathers. Agathangelus and Moses of Khorene
share the laurels of Herodotus. Thomas of Medzoph relates
in thrilling accents the sufferings of his fatherland under
that bloodthirsty monster, Tamerlane. Poetry alone is
sadly neglected, or, what is worse, bound hand and foot
in the fetters of a stiff, unwieldly mannerism. "Wherever
Armenians take up their abode, they first establish a printing
prsss, and it would be difficult to decide whether the palm
belongs to the editions of Etchmiadzin, Jerusalem, Con-
stantinople, St. Petersburg!!, and Calcutta, or to those of
Amsterdam, Venice, Vienna, Borne, and Paris. And yet
there are numerous works still in manuscript, and no one
can say what surprises may yet be in store for the world of
letters.
The name Armenia was given to the country round about
Mount Ararat, not by the inhabitants themselves, but by
their neighbours. Their own name is Haj, plur. Haiq, and
they design their territory as Hajasdan, the house of Hajkh,
•Whom they consider t<he founder of their nation. He was
the son of Togormah, who, in his turn, was the son of
Gomer, grandson of Japhet, and great-grandson of Noah.
Armenia is a rugged country, if ever there was one. In
summer it is subject to excessive heat, while the cold in
winter surpasses all imagination. The scarcity of fuel
obliges the inhabitants to seek refuge in the bowels of the
e.arth, by constructing their dwelling-places under ground,1
where they live, men and cattle huddled together. The
enormous lakes, or rather inland seas, form a peculiar
feature of Armenia. Thus, lake Van, a salt-water lake, in
1 See Curzon's graphic description of his journey into Armenia.
Illness, unfortunately, compelled him to beat a speedy retreat.
The Armenian Church. 873
spite of its elevation (five thousand one hundred and thirty
feet above sea level), has a surface of twelve hundred square
miles. One of the islands on that lake, Aghthamar, possesses
a large monastery, where the Katholikos or Patriarch had
his seat during several centuries. Lake Urmia, another
salt-water lake (four thousand feet above the sea), is not
much smaller than lake Van, while lake Sevan, fresh-water
(six thousand feet above the sea), covers three hundred and
sixty square miles, and gives the name to another celebrated
monastery.
Leaving numerous less important lakes unmentioned,
I must not fail to say a word about the principal rivers.
Foremost is the Euphrates, which takes its rise in the
Garin mountains (Erzeroom), and is swelled by the Arad-
zani, coming from the Dzalghi mountains. The whole
course of the Euphrates, as far as Armenia is concerned,
is a succession of picturesque landscapes ; but nothing
surpasses the wild scenery near Pinghian, and the bold
bridge spanning the foaming river. Another spot which
might well be taken for one of the most fascinating views of
Switzerland, is the narrow passage at Dzakhqar. The river
there is not more than five yards wide, but so furious that
the crossing (by means of rafts, made of skins, filled with
air) is exceedingly dangerous. The Tigris takes its rise in
Armenia, and joins the Euphrates in Mesopotamia, while
the Araxes (the Gihon of the Scripture) and the Cyrus fall
into the Caspian Sea. Finally, the Jorokh, believed to be
the Phison, takes a northern course, and throws itself into
the Black Sea. Perhaps it is somewhat presumptuous on
the part of the Armenians thus to appropriate to themselves
all the streams of Paradise ; but until the contrary is proved,
we need not disturb them in their good faith.
The Armenians have been rightly designated a nation of
martyrs. They were successively the victims of Assyrians,
Medes, Persians, Greeks, Romans, Arabs, Tartars, Turks,
and Russians. For the last fifteen centuries, it may be said,
they have not enjoyed a peaceful year. Their whole coun-
try has been saturated again and again with their own
blood ; and what is most astonishing is, that after so many
874 The Armenian Church.
centuries of incessant war and wholesale massacre, un-
equalled in history, there should have been left a single drop
of Armenian blood to quicken an Armenian heart. However,
few nations can boast of such obstinate vitality and stubborn
nationalism. Providence, in placing this people in that
corner which divides the south-east of Europe from the
west of Asia, and assigning a gigantic mountain fortress
to a bold, courageous, yet civilized and highly-intellectual
people — nay, in entrusting to its care the outskirts of the
Christian world — in doing this, I say, Providence knew
well what it did. Ever since pre-historic times, Asiatic
nations have been steadily advancing in a westerly direction.
Sometimes, indeed, Europe has been overrun by them. Yet
it would have been more so but for Armenia. What, for
instance, would have happened, had not the forces of
Tamerlane been decimated in Armenia? Nor should we
forget that Armenia, as a Christian country, had to fight
one-half of all the battles between the heathen world and
the kingdom of Christ. We have heard lately a good deal
of the " buffer-state " in the East ; the epithet applies most
forcibly to Armenia of old. It had to bear the brunt of
each successive invasion, and was the common battle-ground
of Europe and Asia ; it had to prevent them from running
into each other; and when unable to keep them at a
distance, it was the first to suffer from telescoping ; yet as
soon as the wrecked nations were disentangled, it resumed
with admirable elasticity its natural position as " buffer,"
prepared to receive fresh shocks. The tug-of-war, of which
Armenia has been the victim for many centuries, was the
cause of the isolation of the nation, which has become both
its fortune and its misfortune— its fortune, from the fact that
it caused the Armenians to stand firm to their faith with a
tenacity bordering on obstinacy ; its misfortune, in severing
their relations with their fellow-Christians.
The legend of King Abgar of Edessa, and his correspon-
dence with our Lord, and of the miraculous picture of the
latter (after many wanderings, now at St. Bartholomew's, at
Genoa), is probably well known to my readers. Neither the
conversion of Abgar (supposing the legend to be reliable),
Armenian Church. 875
nor the martyrdom of two apostles — St. Bartholomew and
St. Jude — and numerous apostolic men, produced a lasting
effect. The slaughter of the ten thousand Koman soldiers on
Mount Ararat, under Trajan,1 no more than the freezing to
death of the forty soldiers at Sebaste, seemed to touch the
hearts of the sons of Hajkh. The conversion of the country
took place at the end of the third century, and is intimately
connected with the names of St. Gregory the Illuminator
and St. Ehipsima and her companions. The legend, in its
present form, can be traced back to the fifth century, but is
open to criticism ; and the Bollandists themselves failed in
their endeavours to establish the real facts.
About the middle of the third century, Chosroes (famous
for his hatred of Caracalla) sat on the throne of Armenia.
Having successfully supported his ally, Ardavan, King of
Persia, against the usurper, Ardashir, the latter promised a
handsome reward to whoever would assassinate Chosroes.
Anag, an Armenian chieftain, accepted the offer; and, feign-
ing to escape from Ardashir, betook himself to Chosroes, by
whom he was kindly received, and under whose hospitable
roof he lived two years, with his family. During this time
his son (Gregory, the future apostle of Armenia) was born.
At length a favourable opportunity presented itself, and
Anag accomplished his treacherous design, and stabbed
Chosroes. His perfidy was severely punished, for he and
his family were put to death by the enraged Armenians.
Only the youngest child, Gregory, was saved, by a Christian
nurse, taken to Caesarea, and brought up in the Christian
religion.
No sooner had Ardashir been informed of the assassina-
tion of Chosroes, than he set out to take possession of the
kingdom. He massacred all Chosroes' relations, with the
exception of the youngest children, Tiridate and Chosrovitukht,
who had been hidden in a place of safety, and, favoured by
circumstances, were brought to Csesarea. As might be
expected, Tiridate and Gregory soon became intimate
friends, neither being aware of the other's descent. In
1 Roman Martyrology (22nd June).
876 The Armenian Church.
course of time Tiridate joined the Koman army, and distin-
guished himself by his bravery, particularly in the Gothic
war. Gregory remained in Csesarea, in an humble position.
He married a Christian girl of great virtue, by whom he
had two sons, Yertan and Arisdaghes. After a reign of five
and twenty years Ardashir died, and Tiridate hastened to
Caosarea to make good his claims to the throne of Armenia.
He was honourably received by the Armenians, and invested
with the regalia. He then set out to take possession of the
kingdom, accompanied by the friend of his youth, Gregory,
now a widower. Having reached the province of Egheghiatz,
where stood a celebrated .fane of the goddess Anahid, he
inaugurated his reign by solemn sacrifices. On Gregory's
refusing to take part in them it was discovered that he was
a Christian— nay, it even became known that he was the
son of the murderer of Tiridate's father. The more intimate
Tiridate's friendship with Gregory had been, the more unre-
lenting his hatred now became. Havihg subjected him to
twelve different kinds of torture, he caused him to be cast
into a dungeon in the fortress Ardashad, where he remained
forgotten and forsaken, for many years.
At that time, the legend continues, there was a convent
in Home, under the Abbess Cajana. The Emperor Diocletian,
desiring to possess the most beautiful woman in the world
for his wife, sent messengers in every direction. They
entered the convent by force, and noticed one of the nuns,
by name Khipsima, as being endowed with almost super-
natural beauty. However, before the Emperor had time to
take further steps in the matter, the whole community,
faithful to their calling, took to flight, and did not rest until
they had passed the Koman frontiers. After unspeakable
sufferings they arrived at the foot of Mount Ararat, where
they settled down in some abandoned buildings.
Diocletian, informed of the direction the nuns had taken,
sent word to Tiridate to capture Ehipsima, and send her
back to Kome. A careful search led, indeed, to the discovery
of nearly forty nuns hidden in the vineyards near Ardashad.
Ehipsima was easily singled out, and was brought before the
King ; but her constancy proved more powerful than his
The Armenian Church. 877
solicitations. She broke through the royal guards, and
joined her companions. The enraged King sent his satellites,
who put her to death, together with thirty-three com-
panions ; while Cajana, with the two remaining nuns, met
with the same fate on the following day. The bodies of
these virgin martyrs were thrown as a prey to the wild
beasts in the wilderness.
The wrath of God fell upon Tiridate and his Court. A
foul disease broke out, against which the skill of the most
renowned physicians proved unavailing. In this sore plight,
it was revealed to Chosrovitukht, the King's sister, that
Gregory, who was still languishing in his dungeon, would
heal the King and all the people. After fourteen years'
confinement he was released, and appearing at Court, pro-
mised the King health for himself and his subjects, if they
would but listen to his words. He now began to preach the
Gospel, and after sixty days they were ready to submit to the
yoke of Christ. The disease disappeared miraculously, arid
Gregory received permission to spread the Christian faith
through the length and breadth of Armenia. He advised
the King to chose someone who should be consecrated
bishop ; for hitherto the Sacrament of Baptism had been
administered to none of the converts. As might be expected,
the choice fell upon Gregory himself, who accordingly was
consecrated by Leontius, Bishop of Csesarea. Before
starting on his mission, St. Gregory beheld in a vision our
Lord descending on the earth, and the spot where this vision
occurred was chosen for the site of a monastery, which ever
has been, and still is, the centre of the Armenian Church ;
it bears the name Etch-miadzin, literally, Descent of the
Only Begotten. The legend attributes also to Tiridate
and Gregory a journey to Rome, where the former entered
into an alliance with the Emperor Constantine, while the
latter was confirmed High Pontiff of Armenia by Pope
St. Silvester, At the Council of Nicaea, St. Arisdaghes, son
and auxiliary bishop of St. Gregory (then an infirm old man)
represented the Armenian Church. Until the end of the
fourth century, the Armenian bishops, were dependent
on the Metropolitan of Caesarea, and consequently on the
878 The Armenian Church.
Patriarch of Antioch ; but St. Isaac (390-440) first assumed
the title of Patriarch Katholikos, which is still the pre-
rogative of the highest ecclesiastical dignitary, and, after
many vicissitudes, is attached to the see of Etch-miadzin.
During nearly two centuries, this see was hereditary in the
family of St. Gregory the Illuminator (Lussavoritch), most
of his successors having entered the service of the Church as
widowers. But at an early period the same rule was intro-
duced in the Armenian as in other Oriental churches, viz., to
choose the bishops from the ranks of the unmarried secular
clergy (vartabieds, doctors of divinity), or else from the
regular clergy. The secular clergy are allowed to marry
previous to the ordination as deacons; but when their turn
comes for performing the divine liturgy, they separate from
their wives, and take up their residence in the diaconicum
or sacristy of their respective churches. In large churches,
the clergy are on duty for a week, and off duty for a month
or so; in smaller churches, they may be on duty for a
month, and off duty for another month.
The golden age of the Armenian Church began soon after
the death of St. Gregory, and lasted throughout the fifth
century, during which period most of the translations from
Greek and Syriac were made, among them the Greek
Eitual Works, mainly due to St. Isaac the Katholikos, and
his disciple, St.Mesrob.
It does not lie within the scope of my undertaking to
pursue the history of the Church, or the vicissitudes of the
literature, of Armenia. But I must say at least one word
in answer to a question, which is probably on the lips of my
readers : How far is the Armenian Church heretical or
schismatical ? In the fourteenth century a grave accusation
was lodged before Benedict XII., taxing the Church of
Armenia with the modest ^ number of one hundred and
seventeen heresies. Such a wholesale accusation— every
divergence of the ritual being considered a grievance-
produced the reverse of the intended effect, and we need
take no more notice of it than the Pope did.1 Since the
1 See also the interesting, but exceedingly intolerant form of recanta-
tion in Migne, Gr. 1, page 864, footnote.
The Armenian Church. 879
sixteenth century, but especially on the occasion of an
attempt at a union with Rome at the beginning of the nine-
teenth, this formidable list of points of difference has
dwindled down to five heads, viz. : (1) The charge of Mono-
physitism ; (2) the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the
Father and the Son ; (3) the doctrine of Purgatory ; (4) the
Sacrament of Extreme Unction, and (5) the Primacy of
St. Peter.
1. The first point is unquestionably the most difficult
and the most important. Armenia was duly represented at
the three first General Councils ; but in 451, when the
Council of Chalcedon was assembled, Armenia was groaning
under the yoke of the Persians, and defended her faith at
the price of the blood of numberless martyrs, called from
the names of their leaders, the Vartanian and Leontinian l
martyrs. It is not surprising that at such a juncture no
Armenian name appears on the list of the six hundred and
thirty fathers of the Council. The acts and decrees were,
however, forwarded in due time, but so wretchedly trans-
lated, and accompanied by a letter of that wily Emperor,
Zeno, couched in such language, that it appeared as if he
himself only allowed the Council to sit to prevent greater
misfortunes. If, then, the Greeks themselves disapprove
of the Council, said the Armenian bishops assembled at
Vagharshabad, why do they trouble us with their decrees ?
Some of the succeeding Katholikos made efforts to obtain
the recognition of the Council, which had been accepted by
the neighbouring Georgians, but every attempt proved
unavailing. But now comes the crucial point : If the
Council is not accepted, are at least its decrees recognised ?
In other words, are the Armenians imbued with Mono-
physitism or not? I am glad to see that Dr. Neale2 himself
rejects any such imputation. I cannot waste my space with
lengthy quotations from Armenian writers, but I shall later
on point out a few decisive passages in the Divine Office,
1 Dr. Xeale reads in the Calendar (Introduction, page 798), "Bishop
Livonsky ;" and adds that he cannot make out who that may be. It ought
to be " the Leontinian martyrs."
* Introduction, 1077-1092,
880 The A rmenian Church.
contenting myself for the present with the remark that
the definite meaning we attach to such terms as Person,
Substance, Nature, is one of the results of the theological
disputes of the fourth and fifth centuries, and that even
some of the most renowned Greek fathers were unsettled
in their terminology. It is clear from Armenian writings
that the Council was misrepresented as having taught the
doctrine of two persons, instead of two natures, in Christ.
In connection with this point are two divergencies of ritual.
The first is the use of the unmixed chalice at Mass. Alone
of all Christian communions — leaving Protestants aside —
they use wine without water. But instead of seeing in this
custom a proof of Monophysitism, I feel rather inclined to
consider it as a protest against Nestorianism, " which this
wicked and lying people, the Syrians, from whom the Holy
Ghost is afar off " endeavoured to disseminate in Armenia.
True, the mixed chalice admirably symbolizes the two
natures in Christ. But would not leavened bread be equally
symbolical of the same doctrine ? and yet it gradually dis-
appeared from the Koman Church, though at one time she
indifferently used leavened and unleavened bread. When
in 1177 the Council of Tarsus took pains to reconcile the
Greek with the Armenian Church, the latter submitted that
they would conform to the universal rite of the mixed
chalice, if the former would conform to the See of Peter by
using unleavened bread.
Another point adduced in evidence of the alleged Mono-
physitism of the Armenians, is the wording of the Trisagion
at the Mass and in the Divine Office : " Holy God, Holy
and Mighty, Holy and Immortal, who wast crucified for us,
have mercy on us." The italicized clause is varied according
to the season: " who didst rise up from the dead," "who
didst gloriously ascend to heaven unto the Father," and so on.
It is well known that these words were first introduced by
Peter the Fuller, the infamous Nestorian heretic, who
polluted the first See of St. Peter, Antioch, by repeated
intrusion (471-472 and 476-477), and from his point of view
they are certainly heretical; but they may bear also a
Catholic meaning, for the Trisagion is capable of being
The Armenian Church. 881
appropriated to One Person of the Blessed Trinity ; and
that such is the case with the Armenians, appears clearly
from the form it takes on Pentecost : " Who didst descend
upon the Apostles." A Hellenizing party having omitted
this clause, hot words, and even bloodshed, ensued among
the Armenians. The present state of things is that the
Gregorian (schismatical) party adhere to both the unmixed
chalice and the clause of the Trisagion; whereas the Uniats,
while protesting against any wrong interpretation of these
two points, have conformed to the Roman custom.
2. With regard to the Procession of the Holy Ghost, the
Armenians agree with the Greeks. It comes to the same
whether the Holy Ghost is said to proceed from the Father
and the Son, or (as these two Churches hold) from the
Father through, or by, the Son ;l and apart from human
passion, the whole dispute is a quarrel about words. The
Mekhitharists insert the words, " and from the Son," in all
those places of the breviary where the procession of the
Holy Ghost from the Father is mentioned.
3. Whatever may be the shortcomings of the Greek,
Russian, and Armenian Churches, with regard to the
formulation of the doctrine of Purgatory, it is evident from
the liturgical books that their faith in this matter is
blameless, since the prayers for the dead, which, without
the belief in Purgatory, would be nonsensical, form a
prominent part of the liturgy. It might be added that our
word Purgatory is somewhat misleading, as original!}' it was
more expressive of the state of souls in process of expiation,
than of the place where this expiation is performed; and,
indeed, much more is known of the former than of the
latter.
4. The Sacrament of Extreme Unction was regularly
administered by the Armenian clergy until the fourteenth
century, when the laity began to neglect confession, on the
plea that Extreme Unction wiped out all the sins committed
during lifetime. To counteract such a dangerous practice
the clergy resolved to discontinue the administration of this
1 S. Thomas, S. Th., qu. 36, a. 3 and 4.
VOL. XV. 3 K
882 The Armenian Church
sacrament ; but they were certainly wrong in not reintro-
ducing it after the end they had in view was attained. But
even so, the Armenians acted more wisely than the Copts,
who, in the twelfth century, abolished the administration of
the Sacrament of Penance, believing that the prayer of the
morning incense, or even interior repentance before a burn-
ing censer, conveyed sacramental absolution. It is scarcely
necessary to say that the Armenian Uniats administer
Extreme Unction, although they make use of a more simple
ritual than the one followed before the fourteenth century.
5. I come now to the last point, which will also furnish
an answer to the question, " Are the Armenians schisma-
tics ? " Allowing that some of the formularies of this
Church are less explicit than one could wish, and that even
some of her members individually may have swerved from
the true faith, no sweeping accusation against the Church,
as such, can be substantiated. This holds good also with
regard to the primacy of St. Peter. The prerogatives of the
" head of the apostles, the rock of faith," have frequently
found expression in the early fathers, as well as in the office-
books of the Armenian Church ; while, on the other hand,
she remained unstained by that spirit of rebellion almost
unceasingly fostered in the Greek Church by emperors and
(Ecumenical patriarchs. If, nevertheless, the relations
between Home and Armenia were few and far between
until the time of the Crusades, this fact must be ascribed to
the difficulty of travelling, and even more to the isolation of
Armenia on account of her language. Why, Photius himself
could never have accomplished his barefaced forgery of
documents, under the very eyes of the Papal legates, had the
latter been sufficiently conversant with the Greek language ;
and the Armenians were necessarily much farther removed
from the sphere of Roman action. As soon, however, as
the Crusaders brought Western influence to act upon
Eastern nations, relations were resumed, letters exchanged,
embassies went to and fro, and presents were made. It
would be interesting to dwell upon the relations of the
Popes with the Eupenian dynasty ; the embassy of Arch-
bishop Conrad of Mayence to King Leo, II, ; the presentation
The Armenian Church. 883
of a costly mitre by Pope Lucius (1181) to the Katholikos,
in consequence of which the Armenian bishops abandoned
the use of the saghavard (or crown, as worn still by the
Greek bishops) to the inferior clergy, and adopted the Roman
mitre in its place. The registers of the Popes, from
St. Gregory VII. downwards, are full of correspondence
with the hierarchy of Armenia ; and if exception be taken
because Armenia was driven through distress to seek an
alliance with the Holy See, the answer is obvious, that, if
either Church had believed the other to be schismatic or
heretical, no such demand would have been made ; still less
would it have been granted. Surely, Innocent III., to take
one instance, was not the man to make a promise without
laying down the law. More than that, however jealous the
Armenians may have been of any encroachment on their
national rite by the Greeks, they did what no mere political
expediency could have made them do, for they introduced
changes into their usages, with a view to rendering them
more conformable to the Roman rite. This concerns
principally the Mass, for the Divine Office is obviously
less accessible to such alterations. The beginning of
the Armenian liturgy is entirely copied from the Roman,
though it sadly disconnects the ancient rite of the pro-
thesis; again, the conclusion of the Mass with the Gospel
of St. John is due to the Romanizing tendency.1
When Armenia fell into the hands of the Turks, the
appointment of patriarchs and bishops, and their subse-
quent removal (or assassination, as the case might be),
became a political matter, as well as a financial. What
surprise, then, if, under these circumstances, relations with
Rome became more than precarious ? Then there sprang
up a Romanizing party, who entirely disregarded prudence
and toleration, and made the name of Rome odious in the
1 The recitation of the last Gospel was authoritatively prescribed by
the revised Missal of St. Pius V., in 1570 ; but long before that time it
began to be said, by way of private devotion, while the priest was return-
ing to the sacristy, as is still the case at Pontifical High Mass, or while
unvesting ; and it is curious to notice that this recitation of the Gospel of
St. John was one of the charges preferred against the Knights Templars.
(See Pfeiffer's ed. of Wolfram of Eschenbacli, vol. i., page xxvi.)
884 The Armenian Church.
ears of their fellow-countrymen. Add to this the discord
sown by Greeks and Turks, and Protestant missionaries and
agents of Bible societies. Since the foundation of the
College of Propaganda large numbers of clerics have been
educated in Eome ; and much good has been done by them
on their return to their own country. For the Popes have
ever been the most strenuous upholders of Eastern national
rites ; and the pupils of the Propaganda were, generally
speaking, tolerably docile in this matter, though some party
feeling is occasionally unavoidable. The Mekhitharists, an
Armenian Benedictine congregation, founded by the Abbot
Mekhithar (t 1749), with mother houses at San Lazzaro
(Venice) and at Vienna, have been most successful ; and at
one time — about 1810 — the long-hoped-for and long-prayed-
for union of all Armenians seemed on the point of being
realized. Unfortunately it did not last long; but finally
led to the creation of a Romano- Armenian patriarch at
Constantinople, in 1831. By this very fact all official com-
munications between Eome and Etch-miadzin ceased, and
the Gregorian Armenians became formally schismatical. It
is, however, only fair to state that, although Etch-miadzin
since 1823 belongs to Eussia, the Katholikos has always
been able to hold his ground against the interference of the
" Holy Governing Synod " at Moscow. I cannot conclude
this chapter without a sigh for the unfortunate divisions
rending the Church of Christ, and a prayer that the day
may soon arrive when all the flocks shall be penned in the
same fold, and under the same shepherd.
BENEDICT ZIMMERMAN, O.C-D.
[ 885 ]
SOME OF OUK MAKTYES
FATHER ARTHUR MAC GEOGHEGAN, O.P., 1633
Hastings. — " If they have done this deed, my noble lord "
Oldster.— "If! . .
Talk'st thou to me of ' ifs ? ' Thou art a traitor. ' '
SHAKESPEAEE, Richard III., Act iii., Sc. 4.
HOW much depends on the presence of that little word
" if ! " If Archimedes had a fulcrum, he would have
moved the earth ; there is no doubt whatever about it. But
Archimedes had not, and the earth remains in its old position.
The Greek philosopher, however, postulated an impossi-
bility ; and, though he spoke logically, what he said was only
in illustration of his system or theory.
Let us take another case, a real one. A theologian, a
priest engaged in a religious controvery, makes a hypothesis,
and it is as true as he can make it : as an argument ad
hominem it is unanswerable. But suppose it to be as
orthodox as the Nicene Creed, or as loyal as an oath of
fealty, yet it can be turned into heresy, or into high treason,
by merely taking away the supposition on which it rests.
In exact proportion to its original truth and force will its
falsehood and wickedness now be. In such cases the mono-
syllabic particle is all-powerful. Let the priest have some
malicious accusers ; let them suppress the conditional manner
in which he spoke, and falsely ascribe an absolute statement
to him, then at once he is made to affirm what he has in
reality denied. Let some enemies of Catholicity, who are
unwilling that their odium fidei should be detected, but
who are determined on ending the priest's life, be his judges,
they will eagerly take advantage of the absence in the
evidence of that short word'*' if." All the priest's protests
are in vain ; his proffered explanation of the " whole truth "
will not be listened to, simply because his death is a fore-
gone conclusion. To keep up appearances, to condemn him
ostensibly for high treason, it is necessary to fasten the
crime on him ; and what more efficacious means of doing so
can be conceived, than quoting one-half of his own words ?
886 Some of our Martyrs.
We who live in quiet times may find it difficult to
conceive how a priest's death could be brought about by
such knavery and bigotry ; but this is what really happened
to the holy martyr, Arthur MacGeoghegan, whose history is
contained in the following pages. He was accused of having
said, "It would be no sin to kill Charles I, King of
England." The preliminary examination, before a com-
mittee of the Privy Council, was held with the utmost
secrecy; it lasted three months. The State Papers, &c.,
contain allusions to this examination which throw consider-
able light on the real motives of some of the chief actors,
as well as on the hopes and sentiments of their sympathizers.
The subsequent proceedings in the Court of King's Bench,
London, were watched with the deepest interest. On one
side, the Catholics were in anxious suspense, though there
could hardly be a doubt as to the ultimate issue ; on the
other, the Protestants, especially those of the Puritan party,
were confident that the priest would be condemned. Both
the public trial for high treason and the execution at
Tyburn, on November 27th (O.S.), 1633, have been graphi-
cally described by eye-witnesses. They appear to have been
the chief topic of the day. Ambassadors mentioned the
occurrence in their despatches, and missionary priests wrote —
one, that the dangers of his position were greatly increased
on account of the excited state of the London populace ;
another, that he had been thrown into prison on suspicion
of his being a fellow-conspirator of the Irish priest ; and a
third, that a sudden change took place — that a general belief
in the Dominican's innocence was manifested immediately
after his death.1
1 Our authorities may, for clearness sake, be divided here into four
groups : —
A. — 1. The official report of the trial at King's Bench, and of the
sentence passed there. (Coram liege Roll, 9 Charles I., Michaelmas Term ;
Rex Roll, No. 31, P. R. O., London. N.B.—The Rex Roll is the part
containing Crown cases.)
2. The semi-official account of the doings in court, and of the execu-
tion at Tyburn. (Lord Mostyn's Archives, MS. 176, No. 4, Mostyn Hall,
Wales.) See the Hist. MSS. Report, vol. iv., Appendix, page 355«. There
is a duplicate of this most precious MS. in the Duke of Westminster's
collection at Eaton Hall, Chester, In the Hist. MSS. Report, vol. iii.,
Some of our Martyrs. 887
In the history of the numerous martyrs of the Irish
Province, we meet with few accounts so complete, and, from
a certain point of view, so interesting, as that of Father
Arthur MacGeoghegan. A great many of his contemporaries
have given us their impressions, and have described the event
minutely. We can realize it all, the whole scene seems to
pass before our eyes, while, on the contrary, we know com-
paratively little about some others of our martyrs. They
passed their days in the silence and retirement of their
cloisters, where life glided calmly on unnoticed save by God,
till its sudden close revealed in a moment to the world the
brightness of perfect sanctity. And when the cloisters lay
in ruins, the remainder of their brethren continued the
missionary work of the order as long as they could do so,
till the hour came when they too sealed their preaching with
page 212, col. 2, No. 5, it is, by a curious mistake, catalogued thus:
" Arraignment of Arthur Gohagan, a demoniac friar " (for " a Dominican
friar ").
3. The allusions made to the secret examination, during its progress, by
Sir John Pennington, Clerk of the Privy Council (State Papers, Domestic,
1633-34), some miscellaneous references to the case in various volumes of
the same series, and a description of what took place, in consequence of
Father MacGeoghegan's execution, at Barcelona, seven years afterwards.
(State Papers, Domestic, 1641-43.) Summaries of these are given in the
printed volumes of the State Papers, but in every instance the originals
have been consulted, and the relevant passages copied, for this article.
B. — The correspondence of the foreign representatives then resident
in London : —
1. Vincenzo Gussoni, Venetian Ambassador (despatch to the Senate,
December 9, 1633).
2. Amerigo Salvetti, Florentine Ambassador (despatch to the Grand
Duke, 9th December, 1633).
3. Fontenay, the French Ambassador, was absent from London during
the greater part of that year, but the despatch sent by his charge d'affaires,
Boutard, on November 16th, appears to refer to Father MacGeoghegan's
case, among others.
4. Neither was the Dutch Ambassador, Joachim, in London at the
time ; but the deputy ambassador, Govert Brasser, mentions the secret
examination (despatch of' October 3) and the execution (despatch of
December 8.
5. The most valuable of all the references to our martyr in the diplo-
matic correspondence is found in a letter of Don Juan de Necolaldi,
secretary of Philip IV. of Spain, and Ambassador Extraordinary to the
English Court. The letter was written in London, 9th December, 1633,
to Don Martin d' Arpe, secretary to the Cardinal Infanta of Spain, the
King's brother, then Governor of Milan.
6. In the same letter Nicolaldi promises his friend De Arpe, better
known as the Marquis del Castel Rodrigo, that he will send him a com-
888 Some of our Martyrs.
their blood. But, in either case, the death of a martyr was
BO common, that unless some unusual circumstances called
for special mention, a place on the long roll published in
various General Chapters was almost all that these heroic
servants of God received.
And how few and short are the words that tell us of many
a glorious end ! The martyr's name, the place, the date, and
sometimes not even these. Of Father Arthur's life in the
cloister nothing is recorded, the account of the martyrdom
in the Acts of the General Chapter, 1644, does not extend
beyond eight lines as the reader may see,1 nor should we
perhaps know more about his death than about those of
many others, but for a series of extraordinary events which
preceded it. Occurrences which happened outside his
convent home, transactions which did not belong to his
plete account of the martyrdom a few days later. In accordance with the
writer's wish this account was forwarded either by the Cardinal or his
secretary to Pope Urban VIII. The MS. is at present in the Vatican
Library. In 1634 Cardinal Ferdinand became Governor of the Low
Countries. A great deal of his correspondence, including the letter from
Nicolaldi, is still preserved in the Royal Archives, Brussels (2nd. 4,152).
It is hardly necessary to observe that none of these despatches has ever
appeared in print before. The originals were transcribed in the archives
of the various governments.
C. — Letters of priests to their respective superiors : —
1, Father Kliseus, of St. Michael O.D.C., Vicar Provincial of the
English Mission, to the General of his Order, December 6, 1633. — (M,S.
Carmelite Archives, Kensington.)
2. Rev. — Harris to the Venetian Ambassador, Vincenzo Gussoni,
whose domestic chaplain he appears to be. — (Printed in Hist. MS. Report,
XII., Appendix, vol. ii., part 2, page 41.)
8. The Papal agent or correspondent'in London. — (Vatican Archive*,
MS. B. No. 13. " P. Arthuri Gohagan Passio," 20.)
/>. — Printed accounts: —
1. Acts of the General Chapter of the Dominican Order, Rome, 1644.
2. O'Dal'y's (Dominic of the Rosary) De Geraldinis, Lisbon, 1055.
(The author knew Father MacGeoghegan intimately.)
3. And last, but not least, Malpe, O.P., Palma Fidei Onlims
Praedicatorum (a history of Dominican martyrs), Antwerp, 1685.
J'Venerabilis P. Arthurus Geoghegan, post peractum in Hispaniis
studiorum cursum, et pertractata cum dexteritate Ordinis negotia sibi
demandata,adsuam Provinciam rediens,in itinere ab Anglis comprehensus,
et carceri Londini mancipatus, plures calumnias in odium fidei ab hereticis
perpessus, de crimine lses;e majestatis ut ibi moris est expositus, tandem ad
patibulum ductus, post publicam fidei Catholicse, et religionis Dominicans
protestationem suspensus, et adhuc semivivus membratim discissus, ejusque
intestinis igne concreniatis, mortem gloriose subiit, Anno Domini 1633,"
Some of our Martyrs. 889
ordinary personal duty as a religious, are precisely those which
have left their mark in history. During his stay in Portugal,
which was at the time, as our readers know, under the
dominion of Spain, Father Arthur was brought into close
relations with a high Spanish official ; and the faithful
discharge of his duty as theological censor, his fulfilment of
the trust reposed in him, and his charity, were the occasion of
his subsequent arrest in London, and of his martyrdom.
As regards the various sources of information already
enumerated, most of these documents are short, and their
contents, especially those of the dispatches, almost identical.
Without interrupting the course of our narrative we shall
insert them in their proper places. In putting them before
the reader for comparison, there will, occasionally, be some
slight repetition ; this, of course, is unavoidable where accounts
coincide ; but such repetition is amply compensated for by
seeing the mutual illustration which these statements afford.
It is indeed most interesting to note the complete agreement
that exist between all these independent accounts ; for
instance, between that of an English official and that of a
priest, or between that of an ambassador and that of a
Dominican historian.
Among them all, three claim pre-eminence, and these
accordingly have been selected to form the basis of the
present article. Two of them, moreover, supplement each
other. One narrates at length what took place in Lisbon,
the other what happened afterwards in London ; one informs
us of the real cause of Father Arthur's death, of the events
which originally led to it, and of the miracles that followed it ;
the other describes his arrest, and the scenes in the King's
Bench and at Tyburn. They are respectively the Palma
Fidei, by Malpe, and the Moystyn MS. Father Malpe who
was Prior of the Dominican house in Brussels, says he took
down from the words of eye-witnesses what he relates
about the miracles. He does not indicate the source of the
rest of his knowledge, but he probably heard the whole tale
from the lips of some Irish Dominicans that had lived with
Father Arthur in Lisbon, and had subsequently been present
at his martyrdom. At the time there were a good many
$90 Some of our Martyrs.
members of the Province in Louvain. In his description
of some other martyrdoms, Malpe says his informant was
a certain Irish Dominican, Father Thaddeus, who, after
spending years in prison for the faith, ended his days in
Flanders. Father Thaddeus, who died about 1620 (?), could
not have told about Father Arthur, but after 1633 there were
several who could.
The Mostyn MS. may, perhaps, be best described by
saying that it is what would be called at the present day a
special correspondent's report. It has, however, a semi-
official look, and it evidently is the work of a legal expert
who took down minutely what he saw and heard. What it
contains is more circumstantially narrated than it is even
in the Palma Fidei. In those days such descriptions were
often written separately or printed on a single sheet.
Noblemen and others residing at a distance from London
usually got in this way the news of important trials, &c.
Collections of such accounts form the series which is now
known as the State Trials. But while many of them
betray the author's bigotry, and are distinctly anti-Catholic
in tone, the Mostyn MS. shows no sign of Protestant origin ;
indeed one or two phrases would almost indicate that the
writer was a Catholic, or at any rate had strong sympathies
with the martyr. The Mostyns were a powerful Catholic
family until the time of James II., and the elder branch
(Sir Piers Mostyn) still keeps the faith. The MS. has never
been printed or given to the public before, and of all the
English MSS. relating to any of our martyrs, it is un-
questionably one of the most interesting.
The third, namely, Nicolaldi's description has many
points of contact with both these accounts. It informs us
of what happened both in Lisbon and in London, but it also
contains a great many important details which are not in
Malpe's work nor in the Mostyn MS. For instance, it is
our only source of information about Father Arthur's
sufferings in prison, and the efforts made for his release up
to the last by Nicolaldi himself. As the document is long,
and the old Spanish seems to require a translation, instead
of being inserted here, both have been relegate^ to the
Some of our Martyrs. 891
appendix. This arrangement will be more convenient, and
the great value of Nicolaldi's narrative will be better
appreciated when one has got a clear idea of the whole
transaction. As far as possible it has been sought to let
each of our authorities in turn speak for himself. Many of
Nicolaldi's details are passed over here, interesting though
they are ; only those have been introduced which clear up
obscure points, or seemed necessary to prevent incidental
misconceptions on the part of some readers.
Around these accounts, all the others naturally group
themselves. The most important of the latter for our
narrative are the Vatican account, Passio,' &c., and the
Carmelite. Besides giving them in extenso in the appendix,
we shall sometimes have occasion here to quote them for a
passing illustration. In this case they will be referred to by
their initials, thus, V. C., and in the same way the Mostyn
account by M., and Nicolaldi's by N. The Palma Fidei
is in a sense the groundwork of our whole description of
Father Arthur MacGeoghegan's career, or rather the original
of which the present article is little more than a translation.
It has been strictly adhered to throughout, and whatever
statements are made relative to the martyr for which no
authority is here given, are all to be understood as taken
from it.
The greater part of Father Arthur's life as a religious
was spent in Spain, where he made his ecclesiastical studies
apparently at Toledo. As we saw already l during the first
half of the seventeenth century, the novices of the Irish
Dominican Province were on account of the persecution at
home sent abroad soon after their profession — some to Italy,
others to Belgium or France, but the majority to Spain. In
1613 the famous Peter Lombard, Archbishop of Armagh,
wrote to Philip III. in behalf of the many Irish Dominican
students resident in his Catholic Majesty's realms, especially
in Spain; and a list of the members of the Irish Province
sent to the Propaganda in 1629, shows that there were then
in Spain about fifty students. Both documents may be seen
1 I, E, RECORD, February, 1894,
892 Some of our Martyrs.
in the Spicilegium Ossoriense. In the Propaganda list we
find the name of " Frater Arturus Geoghegan," the subject
of the present article. He had already shown exceptional
tact and aptitude for transacting difficult affairs, when after
a short stay in Corpo Santo, Lisbon, which was then recently
founded (begun in 1615, finally established in 1629, by
Dominic of the Eosary), he was commanded to go to Ireland
in order to procure subjects for the new missionary institution.
The Chronicle of the Portuguese Province in its account of
Father Arthur's martyrdom states that he left Lisbon with
some companions, and the Agiologia Domenicana (or Lives of
Dominican Saints, dc., for Every Day in the Year}, Lisbon,
1719, in the chapter which it devotes to his memory remarks
that his companions on his journey homewards are all com-
memorated elsewhere in the work itself on their respective
days as martyrs. Neither work, however, informs us who
these companions were. But if their names are those which
we see near his in the 1629 list, and of this there can hardly
be a doubt, the little band destined to wear in heaven the
crown of martyrdom consisted besides, of Terence Albert
O'Brien, the future Bishop of Emly ; Thaddeus O'Moriarty,
and John O'Cuillain.1 The first two were certainly Toledo
students, as we saw in the articles just referred to ; hence it
is very probable that our martyr read his theology in that
grand old university city ; and as Terence Albert O'Brien
commenced his studies there in 1622, and as oar martyr
said on the scaffold, "I have been eleven years in Spain"
(M.), it is equally probable that he and the future bishop
travelled out together.
We do riot know whether Father Arthur's companions
separated from him early on their journey home, or whether
they came with him as far as London. As he was already
two months in England (N.) when he was apprehended in
July (M. and Eex. Boll.), he is probably the person referred
to in the following correspondence :— " May 18th, 1633,
Whitehall. Secretary Windebank, to write to LieutenantN
of Dover, to examine the Irish priest to know upon what
1 I, E. RECOUP, February and April, 1894-
Some of our Martyrs. 893
errand he goes thither into Ireland." Endorsed by Sir John
Coke. And the answer — " May 22nd, London. Sir Francis
Windebank, for your Honour. The French Ambassador is
gone from hence, but such course shall be taken with the priest
as you have directed." 1 Sir John Coke was, as we shall see,
one of the Privy Councillors that subsequently examined
Father MacGeoghegan. As the latter, so far as we are in-
formed, was the only one of the young Dominicans that had
business in London, it may have been judged more expedient
that he should enter England alone. At that time, even
though Charles I. was disposed to act leniently, and though
his Queen was a devout Catholic, still it might have been
dangerous for four priests to return from the Continent
together. However, they may have done so, for at this
period a great many priests did go back from France to
England.2
In the State Papers3 we find it asserted that Father
MacGeoghegan had three companions. The letter dated
17th December, which contains the assertion, is addressed to
Lord Newburgh who had been one of the Privy Councillors
that had sent him to be tried at King's Bench. In it by
mistake he is called a Jesuit. The writers, Sir Benjamin
Ayloffe and Sir Thomas Wiseman, magistrates of Colchester,
1 Coke MS., Melbourne Hall, Derby. See Hist. MSS. Report, xii.
2 " Many believed that a new era was beginning for^Catholics ; that the
consequences of Henry VIII. 's apostasy would soon disappear. In the
Propaganda Archives there is a document entitled "The state of the
Catholic religion in England about the end of the year 1632." It is an
official report to the Holy See, and it begins by saying that England has
never been so disposed to return to the faith, whether we consider king,
queen, counsellors, pseudo-bishops,(or people ; and it ends with a declaration
" that the Holy See may now confidently look for an early reconciliation
of the country.1' We are told that crowds flocked to the sermons at the
Queen's and the ambassadors' chapels. In Holy Week, 1682, as many as
ten thousand people visited the altar of repose in the Queen's chapel, and
at the time more than one thousand used to attend the sermon in the
chapel of one of the ambassadors. On Rosary Sunday, two thousand
were enrolled in the Confraternity. (Downshire Review, Dec., 1893.)
Queen Henrietta Maria obtained leave from the General of the Dominican
Order to have the confraternity erected in her own chapel, according to
her confessor, Gamache. This was one side of the picture at the time that
Father MacGeoghegan thought, perhaps, that he might return with
safety.
8 Domestic, 1638, vol. 252, No. 67, printed vol., p, 328.
894 Some of our Martyrs.
say that they have committed to jail a certain Francis
Barrett, " for speakeing wordes which amounte to Treason
(as we conceave), being uttered in this manner. The said
Brewer demanding of him if hee came from London, the
said Barrett answered hee did. Then you heard, said Brewer,
of a Jesuit lately executed for treason, to which hee replyed
hee did, and there is Three more of the companie, but it
skills not wheare theay be, I knowe not. These words
Brewer, &c." It is amusing to observe the trepidation of
these worthy justices of the peace, and their nervous anxiety
that none of the " Jesuit's " fellow-conspirators should
escape. They appear to have been at the same time
desirous of impressing on Lord Newburgh that their loyalty
and zeal in no small degree resembled his own. We learn
also from the Mostyn MS. that when Father Arthur was
apprehended in London, there were " two of his countrymen
in the chamber with him who spake Irishe among them-
selves ; " but whether they were Dominicans that had
travelled with him, or only friends who came to visit him
while he was in London, is quite uncertain.
But to return to himself, and the purpose of his journey
homeward to the island he was never more to see. Joyfully
did Father Arthur set forth on his perilous mission, which
he fulfilled, as we shall now find, but in a way which he and
his superiors could hardly have hoped for. The blood of
martyrs had ever been the seed of Christians ; it was now,
moreover, to be the seed of Apostles. Father Arthur did, in
fact, draw many fervent postulants to Corpo Santo, there to
be clothed with the white habit and to be prepared for the
toils and dangers of the Irish mission ; but the sacrifice of
his own life had first to be made, the grain was fco fall into
the ground that it might bring forth much fruit.1
The singular occurrence which, as we said above, took
place during his sojourn in Lisbon, must be described here,
for it is the turning-point of his life, and it eventually
led to his betrayal and martyrdom In London. Father
1 A Portuguese work, Historia de St. Domingos, states that within a
single year the Irish Province had more than one hundred and sixty
martyrs, most of whom studied in Corpo Santo.
Some of our Martyrs. 895
MacGeoghegan stood high in the favour of the Duke of
Maqueda, Don Jorge de Cardenas y Manrique, who in 1626
was appointed Lord High Admiral of the Spanish fleets in
the Atlantic (Capitan General del Mar Oceano) and Councillor
of State. Malpe calls him Viceroy of Portugal; but this
appears to be a mistake according to one of the greatest living
authorities on Spanish history. According to this writer,
there was at the time no Viceroy of Portugal, but the Duke
of Villahermosa governed there as President of the Council.
If this were so, it would follow that Maqueda had, properly
speaking, no authority in Lisbon itself, but only over the
ships which entered its port. He had been Viceroy of
Sicily from 1601, the date of his father's death, until the
arrival of the Duke of Feria. In 1618 he was made
Governor of Oran and Meraquiver in Algiers, and when next
heard of he is Admiral ; and, as we shall see, Admiral he
remained up to 1641, at least.1 However, as two of Maqueda's
own contemporaries, Malpe and Father Arthur (" at Lisborne,
with the Duke of Macada, Governor there," M. ; " que
governava en Portugal," N.), who ought to know, state that
in 1631 the Duke had authority ; they must be believed, even
though there is an uncertainty on our part about the
duration, or the correct name of his office. The question
does not affect Father Arthur's history very much ; so
far as it is concerned, it is enough to know that the Duke
of Maqueda had a high position in the Government of Lisbon.
An error, however, which may be noticed in passing is
mentioned in Vincenzo Gussoni's dispatch. He writes :
"It is reported that the Dominican was confessor of the
Viceroy of Seville." If it is meant by this that Maqueda
was Governor there, the rumour was unfounded; and it
1 See also Lopez de Haro, Nobiliario Genealogico de los Ileyes y Titulos
de Espana, and Cabrera. Rabello de Silvo says, that in 1631 the Govern-
ment of Portugal was in the hands of Dioyo de Castro, Conde de Basto,
who had the title of governor, under the direction of Olivarey. Historic, de
Portugal, &c., torn, in., p. 405. Where such high authorities disagree, we
must be content to let the matter rest. Perhaps, however, these conflicting
statements can be ver}r easily reconciled : at different times in the
year 1631, different Spanish noblemen may have been governors of
Portugal.
896 Some of our Martyr b.
may be added, there is no trace of the confessorship in the
Seville archives.1
However this may be, the Duke did really avail himself
of Father Arthur's services as censor of books (in Catholic
countries an object of close scrutiny at the douane or
custom-house) in the ordinary inspection of vessels that
entered the port of Lisbon. In this capacity the Irish priest,
well versed in theology, who in addition to his own language
spoke at least English, Spanish, and Portuguese, rendered
valuable services to all, but received a bad return from some
whom he had especially befriended. It happened in this
way. An English ship which had captured a Dutch one
came up the Tagus with its prize, and the latter was
immediately declared forfeit to the Spanish treasury in
consequence of the treaty then existing between Spain
and England.2 But such was the address of Father
MacGeoghegan, and his influence with the Lord High
Admiral, that the vessel was released on the condition that
some other Dutch ship when captured should within a
certain time be sent to Lisbon. The English sailors also
who had been thrown into prison, either because they
violated the terms of the treaty by not delivering up their
prize, or because they were with good reason suspected of
being secretly in league with the Dutch, so that the seizure
of the vessel was a pretended one (V.),3 were liberated at
1 It is a coincidence worthy of notice that one of the English martyrs,
the Blessed John Storey, was entrusted with precisely the same office in
Antwerp by the Duke of Alva, the Spanish Vicegerent of the Netherlands,
and that the office was the cause of his apprehension and death. He went
on board a ship in discharge of his duty, and was immediately imprisoned
and carried off to England.
2 On January 2nd, 1631, a secret treaty between Philip IV. of Spain and
Charles I. of England, against Holland, was signed at Madrid by their
respective representatives, Olivarez and Cottington. The first clause runs
thus : — " In the first place, it is agreed on, that there shall be a league and
confederacy, offensive and defensive, settled between the two kings
against the Hollanders, which shall last during the war against them, or
till there be peace made with them, with consent of both kings." The
second clause begins : — " That an offensive war shall be made by both
kings against the Hollanders, by sea and land, till the total reduction of
these provinces to the due obedience of the King of Spain, their natural
sovereign."
3 It may be mentioned here that the Archivist at the Hague says
there is no entry in 1631 (the Ambassador Joachim's correspondence) to
show that such a ship was taken by the English.
Some of our Martyrs. 897
Father Arthur's intercession. He innocently believed the
Englishmen's profession of their intention to fulfil the
condition, and pledged his word for them ; so they were
allowed to weigh anchor and depart. The Dutch vessel
with her cargo would be a valuable prize for the Spanish
Exchequer ; Malpe says it was worth fifty thousand florins.
But the promised one never arrived, the result of which was
that the Duke of Maqueda removed Father MacGeoghegan
from his position of trust.
In order that that his patron should not be overreached,
so far as he could prevent it, the latter then resolved to go
to London on his way home, as the reader already knows.
He met the captain of the ship there, told him why he came,
and requested him to fulfil the engagement made with the
Spanish Admiral. The captain, as if willing to keep his
promise, expressed his happiness at seeing his benefactor
once more, and asked him where he was staying. Father
Arthur little suspecting the motive of the man's inquiry,
gave his address, and before long to his utter amazement
saw a number of constables enter his room to apprehend
him on a charge of high treason. He knew well that his
being a priest was the real and only cause of his arrest.1 On
1 The circumstances of the arrest are described very differently by the
Dutch ambassador, who in all probability was a Lutheran or a Calvinist : —
u Brieven van Govert Brasser, gedeputeerde waarnemend ambassadeur
gedurende de afwesigheed van den ambassadeur Albert Joachirnite Londen.
3 October, 1633.
" Seker Engelsch coopman onlangs van Lisboa weder hier gecomen, heeft
op straat ontmoet een Yerisch Jesuit, daer inethy te Lisboa int clooster
gesproocken hadde ende heeft hem naert gebruijck alhier terstont in een her-
berge geleijt om hem met een pint wijn te vereeren daereenigen tijt met hem
geweest zijnde, heeft zich gelaten alsof daarontrent penningen te ontfangeu
hadde ende den Jesuit verzocht dat hij hem in de herberge wilde blijven
wachten, is ondertuschen uytgegaen ende heeft officieren van justitie met
zich gebracht, die den Jesuit hebben gevangen genomen. De coopman
leijt hem te laste dat hij naer veel propoosten tot nadeel van Sijne
Majesteit van Groot Brittaignen gehouden, eijntelijk geseght soude hebben
dat hij deselvige noch verhoopte met sijn eijgen hand hetlevente benemen.
D'examinatie van de Jesuit geschiet gans secretelijck, in voegen dat den
heere Grooten Zegel bewaerder zelfs de notulen daervan hout."
Letter of Godfrey Brasser, Deputy Ambassador during the absence
of the Ambassador Joachim, London, Oct. 3, 1633 :—
" An English merchant, who lately returned from Lisbon, met in the
street an Irish Jesuit, with whom he had spoken in a convent at Lisbon.
VOL. XV 3 L
898 Some of our Martyrs.
the charge, however, of high treason, the one commonly
resorted to against Catholics, he was taken before Lord
Coventry, Keeper of the Great Seal; Sir John Coke,
Secretary of State ; Lord Newburgh, and Lord Falkland.1
On that day, we may be sure, the humble religious felt
that in all likelihood his fate was sealed, and began to
prepare for death. He understood now the purpose of the
captain's question. Falkland and Newburgh had issued
the warrant for his arrest (M.), and the King afterwards
appointed the first two noblemen to take part in the com-
mittee of inquiry (N.). All four were rank Puritans. In the
Star Chamber, however, Coventry was usually on the side
of clemency.2 As regards Coke, Gardiner says : " He was a
man without any fixed political views, except a hatred of
everything that savoured of the Papacy." He was also,
according to Prynne, " a most bitter hater of the Jesuits,
from whom he intercepted access to the King ; he entertained
many according to their deserts, he diligently inquired into
their factions.','3 The Puritan divine, perhaps, had Father
MacGeoghegan's examination before his mind as he wrote
these lines ; at any rate, we may be sure it was congenial
occupation for Coke. Lord Newburgh is best known on
account of his loyal adherence to Charles I. Lord Falkland,
According to the custom of this country he asked him to have some wine
with him in a hotel. After a time he went out under the pretext of getting
some money in a place near at hand, but before doing so he begged the
Jesuit to wait there till he returned. He came back accompanied by some
bailiffs who arrested the Jesuit. The merchant accused him of having
used very disrespectful language about his Britannic Majesty, and of
having said that he would take the King's life with his own hand. The
examination of the Jesuit is being conducted with the greatest secrecy, so
that the Keeper of the Great Seal himself retains the notes of it in his
possession." These notes of the Keeper of the Great Seal (or Lord
Chancellor) will, if possible, be published in the Appendix to this article, or
afterwards in the General History of the Irish Martyrs.
Brasser's description of the circumstances of the arrest is due to mere
hearsay. It disagrees with Nicoldaldi's, the Mostyn, and the Carmelite
MSS. Father Eliseus, the author of the latter, says he took the greatest
pains to ensure correctness.
1 The four had remained in England during the King's visit to Scotland
and were among the noblemen who for the time administered the country,
te Papers, Dom. 1633, page 52.)
a Leslie Stephen's Diet. Nat. Biogr.
8 Diet. Nat. Biogr.
Some of our Martyrs. 899
of whom more anon, was of the four the most inimical to
our martyr. (N.)
All were Privy Councillors. The Privy Council did not,
however, act in its corporate capacity. All its extant
records have been carefully searched, page by page ;
but nowhere is there mention of this inquiry. The King
named these four to examine the prisoner; that is, to find
out whether there were grounds for proceeding against him
in the public law courts. Charles gave express orders that
Father MacGeoghegan should not be interfered with on
account of his religion ; but in case he had offended against
his allegiance as a subject, that justice should take its course.
(C.) Malpe remarks that the Privy Counsellors, with the
exception of Lord Falkland, viewed the matter very quietly,
and were disposed, in appearance at least, to acquit the
prisoner. A letter of Falkland's to Sir John Coke (now
among the Coke MSS. at Melbourne, Derby), places the
writer's conduct in a rather unfavourable light. He expresses
himself in terms which would hardly be suitable if impartial
justice to the Dominican had been the rule and motive of
his actions.
" ALDENHAM, Sept. 10, 1633.
" Yf you wyll besyde add the consideracion that it is thus
donn imediately after my detection of father Arthure and his
apprehension, you shall doe noe wronge to ye matter, and much
right to ye present condicion of
" Your Ho. humble servant,
" FALKLAND.
" To Sir John Coke,
" Principal Secretary of State to His Majesty."1
Lord Falkland, as he himself soon afterwards acknow-
ledged, was punished by God for the part he took in the
condemnation of Father Arthur MacGeoghegan.2 (V.) After
1 See Hist. MSS. Report, xii., vol. ii., page 81.
2 Henry, first viscount, was father of Lucius, the famous Lord
Falkland, and Viceroy of Ireland from 1622 to 1629. During his resi-
dence here he was comparatively lenient to Catholics. Lady Falkland was
a convert ; and no doubt to her influence much of this justice is to be
ascribed. She was remarkable for her works of charity in Dublin, and
also for her great learning. Her knowledge of languages extended from
Hebrew and Greek to Transylvanian : and at nineteen, when she was
converted, her studv of the fathers had convinced her that the Catholic
900 Some of our Martyrs.
his decease, however, as it would appear, the other noblemen
answered the King's question in the affirmative, and
instructed the Attorney-General (Sir William Noye) to
prosecute. The Committee of Council had made its inves-
tigation with ominous slowness. It would appear from the
Mostyn MS. that the secret examination began early in
August, and, from the Cor am Rege Boll, that it ended late in
November. The Privy Councillors were probably desirous of
appearing to act irrespectively of difference in religion, or
perhaps they hoped to elicit from the accused some valuable
information about other ecclesiastics in England, about
private negotiations with those in Spain, &c. The writer
of the Vatican MS., who was thoroughly cognizant of all
the external or public facts, conjectures that Father Arthur's
judges (apparently including those of the King's Bench)
condemned him to death either because one of the judges
bore an ill-will to him, or because they wanted to satisfy
the Puritans, who were discontented, and murmuring at
Charles's clemency towards the Catholics ; or, again, because
they intended to strike terror into the Puritans, to deter
them from reviling the King, as they were accustomed to
do in conversation ; or, lastly, because they wished to clear
themselves from the imputation of beiDg so partial to
Catholics as was commonly said.
Salvetti, the Florentine Ambassador, who was equally
well informed, writes thus : — " It was a long time since any
regular had been put to death ; and it fell to the lot of this
poor victim that in his person the old maxims of persecu-
religion was the true one. Two of her sons, Patrick, the poet, and Placid,
entered the clerical state, and her four daughters became nuns. From a
contemporary account', The Life of Lady Falkland (first published in 1861),
the following particulars respecting her husband's death are taken : — " At
the end of summer, waiting on the King (then newly come out of
Scotland), shooting in Tibbald's Park, fell from a stand, and broke his leg,
and instantly broke it in a second and third place with standing up upon
the King's coming up to him . . . The surgeon, undertaking the part of a
bone-setter, pretended to set his leg ; but, failing in it, instead of
being set, it gangrened " (page 46). " And this of his refusing to say he
died a Protestant, two of his Protestant servants who were present did
acknowledge " (page 47). He died on September 25th, 1633, and was
buried in Al den ham {Diet. A'af. Biography}. Let us hope that the prayers
of his family and those of Father JVlacGeoghegan obtained for him the
grace of conversion on his death-bed.
Borne of our Martyrs. 901
tion should once more be put into practice; and this simply
to please the Puritans, and, at the same time, to hinder the
Catholic party from increasing." l
If we may infer the dispositions of Coventry, Coke,
Newburgh, and Falkland from those of the Clerk of the
Privy Council (Sir Edward Nicholas), their proceedings and
their motives were much better kept in secret, for they
would not bear the light of day. Nicholas writes in con-
fidence to his friend, Admiral Pennington, as follows :—
STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC, CHAS. I., VOL. 246, NO. 26.
'•' NOBLE CAPT., — I have receaved yors of ye 9th of this
moneth & am glad my form1' came safe to yr hands wch I sent by
the post of Sandwch.
" There hath bene an Irishe Jesuit here in exaiacon many
tymes of late for words wch he should speake [in con~\ firmacion
of their bloudy tenet ag* Kings. I hope he shalbe hanged for
example to deterre those that are of his divelish opinion.
" Yr aff'ecconat freind & humble servaunt,
" E. NICHOLAS.
"Westm., 12 Septbri", 1633."
No. 85.
" NOBLE CAPT., — I have receaved yors of y° 23rd of this
moneth . . . The Irishe preist hath bene here often examyned,
but noe course is yet taken for his punishm*, albeit it be prooved
by 2 witnesses that he tould them in Spayne, that if he ev1' came
ovr into England (as he intended) he would kill or gracious King
himself, for that he said he was an heretick ; I beleeve if yo & 1
were men of ye Jury to try him wee should make him a popishe
Martir att Tiburne.
" Yr affecconate freind & servaunt,
"E. NICHOLAS.
"Westminster, 27 Sept., 1633."
Vol. 248, No. 65.
" NOBLE CAPTAIN, — I hope now shortly to see you here . . .
I heare now a rumour that the Irishe preist that in Spayne said
he would kill or gracyous Master (whome God Almighty long
prserve) shal be arraigned, but I shall not beleeve it till I see it.
" Yor faithfull & affecate freind and humble servaunt,
" E. NICHOLAS.
" Westminster, 28 Octo."
Vol. 277, No. 107.
1 According to Challoner, the last martyr at Tyburn had been
Thomas Maxwell, July 1st, 1616.
902 Some of our Martyrs.
Meanwhile reasonable suspicions were aroused in the
minds of some Catholic ambassadors that all was not going
on right, but that hatred to Catholicity was at the bottom
of the whole affair. Thus Boutard says, in his despatch
of November 17th, addressed to M. Boutillier, conseiller
d'Etat : — " L'on a delivre de nouvelles commissions centre
les Catholiques sur lesquelles ayant fait discretement mes
instances, Ton m'a fait entendre c'estoit pour raison d'Estat
et non de religion. J'attend avec impatience, vos commis-
sions, etc." 1 And, as we shall see, the Spanish Ambassador
Nicoldaldi, says (December 9th) that he had used his utmost
endeavours with the King and his ministers to save the life
of the martyr, but all in vain ; and that he would be glad
to leave a country where malice, enmity to Catholics, and
lies, abound.
Meanwhile Father MacGeoghegan was a close prisoner
in Newgate.2 On Friday, November 22nd, he was taken from
the Gatehouse Prison (Newgate), in custody of Aquila
Wykes, gentleman jailor, to the court assembled at
Westminster. At the bar he pleaded not guilty ; and,
as the Eoll, has it, " thereof he put himself upon his
country," or submitted his case to the justice of his
fellow-countrymen. The jury was empanelled on Monday,
November 25th. The D.ominican was sentenced to death,
and handed over to the custody of the marshal, by whom he
was then taken to the Marshalsea, in Southwark, there to
remain till he should be drawn on a hurdle through the
middle of the city to Tyburn.
But to return to Malpe's narrative. At length, to the
general surprise, on November 25th, it was sworn in open
court that Arthur MacGeoghegan was guilty of high treason
of the worst possible kind. The charge was, that he asserted,
in September, 1631,8 while in Portugal, that it would be
no sin to kill the King of England, Charles I., because he
was a heretic ; and that if he ever got the opportunity,
he would do so himself. His accusers alleged, in addition,
1 Paris, Archives des affaires etrcwgercs-Angleterrc, 1633, a. 45, fol. 286.
2 Coram Rege Roll, from which we take the following statements.
3 September 31, Coram Rege Roll.
Some of our Martyrs. 903
that he had actually came to England with this regicidal
intention.
The only witnesses were two companions of the captain,
two merchants (V.), to whom Father Arthur had been so kind
when his ship had been seized in Lisbon. Their testimony
was accepted, of coarse. The captain deposed that he had
not heard Arthur MacGeoghegan say these words, but only
heard the others state that he had said them. The prisoner
answered the Lord Chief Justice (Thomas Richardson,
C. E. Eoll) that he had never, even in thought, held that the
King of England might lawfully be killed. What he had really
asserted — in a discussion with a man who denied free will —
was, that if his tenets were true, it would be no sin to take the
life even of a king. He was, moreover, at the time, alone with
this man, the ship's pilot,1 so that the captain's companions
could not have overheard his words. On that occasion, he had
gone on board the English ship to examine all books, as
was his duty ; and a Lutheran or Calvinist work which had
been submitted to his judgment by the pilot was the cause
of the discussion. But the malicious suppression of that
little word if decided the Dominican's fate. At the time, in
England, any pretext was sufficient to ensure the condemna-
tion of a priest ; Father MacGeoghegan was sentenced to be
hanged, drawn, and quartered, while, as a matter of course,
the public crier proclaimed by the command of the Chief
Justice and the Attorney-General, that he was condemned to
death, not because he was a priest, nor because he was a
religious, nor for any other cause connected with the Catholic
creed, but because he was a criminal convicted of high
treason. Many were found who openly disapproved of the
iniquitous sentence, and various expedients were suggested,
by which the unoffending victim might be delivered, but all
in vain ; the Puritans were resolved on doing away with the
priest, and no time was to be lost, for they were thirsting for
his blood. On the 27th of the same month he was dragged
lrrhe pilot was a native of Ostend, as we learn from Kechac, Les
Vies des Saints etc., de VOrdre des Frere* Precheurs. Paris, 1650. This
is the only additional information Rechac gives ; his account of our martyr
is an acknowledged translation of Malpe's.
904 Some of our Martyrs.
on a hurdle, through the city to Tyburn, where six
thousand persons had gathered to witness his execution,
when he reached it, sore and bruised as he was, he
loudly expressed his happiness at being permitted to die
on the spot made holy by the sufferings of all those who
had given their lives there for the faith, and thanked
God for the privilege. He then protested that he forgave
from his heart his false accusers, and everyone else that
had a hand in his death, and entreated the bystanders
that if, after his death, the truth should come to light, and
his innocence should be made manifest, they would intercede
with the King for his enemies' pardon. He also called God
to witness that he never even harboured the thought of doing
that for which he was now ostensibly to be executed.
Lastly, he gave expression to his grief, at not being allowed
to have a confessor, but hoped that God would accept his
desire, and have mercy on him; declared that he was a
Dominican and a priest ; then he recited the Creed, com-
mended himself particularly to the Blessed Virgin, made the
sign of the cross, and gave himself into the hands of the
executioner. While actually hanging he was seen, with joy
depicted on his saintly countenance, frequently to make the
sign of the cross ; for, in the final struggle with the powers
of evil, the great truth, "In this sign thou shalt conquer," was
borne in upon him with more vividness than ever before.
According to the barbarous practice then customary in
England, he was cut down when half dead, disembowelled,
and his heart torn out. The hangman held up the heart that
the crowd might gaze upon it, saying as he did so, " Behold
the heart of the traitor." Instantly the body, more dead
than alive, turned its eyes towards him, as if in abhorrence
of the crime of treason, to reproach him with the calumny,
and to protest that death was being endured for the holy
Catholic faith.1
1 The dispatches of the Dutch, Venetian, and Florentine Ambassadors
find their most suitable place here. It must be observed with regard to
the dates of all the dispatches, that the reformed Gregorian Calendar is
used, whereas the English documents have the old method of computation,
according ^o which Father Arthur suffered on November 27th. Malpe
Some of our Martyrs. 905
We shall now see how the trial and the execution are
described, and the speeches reported in the Mostyn MS. : —
Arthur Gohagan, by birth an Irishman, a frier of the Order
of St. Dominick, was arraigned at the King's Bench Barr,
25 Novemb., 1633, being Munday, for speakinge theis words :—
" I will kill the kinge if I can come to him because he is an
heretique," wch words he uttered the last of Decembr., A° Septimo
Car, 1631, in a cabbin of a shipp belonging to one Capteyne
conforms to it, but remarks that it is stylo Anglicano. Govert Brasser's
second dispatch is short : —
" 6 December, 1633.
u Mijn heeren. Op gisteren es alhier gehangen en in vier stucken
gehackt den Yerschen priester daervan ick Uwe Hoog Mogenden voor
desen geschreven hebbe dat geaccuseert wiert voorhebbens te zijn Sijne
Majesteet het leven te benemen, welch hij op de plaetze van de executie
ontkende, gebruijckende ijselijcke vervloeckingen en cas sulen waer mochte
zijn."
" SIRS— The Irish priest to whom I alluded in a former letter to your
Excellencies was hanged and quartered yesterday. He had been accused of
intending to assassinate the King. He denied it on the scaffold, with awful
imprecations in case it were true."
The mention which Gussoni makes of our martyr is equally brief : —
" Tomentato a strascico de cavalli, f u terzo giorno condotto all' ultimo
supplicio un tal qual sacerdote Domenicano di nazione Irian dese che passa-
tosene in Spagna et ivi come dicono,trattenutosi confessore del Vice Re di
Siviglia, ritornatosene poi in questo Regno, fu subito riconosciuto, fatto
prigione, accusato et convinto d'haver detto in Ispagna di non voler
piu ritornar in Ighilterra se non per amazzar il Re.:' *'A certain Irish
Dominican was, on the third day (after his condemnation), dragged by horses
to the place of execution. He had been in Spain, and, as it is reported,
was the confessor of the Viceroy of Seville. When he returned into this
kingdom, he was immediately recognised, made prisoner, accused and con-
victed of having said, while in Spain, that he would never go back to
England, unless it were to kill the King."
Amerigo Salvetti (Alessandro Antelminetti di Lucca) resided in
London as Tuscan Ambassador from 1618 till his death in July, 1657. He
was well acquainted with the ways of the English law courts, and with
the injustices done to Catholics. Salvetti's dispatches fill twelve volumes.
The passage relating to our martyr is found in the sixth (1632-38): —
" Mercoledi passato fu squartato un frate Domenicano Irlandese, essendo
due giorni avanti condannato dal Tribunale della Banca Regia per crimine
di maesta, consistente d'avere, inentre si trovava in Spagna alcuni anni
sono, sostenuto potersi depuorre et amazarre il Re ec., volendo, inferire
questo, et che sarebbe venuto presto in questo regno per effettuare lui stesso
questo pensiero. I giudici che lo condannorno, insieme col Procuratore
fiscale, volero publicamente dichiarare nella condannazione che questo
huomo non veniva nullaraente condannato per esser frate et cattolico, ma
si bene per traditore ec. [The rest is in cypher.'] Quelli che lo veddero
morire dicono che negasse fin all' ultimo di haver mai detto di volere
ammazzare questo Re ; ma alcuni mercanti iuglesi, che lo conobbero in
Spagna, testimoniarono contro di lui, et sopra de loro testimonii fu
906 Some of our Martyrs.
Bust an Englishman ridinge in the roade of Lisborne in Portugall
neere the castle there.
To wch he pleaded not guiltie. The King's Attorney in-
formed against him upon the Statt. of 25 Ed. 3.* Wheeler and
Essinge, two English Merchants or ffactors, appeared witnesses
against him, who deposed they heard him speake the woords then,
and there, wch they presently related to Capteyne Bust who was
att that tyme of the uttering of the said words gone forth of the
cabbin where the said Gohagan had been disputinge with him
about the principles of our Eeligion, especially about the merit of
Works & freewill, wch the said tfrier mainteyned.
About July last the said Capt. Bust mett wtb the ffrier in
the Strand neere London, who tooke acquaintance of the said
Bust, but hee knew him not, wch the ffrier perceavinge asked
him, have you forgotten yr freind Father Gohagan that did
condannato. Era gran tempo che non si era fatto morire religiosi ct tocco
a questo poverraccio di rinuovare le massime antiche, et tutto per dar gusto
ai Puritani et in uno stesso tempo tener la parte cattolica di non augmeutare."
(Firenze, Archivio Mediceo, Legazione d'Inghilterra).
"An Irish Domincian was hanged on last Wednesday. He had
been condemned in the Court of King's Bench two days before for
high treason, namely, for having maintained, two years ago, in Spain,
that the King might be deposed, and put to death, &c., from which it
was inferred that he had come to England for the purpose of putting
his theory into execution. The judges who condemned him, and the
Attorney-General, had it publicly proclaimed that he was sentenced
to death, not because he was a friar, or because he was a Catholic,
but because he was a traitor, &c. [The rest is in cypher.] Those who
saw him die say that he declared to his last breath, that he had. never
said that he would kill the King ; but some English merchants who had
known him in Spain, gave evidence against him, and upon it was he
condemned. It was a long time since any regular had been put to death,
and it fell to the lot of this poor victim that on his person the old maxims
of persecution should be once more put into practice, and this simply to
please the Puritans, and to hinder the Catholic party from increasing."
1 The following is the Statute referred to :—
A.D., 1350-2. Anno 25° Edwd. III., st. 6, cc. 1, 2.
Cap. II.
A declaration which offences shall be adjudged Treason.
" Also whereas divers opinions have been before this time in what case
treason shall be said, and in what not : the King at the request of the
Lords and of the Commons hath made the declaration following, that is
to say : — When a man doth compass or imagine the death of our Lord the
King (Quant hoinme fait compasser ou imaginer la inort nostre seigneur
leRoi) Statute Boole, p. 325, Eyre, London. The jAttorney-General (Sir
William Noye), certainly went back far enough to find a law for his
purpose. The 26th Henry VIII., c. 13, was really the statute against
which Father Arthur offended, but his judges dared not quote it — their
odium fidei would have appeared. it was in virtue of this statute of
Henry's that so many of the recently beatified English martyrs went from
Tyburn to heaven.
Some of our Martyrs. 907
you many curtesies in Spaine, att Lisborne, wth the duke of
Macada, Gouvernour there, whereupon the said Bust saluted
him, thancked him, promised him the best service he could doe for
him in England.
The said- Bust being departed from him called to mynd the
words wch the said Wheeler and Essing told him the ffryer had
had spoken in their prsence in Spaine wch he imparted to one
Davenport of London, a Cittizen who advised him not to conceale
the same, but to acquaint the Lords of the privie Counsell therewth,
who thereuppon went with the said Davenport to Viscount
ffauckland, and the Lord Newbergh, Chauncellor of his Matyi
Dutchie of Lancaster, who uppon further informacon of the said
woordes and Gohagans arrivall into England (and att that tyme
liveinge by Lincolnes Inn ffeilds, near the Cockpitt playhouse)
signed a Warrant for his apprehension, and sent a messenger along
wth them, who after a weekes search found him in the place
aforesaid.
Att there cominge thither the said Gohagans Chamber doore
locked, and being denied entrance the Messenger said he would
breake it open if hee would not lett them in, wch after some little
passages of discourse (seeinge noe meanes to hinder them anie
longer) was opened unto them, where the Messenger Bust and
Davenport found him lyinge upon his bedd, wth two of his country-
men in the Chamber wlh him, who spake Irishe among themselves.
The Messenger att that instant searching about ye roome for paprs
wch might discover somethinge of the said Gohagan's purpose and
plott, but found none, wher uppon the Messenger commanded the
said Gohagan not to speake in Irish but in English, that they
might understand them ; and wthall he tould Gohagan that he
must goe along wth him, wch he said he would not doe because he
was sicke, but the messenger replied that he must and should,
for he was the kings prisoner, to whome Gohagan retorned this
Aunswer — I care not thus much for yor kinge, putting his Thumb
betweene his teethe and ierching it back againe.1
This was deposed against him. Further Gohagan answered
it was not true that was laid to his Charge, and his argumt was
this —
/first he never saw their faces, vizt., Wheeler and Essing,
who accused him of the Traiterous woords spoken in Spaine.
And that Capteyne Bust, wth whom hee had about that tyme
disputacon in the cabbin about meritts of woorks and free will,
did not heare him speake theis woords.
Secondly he had done manie speciall curtesies for Capt.
Bust, and one Graves and Bust being arrested, sentenced, and
seized upon as Confiscate to the kinge of Spain, because it was
1 It must be remembered that this was only a gesture commonly used
in Spain, as it is even at the present day.
908 Some of our Martyrs.
fflemish bottome, but his pvidence hee gott the same restored
unto them thorough his creditt and favour wth the duke of
Macada.
After wch he pcured a leter of Marke, helped them to a tall
stroong builte shipp wch they much desired att a reasonable price,
and all this he did for them (gratis), thoughe it was alleadged
they gave him as much searge as would make him a coate, wch
he denied and said that peice of searge was given to the Duke of
Macadaes Secritary for dispatch, and concluded that if he had
thought soe ill of the kinge he would never have shewen that
favour to those men that were the kings subjects and such
strangers to him.
He said further that it was a most ungratefull thinge to
requite the manie courtesies he had done for them wth this false
accusacon of him.
And his Argumt for merrits was this —
" If ill woorks deserve punishment, good works deserve
Bewardes "
His argument for free will was this —
" If a man be necessitated to doe an evill act why should he
be punished for it, why should a man be hanged for comitting ane
offence if it be not in his power to shunne it."
And after this he was interrupted by the Lo. Chief Justice,
who tould him he had spoken much, but it was all imptinent, soe
he was silent.
The Lo. Chief Justice badd the Jury goe togeather (the fore
man being Sr Thomas ffowler Kt and Barronett of Islington), who
after a little stay retorned and delivrd upp their verdict guiltie of
those traiterous words. After the Lord Chief Justice spake to
ffather Gohagan as followeth : —
" Sirrah, you have been6 arraigned of highe Treason, to wch
you have pleaded not guiltie ; yo11 have beene tried by the oathes
of 29 men, 17 grandjurie and 12 pettye Jurie, accordinge to
evidence, and have beene by them founde guiltie."
The cheefe substance of his speech was this—
" That we were the happiest people in the World, for while all
the Christian World were clasheinge together in armes, wee lived
in peace and plenty, and that those and all the blessinges of
this kingdom wee owe, under God, to the juste and quiett gover-
ment of our most gracious kinge, who is att this day the most
pious, religious, and gracious Prince in the Christian World, that
hee was the kings Subiect, and that hee was bound to acknow-
ledge the Kings goodness therein, and to render thankes to God
for his Maties blessed Govermnt over us. That he was a most
wretched villaine to say he was an Heretique, howsoever (i.e.
whosoever) adjudged, and declared him soe or would doe, yet being
unsentenced an heretique he would not conclude him soe, And
say that therefore he would kill him.
Some of our Martyrs. 909
" Thafc they meddled not with him concring his Eeligion but
for Treason, for wch all the Jesuites and Preists have suffered
death wthin theis 80 yeares, and not one of them all for Eeligion.
And therefore they do all vainelie ymagine that they die Martirs
for Religion.
" This is they judgment wch is not myne but Judicium Regis.
" Thou shall goe from whence thou standest to the place from
whence thou earnest or to some other Prison, and there stay a
convenient tyme. Then thou shalt be taken & drawne upon a
hurdle wth thy feete forward, the reason is that such a traiterous
villaine as thou art, art not worthy to tread upon the earth,
[ ] to the place of Execucon,
where thou shalt be hanged by the Neck, but not till thou art
dead, and then beinge cutte downe alive, the fire beinge first pre-
pared, thy .... into the fire. After thy belly shalbe ript upp,
and that traiterouse heart of thine wch ymagined this mischeefe
against our gracious Soveraigne shalbe torne out and likewise
cast into the fire. Nextly thy head shalbe cutt off, And last of
all thy body shalbe devided into 4 Quarters wch shalbe at his
Mats dispose.
" I will say the Lord have mercy on thy Soule in charitie, and
desire God to give thee grace to repent thee of thy foule Treason,
although I know it is not worth thankes from thee, or any of thy
Religion."
Then the Clarke of the Crowne asked him if he coulde say
anie thinge for himself e.
Hee answered he had nothings- to say.
Upon Wednesday the XXVIIth of Novemb. the said Arthur
Gohagan was accordingly drawne upon a hurdle from the Kings
Bench to the citty of London and soe to Tiburne, from whence
he was lifted off into a Cart. Where undismaid and \vth a
feareles countenance he spake these words, " In manus tuus
comendo spiritum meum quia redemisti me 0 Deus veritatis
meaB," wch he often iterated.
" I have been II1 yeares in Spaine. I am free of the Order
of St. Dominick. I die a Roman Catholique. I pray you al
beare witnes of it. I believe the 12. Articles of the Creed accord-
ing -to the exposicon of the Romish Church. I forgive all my
enemies hartilie, as hartily as I desire God to forgive me all my
infinite sins. I pray God to forgive them that are the Cause of
my death, for I never spake theis words. If I did may all the
Devills in Hell take away my Soule at this instant tyme. In
manus tuus, &c. I pray God blesse the Kinge and his Successors,
and make all his enterprises successfull.
"I desire that my body be not dismembered, but that it
may be putt,2 and that the Spanish Ambassador would send it
i A friar (?) 2 i.e , interred,
910 Some of our Martyrs.
to be buried in some Abby or place belonging to an Abby of
St. Dominick's.
" I would suffer in my cloathes, if you would give me leave me
for decencyes sake, if not I will do as you please, which was
denied. After this his stockins and breeches pulled of hee asked
if he might not weare those little under breeches, viz., a pair of
white Trouses, which the Sheriff likewise denied."
Then desiring all good Christians to pray for him hee
earnestly commended his Soule to God, and said : —
" O thou glorious Virgin Mary Mother of our Lord and Saviour,
pray to thy Sonne Jesus Chr. to receave my soule. I would faine
have receaved the Holy Sacrament accordinge to the Injunction
of our Order, but I could not gett a priest to give it me."
Then being stript to his shirt holding upp his hands to
heaven with great earnestness iterating In manus tuus, &c.,
the carte was drawne away when he hanged a little tyme, then the
Eope was cutt with a Bill, the hangman holdinge him fast in his
armes that he should not fall to the ground, att which tyme the
corde being slack he made a great noise in his throate.
Then they laid him on the earth, drewe him along (being
alive) neere the fire, threw there his Bowells and hearte laid him
afterwards upon his face, cutt off his head by the Neck, devided
his body by the waste and then cut it asunder in fower parts
w<:h were not dispersed on the gates, but some of his freinds
obteyned the disposing of them, and sent them over sea to be
interred as he requested.
Inquiries about the martyr's burial-place have been
made without result in Holland, Belgium, France, and
Spain, and none of the many documents discovered up
to the present gives the desired information. One would
have confidently expected to find it in the account written
by the Spanish ambassador, Nicolaldi. But this appears
to have been finished and posted before the translation
mentioned in the Mostyn MS. took place, for it merely tells
us " y dicen que le enterraron todo de noche debaxo de la
misma horca ;" "it is said they interred all (the head and
quarters) at night near the same place." Other subsequent
facts of great importance are not mentioned by Nicolaldi ;
for instance, the King's proclamation of Father Arthur's
innocence (due probably to Nicolaldi 's own representations),
which shows that he sent the account to his friend Don
Martin de Arpe very soon after the martyrdom.
At all events, we know that Nicolaldi is the ambassador
Some of our Martyrs. 911
alluded to by Father Arthur, and that it was owing to his
care that the holy remains were transferred to some
Dominican Church. Nicolaldi had been Father Arthur's
friend and protector all through. Two days after the
martyrdom, he writes : —
" De aquino ay que dezir esta semana. A un frayle dominico
Irlandes nos aorcaron dos dias ha. Se puede entrar en el
numero de los martires, y no puedo embiar ahora la relacion deste
caso, que lo hare otro dia y veeran en Roma'que muy al con-
trario lo que dan a entender a Su Sanctidad (los ?) Franceses de la
pequena persecucion de aca por causa de religion, que por ella
padecio este frayle buscandole malicioso pretesto, sin quepudiesen
obrar mis diligencias con este Rey y ministros, y deseando salir
de entre tanta maldad y mentira y tales enemigos."
[TRANSLATION]
" There is no news here this week. They hanged an Irish
Dominican Friar for us two days ago. He can enter into the
number of the martyrs. I cannot send the account of the case
now, but will do so another day, and they will see in Rome — what-
ever the French may say to the contrary, to his Holiness, about
the trivial nature of the persecution here on account of religion —
that this Friar suffered for religion. His persecutors maliciously
invented a pretext, and all I could do with the King and his
ministers was of no avail. I wish I could get away from such
malice and lies, and out of the midst of such enemies."
Malpe relates two prodigies which then took place, as he
heard on good authority — one, that when the executioner
was throwing the heart, &c., into the fire prepared on such
occasions, a young man in the crowd perceived that a part
had fallen on the ground outside, and put it into the fire
with his walking-stick, at the same time cursing the Popish
priest and his belief. He had hardly done so, when he was
seized with violent interior pains, and trembled like an
aspen leaf from head to foot. He fell helplessly to the
ground, and could only tell by faint groans the agony he was
enduring when some nobleman went to his assistance.
The other wonderful occurrence that Malpe describes
testifies still more clearly to Father Arthur's sanctity. Two
women, who were going by chance towards Tyburn after the
martyr's death, perceived that the air was redolent with
fragrance, sweeter than they had ever inhaled before ; and
912 Some of our Martyrs.
the fragrance became stronger as they approached the spot,
where, to their amazement, they found that only mangled
remains were lying. Though one of the women was not a
Catholic, yet she openly acknowledged that it was from the
priest's dead body the heavenly aroma proceeded. A German
perfumer also, who happened to pass that way, asserted, on
his part, that in all his experience he had never known any
odour comparable to it.
These supernatural signs, by which God glorified His
servant, could not be concealed. Queen Henrietta Maria,
the Catholic consort of Charles I., was informed of all that
had occurred. Ever since her coming into England,
Henrietta — whose married life, as her god-father, Pope
Urban VIII., is said to have predicted, was a series of
afflictions— had done all that piety and zeal could suggest
for the support of the Catholic religion. In the first year
of their marriage, Parliament reproached the King with
having, " through the Queen's influence, spared the lives
of twenty priests who had been condemned to die as
traitors ; " and, later on, Buckingham had the insolence to
tell his sovereign "to beware how she behaved, for in
England queens had their heads cut off before now."
Notwithstanding this dastardly opposition and persecu-
tion, which must have cost her many a tear, the Queen held
out courageously, and as an angel of peace calmly continued
her mission of doing good. One of her favourite practices
of devotion was a pilgrimage to Tyburn. She went as an
act of reparation to the memory of those who had unjustly
suffered there, and as a public profession of the veneration
in which she held the martyrs. To her the spot was
hallowed and dear, even though, while she knelt there, as
Queen of England she could not but fear that it called to
heaven for vengeance on many of her blinded subjects.
She had now a new reason for sorrow. For the first time
in her own reign a martyr's blood had been shed at Tyburn.
She communicated to Charles the sad tidings of Father
MacGeoghegan's execution, and the King, in consequence,
ordered an investigation of the whole trial to be made, with
the result that the sentence of condemnation was retrospec-
Some of our Martyrs. 913
tively reversed — when too late. All, however, that could
be done in atonement was faithfully performed : the King
ordered that the quartered remains of the victim of the
Star Chamber should not be exposed to view.
The meaning of Malpe's words " Denique omnium fere
suffragiis, etiam aulae procerum, acta judicum rescissa et
damnata," is not clear to us now, but further investigations
may bring to light documents that will show precisely in
what this rescinding consisted. Meanwhile two provisional
explanations may be put forward. " Aulae procerum " may
mean " of the Privy Council." As Charles had allowed the
Attorney-General to proceed on the report of a committee
of Council, he may now have laid the fresh evidence pro-
duced before the Council, and asked for an informal opinion.
Or " aulae procerum" may simply mean " of the courtiers."
In any case, "rescissa et damnata " cannot signify a formal
rescinding of the sentence. No body of noblemen had
power to annul the act of the Lord Chief Justice.
Public opinion certainly branded the action of all con-
cerned in the priest's execution as one of consummate
iniquity. Rechac says that the judges acknowledged they
had done wrong, but pleaded in self-defence that they had
been imposed upon. However, notwithstanding all their
protestations of impartiality, the occasion was seized for a
renewal of hostilities against the Catholics. The accusation
which the judges had now reluctantly acknowledged to be
false was nevertheless made a pretext for the necessity of
taking further precautions for the King's safety, and by the
very party which, a few years later, was to rebel against
him, and to send him, too, to the scaffold. The following
letter, which appears to have been written about this time
by a priest who was imprisoned on the pretence of his being
an accomplice in Father Arthur's treason, gives us a true
idea of the whole situation : —
" To the noble Lord, my Lord Vincenzo Gussoni, Ambassador
of the' illustrious republic of Venice to His Majesty of Great
Britain, these :
" Parcat sua clarissima Celistudo si minus accurate quam
vellem scribo' eo quod furto scribam. Dum pursuvantes quos
vulgo vocamus, occasione istius hominis qui conspirationis in
VOL. XV 3 M
914: Some of our Martyrs*
Eegiam Majestatem criminatur obvios quosque inquietant, me in
domo cujusdam amicae herae offenderunt ad quam visitandi
gratia accesseram ; cum ipsis mihi necesse fuit Curiam petere,
quamvis me e numero domesticorum vestrae Celsitudinis per
apertas literas significaveram. Hinc post longam morarn, jussu
Domini Secretarii Coke, delatus sum ad domum cujusdam
pursuvantis juxta turrim Londinensem. — Nihil mihi conscius sum,
nisi sacerdotium et longa propter illud incarceratio periculosum
crimen fit."
The letter was intercepted. Sir John Coke wrote on the
back of it, "Harris the priest, to Yincenzo Gussoni,
Ambassador for Venice," and it is still among the Coke
papers.
Let us now see what befell some of the witnesses. The
report of Father MacGeoghegan's fate soon reached people
in Spain, and naturally created intense indignation against
those who had sworn his life away. One of them was not
slow in asking the Privy Council to indemnify him for the
losses he sustained thereby, as well as to reimburse him for
his travelling expenses.
" To the right honble the Lords and others of his Mats most
honorable privie Counsell.
"The humble peticon of Henry Elzey, of the Towne and
Countie of .Southampton, Marchant.
" In all humblnes sheweth that whereas yor petioner hath
bene at great charges in twice coming upp from Southampton
and attending yr Lopp8 aboute geving evidence againste the
Traitor Grohagan, the Irish ifryar, whoe was discovered by Cap*.
Buste out of yr petr>s first relation, as may appeare by all the
pceedings, yor petr being from his youth breed upp in the
Spanish trade deareth not now come any more there for fear of
the treachery of the ifryars factio, and having no meanes or
livelyhood to subsist.
11 Doth most humbly beseech yr honors in comiseration of
yr petrs destressed estate and his greate charges hee hath bin at in
that busines to confer uppon yor pet1' the pursers place of the
shipp yr hono1* comanded the sheare and Towne of Southampton
to make reddey for his Maty's servis, and allsoe to allowe yor
petr his charges hee has disbursed in the aforesaide servis.
"At Whytehall, the 28th of November, 1634."!
We have not met his name before ; but the name, Elsey
of Southampton, occurs elsewhere in the State Papers in
1 State Papers, vol. 493, No. 33.
Some of our Martyrs. 915
a letter to Sir John Coke, and there is also in the same
collection a letter from a John Ellzey, Southampton, to the
Secretary of the Admiralty, Nicholas, who was so desirous
of seeing Father MacGeoghegan hanged,
A word about the betrayer, Captain Bust, and we have
done. He appears also to have been rewarded according
to his deserts. His petition for aid shows that Father
Arthur's death was long remembered by the Duke of
Maqueda.
" Edward Bust was Cap* & Henry Fabian Mr wth him of a
shipp in a voyadge to Lisbon 8 yeares now past, where abord the
said shipp Arthur Graogan,an Irish preist, threatned to take away
his Mats life.
" About 12 months after Capt. Bust did aprehend the said
preist in London, whoe was tryed at the Kinges bench barr, &
there convicted, and suffered death at Tyburne according to his
demerrits.
" Since wch time neither the said Capt. nor Mr durst travell
into those parts by reason of threats against themselves and their
company for the death of the said preiste.
" This winter Fabian went to Barselona, where the Duke of
Makeda is Admirall of the Spanish fieete, who was informed of
Fabians beinge there, and therupon gave order for his present
aprehendinge & execution, wh. Fabian had notice of by an
English man, whoe is guner of the Admiral('s) Gaily, by whose
helpe & the assistance of the company of 3 Dartmouth shipps he
escaped, though the said shipps were serched for him.
" The Duke hath sollemly vowed to execute all that he can
take that were in the said shipp wth Capt. Bust 8 years since, as
the said guner enformed, wch Fabian is able to prove by the testi-
mony of above 40 men belonging to the Dartmouth shipps.
" Edward Bust being comanded by the Lords of his Mals
most honobe Councell to attend hys tryall, whoe was then bound
to sea, to trade between the Straights and the Spanish dominions,
lost his imployment & before 6 monthes were past heard of these
threats, therefore durst not since follow his usuall imployments,
being forced to live heere wholly upon expence these 7 yeres, to
the utter undooing of himself and his.
" Both pray to be releeved by some speedy imployment in his
Mats Navy, & to be secured by the Spanish Embasador if they
shall finde occasion to travell into those parts.
" And shall dayly pray, &c." 1
Such were the misfortunes that overtook Father Arthur's
1 State Papers, 1641-3, page 422, n. 33.
916 Lamennais.
enemies, such was the just retribution of their crime.
While events were passing thus on earth, never-ending
glory was, we believe, the reward of the Dominican in
heaven. He had confessed his Lord and Master before
men, and now was honoured for it by angels and saints.
Let us hope that the day may soon come when the Church
on earth will unite with the Church triumphant in celebrat-
ing the martyr's praises.
KEGINALD WALSH, O.P.
LAMENNAIS
VIT.
" I desire that this little work [Les Affaires de Borne] should
be considered as the last of the series which I have been bringing
out during the past five-and-twenty years. Henceforth I have
simpler and clearer duties before me. The rest of my life will be,
I trust, devoted to these as far as my strength will allow. No
more is required of any man. Let there be no mistake : the
world has changed ; it is weary of theological discussions."
To follow the career of a fallen priest is not usually an
edifying or even an interesting task. Lamennais' case is,
however, an exceptional one. His difficulties did not arise
from the higher criticism or the lower passions. His great
aim had been the regeneration of society ; he had looked
upon the Church as the one organization capable of such
a work, and when she had refused to undertake it he had
no choice but to quit her pale. We can see now easily
enough that his errors were not errors of principle, but
simply of exaggeration. A little moderation on his part,
a little forbearance on the part of his adversaries, and all
might have turned out well. The Paroles d'un Croyant
must not be taken as a deliberate expression of his opinions.
It was rather the cry of one wounded to the very quick, of
one who found that all his cherished hopes were blighted
for ever. But when once he had so spoken it became
difficult for him ever to return. The Church is often
reproached with having cast out her ablest champion. But
Lamennais. 917
what did Democracy do for him ? As long as he remained
a faithful priest he knew no want ; after his fall the radicals
and infidels left him to starve. In truth, he had the mis-
fortune to please no party. The Paroles contained too much
religion for the infidels, and too much rebellion for the
Catholics. To the last he continued to have some belief
in Christianity : but it was a vague and undogmatic
Christianity — a form of belief much less common in his
day than in ours.
We have seen that none of his friends followed him in
his revolt from Koine. But he soon found others. Beranger,
Liszt, George Sand, Charles Didier, were some compensation
for those whom he had lost. To give him an opportunity
of exercising his brilliant journalistic talents, they founded
for him the Monde newspaper. But the new venture was
not a success. And here we may ask, why did his writings
fail after he had left the Church ? Some have said that
he suffered from the blight which affects genius when it
abandons the cause of justice and truth. It may be granted
that there is something in this explanation. We miss the
brightness and hope, the enthusiasm for the strife, the
confidence in victory, which are so conspicuous in the early
works. On the other hand, he gains not a little in pathos,
but it is the pathos which belongs to a lost cause and a
fallen champion vainly striving against fate. Many apos-
tates, indeed, have seemed to acquire fresh power by their
apostasy. But these have completely gone over to the
enemy, and have distinguished themselves by the bitterness
of their attacks on all that they formerly held sacred. Not
so Lamennais. After his fall he simply ignored the very
existence of the Church. Then again, in his orthodox days, '
he had an elaborate ecclesiastical organization to spread
abroad his writings ; and everyone knows how the thought
that he is addressing a wide public stimulates his pen.
Moreover, his new friends had their own ways of thinking
and working, and so could not prove such efficient colleagues
as Lacordaire and Montalembert, Gerbet and Salinis.
The Affaires de Rome, though written when he was no
longer a member of the Church, belongs by its subject to
918 Lamennais.
his Catholic days, and is to my mind the most interesting
of all his books. It has already been frequently quoted in
these articles. The reader will have noticed that though
he speaks severely, he has none of the rancour of the vulgar
apostate. He speaks more in sorrow than in anger. One
could have wished that he had allowed certain passages to
stand unchanged instead of trying to weaken their force by
palpably prejudiced notes. The Livre du Peuple is also well
worthy of study, especially at the present time. It is a sort
of echo of the Paroles, or rather it is a prose and sober
version of the Paroles. But now we must speak of his
relations with the government of the Citizen King.
The compromise between the Revolution and the reaction
had never been accepted by Lamennais. Half measures
were never to his taste. He had been a legitimist ; he had
become a Republican ; and now was ready to wage fierce
war on the comfortable, narrow-minded adherents of Louis
Philippe. His nephew, Ange Blaize, was arrested, and put
in prison, for being a member of an electoral committee.
Lamennais, who was also a member, was roused to indigna-
tion by this " infamous tyranny." In a bitter pamphlet,
entitled Le Pays et le Gouvernment, he vigorously attacked
the whole system of the Government of July. The first
edition was rapidy sold out ; but any further sale was
checked by the arrest of Lamennais himself, and the
seizure of his papers (November 10, 1840). His trial was
watched with the greatest interest. Men wondered whether
the government would dare to convict so illustrious a delin-
quent. But, if the repressive laws were to be enforced at
all, the only way was to give a striking example. Lamennais
was accordingly found guilty of holding up the King's
government to ridicule and contempt, and of setting class
against class ; and for these offences he was sentenced to a
fine of two thousand francs and one year's imprisonment-
A great demonstration was organized to conduct him to the
gates of the prison; but he at once put a stop to the
preparations.
p" I have a fairly large cell [he wrote to an old Breton friend],
seeing that I can take nine paces from one corner to the opposite.
Lamennais. 919
It is lighted by little windows, ten inches in height, which give it,
by reason of their height, and the bars of iron which fasten it
outside, the agreeable appearance of a cellar. Some rays of sun,
however, can enter at this time of the year. I have two look-outs
— one to the east, and one to the south ; and, as I am perched
under the roof, I can discover, by getting on a chair, a wide extent
of view. When I stand on the brick floor, I can touch the ceiling
with my wrist. A little stove which I have had placed gives me
enough warmth. There is a narrow courtyard, in which I could
take exercise with the others at certain times, but I do not go, nor
will I. I prefer to stay in my dungeon, for more than one reason.
Permission is readily granted to my visitors: As to letters, they
are first carried to the police-office ; and so I have refused to
receive them. About nine o'clock I make my coffee ; four hours
later I eat a little bread and butter ; at six a dinner of two courses
is sent in from a neighbouring restaurant. The day passes without
any ennui ; for one cannot suffer from that while one has books
. . . But shall I be able to work? I do not know yet."
He did work, and worked hard. The great philosophical
work, L'Esquisse d'une Philosophic, which he had begun
in his Catholic days, was now continued, in a spirit very
different from his first designs. He continued also to com-
pose three smaller works — Une Voix de Prison, Du Passe et
de I'Avenir du Peuple, and De VEsdavage Moderne. The
titles of the two last named sufficiently indicate the nature
of their contents ; the first was a pathetic repetition of
the terrible Paroles. Thus he passed the whole of the
year 1841. When he regained his freedom he found himself
in delicate health, and in great want. He kept apart from
active politics, though he was often consulted by the leading
Republican s. His literary labours occupied nearly the whole
of his time. It seemed that his public career had come to
an end, when suddenly a great change in the state of Europe
once more brought him into notice.
VIII.
In the early summer of 1846 a great event took place
in the Catholic world. Gregory XVI., the pope who had
condemned the Avenir and it's editors, died on June 1st.
The ensuing conclave was short. Lambruschini, the leading
member of the reactionary party, was looked upon as the
likeliest to secure the majority of votes. But orjce again,
920 Lamennais.
Chi entra papa esce cardinale. To everyone's surprise, and
most of all to his own, Cardinal Mastai, a strong liberal —
an admirer of Gioberti, D'Azeglio, Balbo, and others of the
young Italy party — became pope under the title of Pius IX.
Twelve years had passed since Lamennais had quitted
the Church amidst the tears and regrets of so many of the
faithful. During all this time countless devout souls who
had owed to him their first awakening to things spiritual or
their enthusiasm for religious freedom, had not ceased to
hold him in reverence and love. Many a tearful prayer had
been offered up for him as the spouses of Christ listened to
his reflection on the Imitation, or as the old cures took down
the volumes of the Essai, and turned over the files of the
Avenir. They noted with a melancholy satisfaction his
successive reverses, in the hope tha-t these would open his
eyes and touch his heart. Hitherto they had prayed in vain,
but now it seemed that at length they were to be heard.
The new Pope accepted much that Lamennais had contended
for. He had broken with the Holy Alliance; he had declared
himself on the side of the people. Why should the erring
priest hesitate to be reconciled when he had been met more
than half way ? His good friend Padre Ventura sent him at
this time a work which the celebrated Theatine had com-
posed on Daniel O'Connell. With it was a letter stating that
the book was nothing but a resume of Lamennais' own
magnificent ideas in the days of his orthodoxy. " I have also
a message for you," continued the writer: "it is from the
angel whom heaven has sent us — from Pius IX., whom I saw
this morning. He told me to tell you that he sends you his
blessing, and that he is waiting to embrace you. It is the
shepherd who is seeking his sheep : the father who has gone
in search of his son. So I do not despair of seeing you again
under the old flag, working as we have done before for the
glory of religion and the happiness of poor mankind." A
portrait of the Pope accompanied this message. But, as in
the days long before, when he was asked to rally to the
royalist cause, so now Lamennais said again : " Too late/'
His reply, though full of affection for Ventura, and of respect
for the new Pope cut off all hopes of any return to the fold.
Lamennais. 921
Not long afterwards another opening more to his taste
presented itself. The hated government of Louis Philippe,
against which he had struggled so long, came to an igno-
minious end in February, 1848. The dream of Lamennais'
life — the establishment of a Republic in France — was at
last realized. Now was the time to rouse the people to
insist on the full enjoyment of their rights. Twenty days
after the fall of the monarchy he brought out his third
newspaper, Le Peuple Constituent. Here he advocated
extreme republicanism, and severely criticized the Provisional
Government as being too much the mouthpiece and tool of
the bourgeoisie. His own contributions can be easily singled
out from those of his colleagues. Something of the old
fervour, something of the old sublimity still remains in them.
They must often have gone over the heads of his working-
men readers, who, doubtless, preferred the sledge-hammer
style of his inferior colleagues. When the elections for the
new assembly took place, he and his friend Beranger had
the honour of being returned by the important part of the
Seine. He joined the party of the Extreme Left. As he
entered the chamber his old friend Berryer, who had so ably
defended him a quarter of a century before, came forward to
greet him. But some violent radical members were watch-
ing, and Lamennais turned sadly away. No sooner had
he taken his seat than a fresh trouble befell him. Looking
up from a paper which he was reading, he noticed some
commotion at the doors. Presently a friar with shaven
head and white habit entered, and advancing towards the
Mountain, sat down within a few benches of him. "Do you
see who that is ?" said a friend. Lamennais became more
absorbed in his reading. " Look ! it is Lacordaire." " Let
me alone," was the answer : " that man weighs upon me
like a world."
Lamennais was convinced that he was called upon to
play the part of the Abbe Sieyes, the renegade priest, and
constitution-monger in the days of the great Revolution.
But he was now in his sixty-sixth year. He was no public
speaker. He had never sat in any previous assembly.
When he first rose to read an elaborately-prepared speech, the
922 Lamennais.
members flocked in, but as soon as they satisfied themselves
about his appearance and manner, they returned to the
lobbies or went on writing their letters. Disappointed in
his hope of swaying the Assembly, he still thought that he
could exercise much influence in the committee-rooms.
Accordingly he was chosen by acclamation as a member of
the committee for the formation of the constitution. Here
again he was doomed to failure. His scheme which he had
drawn up with so much care, and presented with such
confidence, was not even entertained. The invasion of the
Assembly by the mob, on May 15th, should have been to
him, as it was to Lacordaire, a sign that there was no hope
for the regeneration of France by such a government. Then
came the terrible revolution of J'une. Lamennais, true to
his extreme opinions, openly sided with the insurgents. But
from that time the fate of the Eepublic was sealed. The
reaction commenced by the suppression of the freedom of
the press. It was decreed that every newspaper should
deposit a large sum as caution-money. The Peuple
Constituant, already impoverished, was unable to raise
the required amount, and accordingly ceased to appear.
The last nrmber, bordered with black, came out on July
llth, 1848. It contained Lamennais' s farewell article-
Four hundred thousand copies were sold : —
"The Peuple Constituant began with the Eepublic; it now
ends with the Kepublic : for what we see is certainly not the
Eepublic, or indeed anything that has a name. Paris in a state
of siege, delivered over to martial law ; Louis Philippe's dungeons
and forts crowded with fourteen thousand prisoners, after a
frightful butchery organised by dynastic conspirators ; countless
transportations without trial ; proscriptions worse even than those
of 1793 ; laws against the right of public meeting ; the slavery
and ruin of the press by the revival of old monarchial regulations ;
the national guard disarmed; the people decimated and driven
back into greater misery than ever; no, assuredly, this is not
the Eepublic, but rather the saturnalia of reaction round about
its tomb.
" The men who have become its ministers, its devoted
servants, will soon reap the reward which the reaction has in
store for them, and which they only too well deserve. Driven
away with contempt, bowed down with shame, cursed in the
Lamennais. 923
future, they will go to join the traitors of every age in the
charnel-house where the corpse-like souls, the dead consciences,
rot away.
" As for us, Soldiers of the Press, devoted to the defence of
the liberties of our country, we, too, are treated in the same way
as the people ; we, too, are disarmed. For some time past our
paper has been dragged from the hands of our agents, torn to
pieces, and burned in the public streets. The intention was clear
enough: we were to be reduced to silence at all costs. The
caution-money has at last succeeded in doing this. To enjoy the
right of free speech a man must now have money, and plenty
of it. We are not rich enough. Henceforth, silence for the
Poor ! "
As long as the Republic lasted he kept his seat in the
Assembly, assisting regularly at its meetings, and voting
silently with his party. At last the infamous coup d'etat
came ; but so low had his influence fallen, that he was not
thought worthy of being arrested.
IX.
The last of Lamennais' various careers was now over,
and it only remained to prepare for his own end. His
Catholic friends, in spite of frequent disappointments, still
hoped and prayed for his conversion. They thought that in
his case, as in so many others, the passing away of this
world and the near approach of the grave, would turn him
to repentance. The years 1852 and 1853 went by, his health
gradually failing ; but still he gave no sign. In January,
1854, he felt that death could not be far off. It was then,
with full deliberation, that his mind was fully made up.
Calling his friend, M. Barbet, he drew up and signed the
following document : —
, "I wish to be buried among the poor, and in the way that the
poor are buried.
" Nothing is to be placed over my grave, not even a simple
stone.
" My body is to be carried straight to the cemetery, without
being taken to any church."
Verbal orders too were given by him that no priest
should be allowed to approach his death-bed. To make
this sad deliberation all the more marked, there was no
suddenness about his death. His final illness, bronchitis*
924 Lamennais.
complicated with congestion of the lungs, lasted six
weeks. Madame de Kertanguy, his favourite niece, was
summoned from Brittany to attend him. Her first word
was to ask him if he would see a priest ; but she only
received a determined and repeated refusal. Many of his
later friends visited him, and found him cheerfully awaiting
the last summons, and firmly convinced of their all meeting
again in another life. On the morning of February 27 the
sun rose brightly, and poured its beams through the windows
of the miserable room of the dying man. " Let it in," he
said ; " it has come to fetch me ! " And at half-past nine
he was gone.
Great was the excitement in Paris as the sad news got
abroad. The Government, fearing a demonstration, gave
orders that the funeral should be strictly private : never-
theless a vast crowd assembled around the house. At an
early hour, on March 1, the body was brought out, and
placed on the pauper's hearse. As the cortege passed through
the streets, without priest or religious emblem, and guarded
by so many police, and followed by multitudes, the bystanders
murmured to one another, " It is Lamennais." At the
entrance to Pere-la-Chaise all were stopped, except the few
immediate friends. The coffin was carried along through
the broad walks of stately monuments to the narrow
trenches into which the nameless dead are cast. There,
without a single prayer, the remains were laid.
One evening, some weeks later, a carriage stopped at the
door of the little chapel at La Chenaie. An old priest,
weighed down with grief rather than age, alighted and
entered. Falling on his knees before the denuded altar, the
hot tears streaming down his cheeks, he remained a long
time in prayer. Then rising to his feet, he moved towards
the house, and looking up at one of the windows, " Feli,
Feli," he cried out, " 0 my brother, where art thou ? "
It was Jean de la Mennais.
Lamennais' sad story is often held up as a warning ;
and a warning assuredly it is. It is a warning to us all not
to chain our hearts to our ideas ; to bear in mind that
there is no greater obstacle to repentance than wounded
St. Canice, Abbot and Confessor, dc. 925
pride, and that the most brilliant qualities are no security
for salvation. It is a warning to those who have rendered
great services to the Church, that a day may come when
these may be forgotten. And no less is it a warning to those
in high places, that their decisions concern something of
greater import than the tenability of a proposition, or the
prudence of a policy, or the enforcement of a right — for what
they hold in their hands is the fate of many an immortal
soul.
T. B. SCANNELL.
ST. CANICE, ABBOT AND CONFESSOK, PATRON
OF THE CITY OF KILKENNY
11TH OCTOBER
A 8 the Feast of St. Kieran of Ossory, the Primogenitus
JL\_ Sanctorum Hibernice, March the 5th, brings us back
to the Praeparatio Evangelica, and the advent of the
heavenly spring that gladdened the hearts and homes of Erin,
so also, the festival of St. Canice, on the llth of October,
cannot fail to remind us of the first-fruits of that rich golden
harvest which was gardened by the celestial husbandman
from the virgin soil of the Island of Saints.
The commencement of the sixth century, 515 or 516,
witnessed the birth of St. Canice or Kenny, at Glengiven,
" the Valley of the Koe," in the barony of Keenagh, County
Londonderry. His parents were so poor at the time of his
birth, that a special interposition of Providence was required
in order to afford the new born babe the very means of
subsistence. But although destitute of worldly goods, they
were rich in virtue, and of superior intelligence. His father,
Lughadh Lethdearg, was a member of the bardic class, and
held the post of tutor to Gael Bregach, afterwards Prince of
Hy-Many. Lughadh Leithdearg appears also to have been
a poet of some distinction, and it may have been from him
that our saint inherited that rare gift of eloquence, which
926 St. Canice, A bbot and Confessor,
caused him to be compared by Irish writers to St. Philip,
who is supposed to have been the most eloquent of the
Apostles.
In a manuscript catalogue of the Irish saints, which
dates from the beginning of the fifteenth century, and is
preserved in the College of Salamanca, Meaula or Mealla is
mentioned as the mother of St. Canice, and that her principal
church is in Kilkenny. Hanmer in his Chronicle relates
that in the thirteenth century, a church was erected in
Kilkenny under her invocation, over against the east side of
the Nore (where St. Maul's cemetery now lies). The Church
of St. Maul, with four marks of silver yearly, was conferred
on the Vicars Choral of St. Canice, by Bishop Barry, in
1428.
At an early age, Canice resolving to devote himself to
the study of sacred truths, proceeded to the monastery of
Lancarvan in Wales. This school of piety was at that time
ruled by the Abbot Cadoc, surnamed the Wise — a saint who
had himself been trained in the paths of piety by a saint of
Irish birth, St. Tathai. At Lancarvan Canice soon dis-
tinguished himself by the practice of every virtue, especially
by the strict observance of holy obedience. One day whilst
engaged in what was to him the delightful occupation of
transcribing the Holy Scriptures, the bell of the monastery
called him to other duties, and we are told that the obedient
novice left the letter, at which he was engaged, half finished,
and thenceforward his abbot loved Canice exceedingly.
After having received the Holy Order of the priesthood,
about the year 546, Canice asked and obtained permission to
proceed to Eome in order to receive the blessing of Christ's
Vicar on his future missionary labours. At that time Italy
was overrun with barbarians, the Goths and their leader,
Atilla, and so, the pilgrimage of St. Canice must have been
a work of great difficulty. But the special Providence of
God preserved him in all the vicissitudes of that perilous
journey, the very men who sought his life were converted,
and became his devoted disciples, so that he was enabled
through their instrumentality to found in the distracted
land a monastery, where his own name and those of his
Patron of the City of Kilkenny. 927
compatriots, known as " the saintly pilgrims from Ireland,"
were for ages held in the greatest veneration. On his return
to Ireland our saint, wishing to perfect himself still more
in the knowledge and practice of virtue, spent some time
in the great schools of Clonard, under St. Finnian, and
Glasnevin, then governed by St. Mobius. He had for his
companions, Columkille, Kieran of Clonmacnoise, Comgall,
Brendan, and others of the great saints, who were styled the
twelve Apostles of Erin.
St. Mobius having built a beautiful oratory of oak, of
unusually large proportions, a question arose among his
disciples as to their wishes regarding it. St. Kieran expressed
his wish that it were filled with holy men who, by day
and night would chant the praises of God. St. Comgall,
wholly intent on penitential exercises, would wish it to be
filled with all the pains and burdens which are the lot of
men during their pilgrimage on earth, and that all might
come to him as his inheritance. St. Columba would like to
see it well filled with gold and silver, to be expended in the
erection of churches and monasteries, and in the service
of the poor. St. Canice, being asked to tell his thoughts,
declared that it would be his desire to see the oratory filled
with religious books and sacred texts by which men would
be imbued with a knowledge of divine truths, and led to
the fervent service of their Creator. St. Mobius, hearing
their pious wishes, prayed that each of these holy youths
would receive from heaven the special gift which he desired.
The time came when Canice was called upon to leave his
peaceful solitude and the sweet society of his brethren ;
when the holy 'priest and perfect religious was to become
himself a founder of churches, and a vessel of election to
carry the light of faith to a people sitting in darkness and in
the shadow of death. Following the example of his friend
St. Columba, Caledonia was selected by him as the country
then affording the best prospect of a rich virgin harvest of
souls.
His first success was in rooting out from his native place
in Derry the surviving superstitions of Druidism, and the
conversion of his foster-brother, the chieftain of Dungiven,
928 St. Canice, Abbot. and Confessor,
who afterwards assisted our saint in founding the great
church of Drumachose, in Londonderry. His sister's son,
St. Berchan, also owed his recovery from a mortal illness to
the prayers of St. Canice. His name appears in our Irish
Calendars as the founder and patron of Consast, in the
King's County. St. Columbkille had already converted
the Island of Mull to the faith, and had made repeated
missionary excursions to the adjoining mainland. He now
meditated an assault on Pictish Paganism in its very centre
and stronghold, and took for his companions Canice and
Comgall. Imagine the three holy companions setting out on
that perilous voyage, seated in their little coracle or ozier
boat, covered with hide, which the Celtic nations employed
for their navigation. Their destination is the heart of
Caledonia, " stern and wild," which the imagination of our
forefathers made the dwelling-place of hunger and of the
prince of demons. Their way lies through an archipelago
of naked and desert islands, sowed like so many extinct
volcanoes, upon the dull and sullen waters, which are some-
times washed by the Atlantic waves, swept by the Atlantic
blasts, and broken by rapid currents and dangerous whirl-
pools. The pale sickly sun of the North only serves to point
out the fogs and mists surrounding and surmounting the
lofty summits, and abrupt and naked sides of the bare and
desolate mountains of that sterile, icy land. After over-
coming all the perils of that adventurous voyage, the holy
missioners beheld, rising up before them, to the height of
fully five hundred feet, the rock fortress of the Pictish King,
some two miles west of the River "Ness. His name was
Brude ; and he is styled by Venerable Bede, " a most powerful
king," who had vanquished the Scots or Dalradians in
many a hard-fought battle-field : and was now enjoying his
kingdom in peace, having triumphed over all bis enemies.
From his eyrie on the rock, this bird of prey beheld with
savage eyes Columbkille, " the dove of the churches," and
his two companions advancing to plant the standard of the
cross on his redoubtable stronghold. Burning with indig-
nation at their boldness in presenting themselves unbidden
before him, King Brude ordered the gates of the fortress to
Patron of the City of Kilkenny. 929
be closed, and strongly barred against them. But our brave
Irish priests had recourse to prayer ; and Comgall, having
made the sign of the cross on the outer gates, they imme-
diately fell broken to the ground ; Columba made the sign
of the cross on the inner door of the enclosure, with the same
effect. When the three saints stood face to face with the
enraged King, he drew his sword, swearing by his ancestral
gods, that he would avenge the insult offered to him ; but
Canice, making the sign of the cross towards him, his hand
was instantly withered. And it so remained till Brude
believed in Gk>d, received Baptism from St. Columba, and
the perfect restoration of his daughter to her sight, hearing,
and speech, by the intercession of St. Canice. The victory
of the cross was complete ; Caledonia became a portion of
the vineyard of the Lord, rivalling the soil of her mother,
Erin, in the fertility with which, for ages, she produced the
fairest flowers and richest fruit of holiness and justice. And
lona became in a higher sense than any earthly Pharos, a
spiritual lighthouse, shedding its beams of religion and
culture far and wide. It was there Columba fixed his rude
retreat :
" There the first symbol of his creed unfurled ;
And spread religion over a darkened world."
The amount of co-operation given by St. Canice in the
glorious work of evangelizing Scotland may be judged from
the number of places that retained his name, and cherished
his memory in that country. Amongst these, the most
remarkable was the monastery of Rig-Monadh, or the royal
mound where the Cathedral of St. Andrew was afterwards
erected. The Felire of St. Mngus contains in its notes of
St. Canice's Feast, at llth October, a reference to this
foundation : " Achadhbo is his principal church, and he has
a Eecles, i.e., a monastery at Cill-Eigmonaig in Alba."
Scottish writers record that St. Canice was regarded, after
St. Brigid and Columba, as " the favourite Irish saint in
Scotland." He was honoured even in lona, where a burial-
ground still retains the name Kill-Chainnech. And fain
would he have remained till death a voluntary exile from his
VOL. xv. 3 N
930 Si. Canice, Abbot and Confessor,
native land, in order to enjoy the heavenly conversation of
St. Columba, and of his holy companions, and to help them
to secure that golden harvest ; but the saints of Ireland, not
willing to be deprived of his example and counsels, sent
messengers after him, praying him to return to his own
country. They found him " living as a hermit in Britain,
and Canice was then brought from his hermitage against his
will." 1 This hermitage, according to Cardinal Moran, is
identified with the remains of an ancient church called
Laggan-Kenny ; i. e., St. Kenny's church at Laggan, towards
the east end of Loch Laggan, at the foot of a mountain, in
the Grampian range.
The homeward voyage of our saint was signalized by his
having miraculously saved from a watery grave the illustrious
St. Fintan, of Clonenagh, styled by the old writers the
Father of Irish Monks and the Benedict of Ireland. The
establishment of the first Irish monastery following the rule
of St. Columba and St. Canice, that of Kilkenny West, in
the County of Westmeath, was inaugurated by a miracle,
related by all our saint's biographers. A turbulent chieftain
of Meath, Colman Beg MacDiarmaid had carried off by
violence a nun, sister of St. Aedh, Bishop of Killair, in
Meath, and detained her captive in an Island in the centre
of an lake. The Bishop took up his position near that part
of the lake in which his sister was held prisoner, and there
fasted and prayed that the heart of the King might be moved.
Nothing, however, appeared to produce any effect on the
heart of that wicked king until St. Canice came to the
assistance of his episcopal friend. The King, hearing of the
saint's approach, ordered the bolts to be drawn up, and all
avenues to his fortress to be closed. Vain precautions !
St. Canice passed over the lake, and entered the castle or
fort ; and, then, Colman Beg, struck with terror at a chariot
of fire, which he saw moving towards the island, confessed
his crime, delivered up the nun to her brother, and made a
grant of that island to our saint. Some years after St. Canice
travelling in Breffny rested at a wayside cross, at Bealach
1 Burgundian Life of SL Canice, Ormonde edition, cap. 19.
Patron of the City of Kilkenny. 931
Daithe, in the parish of Lurgan, county Cavan, and per-
formed there the devotion of None. On inquiring whose
cross this was, he was informed that it was there Colman
Beg MacDiarmaid had fallen in battle. "I remember,"
said the saint, " that I promised that prince a prayer after
his death ;" and, turning to the cross, he prayed with fervour
and with tears, until it was revealed to him that the soul of
Colman was freed from suffering. In the 43rd and 44th
chapters of The Life of St. Canice, there is an account of
some incidents which occured during a civil war in Ossory,
in which Feredach, the son or grandson of a Munster
usurper in that territory, was slain, circiter 582, by " the
sons of Connla," i. e., the true Ossorians. Colman, the son
of this Feradach, notwithstanding this opposition, succeeded
his father and ruled this territory till his death, in 601. He
was the friend and patron of St. Canice, who settled per-
manently in Ossory during his reign, after the death probably
of his former patron, Colman Beg, King of Meath, as the
late Father Shearman remarks.1
The reign of Colman MacFeradach was marked by the
frequent rebellions of the discontented Ossorians. In one
of these tumults, Colman was closely besieged in his fortress
which was probably at Kells, which they gave to the flames.
St. Canice, in his church at Aghaboe, hearing of this outrage,
set out to the relief of his friend ; and passing through
Magh Roghni, the great centre plain of Kilkenny, per medium
regni, he comes to " Dominick Moir Koighni," St. Patrick's
parish, on the southern border of the town, to which sub-
sequently his own name was annexed. The portly abbot of
Domnach Moir, Pinguis princeps, whose sympathies were
with the Ossorians, his own countrymen, came out from his
church, and thus addressed the saint : — " I know that you
are hastening to set free your friend, but unavailingly ; as
you shall only find his charred and mutilated corpse."
St. Canice replies : — " The Son of the Virgin knows that
what you imagine is not true, for before you return to your
church, you shall find yourself a corpse."
1 Loca Patriciana, No. XL
932 St. Canice, Abbot and Confessor,
After this interview the portly abbot returned in his
chariot to his city, through another gate near at hand, the
name of which was Darnleth. While the abbot was passing
through the portal, the swinging gate or door fell on his head,
and killed him on the spot.
In this legend we discover that Domnach Moir, St.
Patrick's, Kilkenny, was at this period a place of some
importance, containing an ecclesiastical establishment, sur-
rounded with walls or " septa," with gates opening on the
various roads diverging from the " civitas " or cashel, which
was the nucleus of the town or villa which grew up about
the Patrician church, the name of which was destined ere
long to be merged, and all but lost, in a new designation.
St. Canice rescued his friend Colman from the hand of his
enemies; dashed through the serried lines of the assailants,
under a shower of javelins and arrows, into the burning
pile, rescued the King, and when he had brought him to a
place of safety, he says : " Eemain here awhile, for although
you are alone to-day, you shall not be so to-morrow, for
three men shall join you in this place, and afterwards three
hundred shall come to yau, and on the third day you shall be
King over the whole of Ossory." After this occurred we
may suppose what is described by anticipation in cap. 43,
that Colman gave many towns (villas) in which St. Canice
erected monasteries and churches. The chief ones amongst
these were Cill Cainnech, now Kilkenny, and Aghaboe, or
Agerboum in the Queen's County, the lands of which are
well known as amongst the richest pastures in Ireland.
Aghaboe was during his lifetime the sanctuary most
closely connected with the name of St. Canice. It was his
treasure-house of graces, the favourite school in which
through winter fr^st, through rain and storm, through
summer sunshine, generation after generation of his spiritual
children lived anc1 prayed, and at last laid them down and
died. Bright with dew, and enamelled with the sweetest
flowers, the sunny dells, the stately trees, and rich pastures
of Aghaboe formed a striking contrast to the desolate
grandeur and more ascetic surroundings of lona and its
sister isles. lona and Aghaboe, however, although so distant
Patron of the City of Kilkenny. 933
and so dissimilar, were bound together by the golden link of
a very intimate communion of saints. It is related that
St. Columba and his monks were on one occasion overtaken
by a violent tempest ; every wave threatened instant death.
The monks cried out to their abbot to pray to God for
protection, but he replied that the holy abbot Canice, alone
could save them in this danger. At the very moment
St. Canice, in his monastery of Aghaboe, heard by revelation
the voice of Columba speaking to his heart. Starting up
from the repast of which he was partaking with his religious
brethren at the hour of none, he rushed to the church,
exclaiming : " This is no time for food, when Columba's ship
is struggling with the waves." Having entered the oratory,
he prayed for some time in silence with tears. The Lord
heard his prayer, the tempest instantly ceased, and the sea
became quite calm. St Columba, seeing in spirit Canice
hastening to the oratory, cried out, " Canice, I know that
God hath heard thy prayer ; it is well for us that thou hast
run with one sandal to the altar" — for in his haste Canice
had dropped one of his sandals. The prayers of both saints
co-operated in this miracle, observes St. Adamnan; an
example of the blessings which God grants through the
communion of saints. So Columba said to his brethren,
" God has bestowed on Canice the gift of calming every
tempest." And St. Canice was invoked in the early Irish
Church as the special patron of the faithful against the
storms of the sea. An incident in the life of St. Canice
proves the survival of Druidism in parts of Ireland up to
his time. Another incident gives an account of a barbarous
custom that appears to have been then very prevalent.
In the life of our saint,1 it is related that when Canice
came to the west of Leinster he found a great assemblage
of people with Cormac, the son of Diarmaid, chief of
Hy Bairrche. " Then a little boy, was led forth by the
people to a cruel death called Giallcherd. It consisted
in this — the spears of the military were fixed upright in the
ground, and the hostage of those who violated their engage-
ment was seized and flung upon them. The name of this
* Cap. 38.
934 St. Canice, Abbot and Confessor,
cruel amusement, \" the Gillacherd or foreign art," betrays its
origin. When St. Canice perceived the horrible act which was
about to be perpetrated, he prayed to have the boy set free.
His entreaties were unheeded, and the innocent youth was
pitched high into the air so as to fall back on the spears
which were held erect to receive him. Through the prayers
of St. Canice, the boy escaped the bristling points, and was
saved. Terrified by his extreme danger his eyes became
awry, and the name Leabdeare, or crooked eye, was affixed
to his name Dolne — Dolne Leabdeare. He became a disciple
of St. Canice, and afterwards founded a church, around
which grew up a town, which was called Killdolne Leabdeare.
About fifty years after the death of St. Canice, Cuimin of
Connor commemorated it in an Irish verse, of which the
following is a translation : —
" Canice of the mortifications loved
To be in a bleak woody desert,
Where there were none to attend on him
But only the wild deer."
As was the case with other Irish saints, there was a
legend that the deer became so tame in the saint's presence
that he could, whilst engaged in study, rest his book or
manuscript on their antlers.
The favourite retreat of St. Canice was a solitary spot in a
marshy bog called Lough-cree, situated between Bpscrea and
Borris-in-Ossory. There the saint erected a cell, and thither
he loved to retire, in order to enjoy the sweets of silent
meditation in the study of Sacred Scriptures. It became,
in later times, a favourite resort for pilgrims, and it was
popularly known as Monahincha, or "Insula Viventium."
On this island Canice more than once passed the whole
time of Lent, keeping a rigorous fast for forty days. There
also he completed a beautiful copy of the Latin Gospels,
adding a cantena or commentary which was highly prized
throughout the Irish Church. This precious manuscript,
called Class-Canneche, was still extant in the beginning of the
seventeenth century, and is, according to Cardinal Moran,
one of those ancient copies of the Gospels now preserved in,
the library of Trinity College, Dublin,
Patron of the City of Kilkenny. 935
• At Aghaboe it was that our venerable abbot spent the
evening of his life in prayer and penance, in the government
of his monastery, the study of the Sacred Scriptures, and in
spiritual conferences with the holy personages by whom
he was surrounded. St. Brendan of Birr, St. Mochaomog
of Liath (now Leemokeevogue), near Thurles, the holy
community of Saigher, and St. Fintan of Clonenagh
(Mountrath), resided within easy distance of the last earthly
domicile of St. Canice at Aghaboe. The society of such
holy men must have been to St. Canice a source of the
sweetest consolation, a foretaste of the delights of Paradise.
And when, after the labours of spring, the heats of summer,
and the toil of that luxuriant harvest, our saint was
summoned in this season of autumn, at the advanced age
of eighty-four, to meet the Master of the vineyard, it was
from the hand of his loved friend and neighbour, the fervent
Fintan of the " Ivy Meadow," that he received, for the last
time, that Bread of Life which was to be to him the seed
of a glorious immortality. And so, after imparting his
blessing to the assembled brethren, and exhorting them to
perseverance in prayer and penance, he passed to his heavenly
reward at Aghaboe, on the llth October, about the year 599.
MEMOKIALS OF ST. CANICE
The relics of St. Canice, after having escaped the ravages
of the Northmen, were enshrined in the church of the
monastry of Aghaboe, in 1052. The shrine and relics of
our saint were, however, ruthlessly burned, in 1346, by
Diarmid MacGillapatrick, Prince of Ossory. Clyn's graphic
notice of this outrage is as follows : — " Item, on Friday, the
13th of May, Diarmid MacGillapatrick, the one-eyed, ever
noted for treachery and treasons, making light of perjury,
and aided by O'Carroll, burned the town of Aghaboe ; and
venting his parricidal rage against the cemetery, the church
and shrine of that most holy man, St. Canice, the abbot,
consumed them, together with the bones and relics, by a
most cruel fire."1
In the National Museum, Kildare-street, is preserved a
\ Pages 32, 33.
936 St. Canice, Abbot and Confessor,
small ancient bronze, representing in relief the figure of an
ecclesiastic, bearing in his left hand a book, and in the
right a short episcopal staff or cambutta. St. Canice was of
small stature, and was dubbed by his enemies, Parvulus
baculatus; that is, " the little man with the staff." " This
antique bronze was found in the church-yard of Aghaboe ;
it would seem, from the rivet -holes remaining, to have been
a portion of the ornamental work of an ancient shrine.
Perhaps it is the sole remaining vestige which has survived
' the most cruel fire ' of the one-eyed MacGillapatrick."* The
bronze representation or figure is considered by Mr.Westwoodi
and other eminent palseographists to form one of the three
earliest known of the short pastoral staff used by Irish
prelates. The grandest surviving monument of our saint is
St. Canice's Cathedral, Kilkenny, which has witnessed so
many vicissitudes in Irish history, and whose own history,
architecture and antiquities have been so splendidly illus-
trated by two liberal and learned Protestants, Messrs. Prim
and Graves. The Catholic deanery and parochial church of
St. Canice, Kilkenny, and the beautiful church of Aghadoe,
are also very creditable and well-kept temples, in which the
old devotion of Ossory to her patron and protector is
preserved and fostered, and his festival kept with great
solemnity every year.
ST. CANICE'S WELL
The Archives of the Corporation of Kilkenny preserve
among their most valuable deeds and charters the original
grant made by Bishop Geoffrey, of Ossory, about the year
1244, to the Friars Preachers of the Black Abbey, Kilkenny,
of a supply of water from St. Canice's well for the use of the
religious of the monastery. To the stipulation is added, that
the circumference of the water-pipe at the well should not
be larger than that of the bishop's ring; and at the end,
where it enters the monastery, it should be only of such a
size that it could be stopped by a man's little finger. A
facsimile of this interesting concession has been printed by
Gilbert in The Irish National MSS. series, vol. ii., n.
2 Hist* of St. Canice's Cathedra}, Prim & Graves, page, 19..
Patron of the City of Kilkenny. 937
It still retains a considerable portion of the bishop's seal.
A ring of copper is attached to the seal to mark the size of
the bishop's ring.
The Dominican Bishop Hugh who governed the diocese
from 1258 to 1260, granted to his religious brethren of the
Black Abbey, the custody of St. Canice's Holy Well, which
was much frequented by pilgrims and by the citizens.
Lynch writes that many persons in his day continued to
visit it through piety or in search of health ; and he also
attests that many miraculous cures were every day effected
by using this water and invoking the aid of St. Canice.
There is also a beautiful tradition to the effect that any
native of the "faire citie" by the Nore who drinks of the
waters before leaving home for the foreign land will surely
live to return to his native shore.
" For it is a tender story, and an old tradition hoary,
That in battle dread or gory, or upon the ocean's breast,
He will ne'er meet death, or never die by cold or burning
fever,
Till the old land, tho' he leaves her — he shall see — this is
the spell
Which unto the peasant's thinking, comes by simply drinking,
If his faith be all unshrinking, from St. Kenny's Holy Well."
The holy friendship between SS. Canice and Columba
is proved and perpetuated in Ossory by the fact of having six
old parishes placed under the patronage of St. Columbkille,
Scanlan, King of Ossory, in gratitude to St. Columba, for
having liberated him from the cruel treatment and imprison-
ment to which, as a hostage, he was subjected at the hands
of Aedh MacAinmire, King of Ireland, fixed an impost of
one sgrebal, that is, of three pence, on each hearth of his
principality, from Bladma to the sea, which was to be paid
every year to the community of St. Columba, at Durrow, in
Osraidhe.
" My kin and tribes to thee shall pay
Tho' numberless they were as grass,
A sgrebal from each hearth that lies,
From Bladma's summit to the sea." 1
St. Columba, on his part, gave his blessing to Scanlan,
? Amlra Coluimcille.
938 The Philosophical Institute of Louvain.
his descendants and subjects, as we also read in the
Ambra : —
" My blessing rest on Osraidhe's sons,
And on her daughter's sage and bright ;
My blessing on her soil and sea,
For Osraidhe's King obeys my word."1
N. MURPHY, P.P.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL INSTITUTE OF LOUVAIN
WE have been asked by the Eight Eev. Mgr. Mercier, of
the University of Louvain, to submit to the gracious
consideration of the Irish bishops the claims of the new
" Philosophical Institute," with the direction of which he
has been charged by our Holy Father Leo XIII. He also
expressed a desire that we should bring his institution,
through the medium of the I. E. RECCED, under the notice
of the clergy of Ireland. He is particularly anxious to
secure for it some distinguished Irish students, whether
clerical or lay ; and, with that object in view, he communi-
cated to us a short account of the origin and aim of the
important etablishment over which he is placed.
In his marvellous zeal for the enlightenment and salvation
of all classes and* grades of society, Pope Leo XIII., in the
year 1884, after previous consultation with the Belgian bishops
and the authorities of the University of Louvain, sent for
Mgr. Mercier, and explained to him the idea that he had
conceived to meet the wants of the present time in the
matter of philosophical teaching. The following was the
substance of the Holy Father's commission.
Scientists incline too often towards positivism, agnos-
ticism, and similar errors, because they have no philosophical
training. They confine themselves too exclusively to
observation and experiment, without having gone through
the necessary preliminaries, or bestowed sufficient thought
1 O'Mahony's Keatiiiy, p. 458.
Patricianar Rev. J, F. Shearman, No. XII,
The Philosophical Institute of Louvain. 939
on the intellectual process which leads unerringly to truth.
They have so far discarded the technical terms of the science
which was so laboriously and successfully built up in the days
of St. Thomas, that they are now actually ignorant of their
meaning. Of the solution of the whole body of philosophical
problems given by Catholic teachers they know scarcely
anything. They have a native distrust of professional
Catholic scientists whom they regard merely as advocates
or special pleaders for their creed, and whose interest in
scientific progress must, as they imagine, necessarily be
limited and directed by the results which from the outset are
sought to be attained. This special difficulty of the present
time has been admirably presented by Mgr. Mercier himself
in an address which he delivered at the Catholic Congress
in Mechlin in 1891. Speaking of the causes which have led
to the present attitude of hostility on the part of non-Catholic
scientists, he says : —
" Une seconde cause, dont I'influence est plus generale, c'est
cette idee precongue que le savant catholique est un soldat au
service de sa foi religieuse, et que la science ne pent etre, entre
ses mains, qu'une arme pour la defense de 'son credo. II semble,
aux yeux d'un grand nombre, que le savant catholique soit
toujours sous le coup d'une excommunication qui le menace ou
enlace dans des dogmes qui le genent, et que, pour rester fidele
a sa foi, il doive renoncer a 1'amour desinteresse et a la culture
libre de la science. De la la defiance qui 1'accueille : une
publication qui emane d'une institution catholique — les institu-
tions protestantes sont jugees plus favourablement, sans doute
parce qu'elles ont donne par leur revolte contre 1'autorite religieuse
des preuves d'independance —est traitee eomme un plaidoyer pro
domo, comme une these d'apologetique a laquelle on refuse a
priori les honneurs d'un examen impartial et objectif."
Catholic philosophers, on the other hand, deal generally
with theological questions more than with scientific ones ;
and so it happens that their language is misunderstood, or
rather not heard at all, by men of science. When they
come to treat of scientific questions they are too often
on the defensive, too timid in their attacks, too seldom
able to carry the warfare into the ranks of their enemies.
They are too much given to collecting the results already
obtained, and endeavouring to reconcile them with their
940 The Philosophical Institute of Louvain.
speculative convictions. Too few amongst them break new
ground or add anything to the general stock of know-
ledge. And yet this is what the present generation prizes
more than anything else. The synthetic and comprehensive
view of science has given way, in a great measure, to minute
observation and almost infinite analysis. Special rather than
general laws engage " the attention of the most earnest
workers. Mgr. Mercier lays particular stress on this phase
of the question : —
"Pour beaucoup d'entre nous, la science consiste sourtout a
apprendre, a collectionner les resultats deja acquis, et a tenter de
les synthetiser sous la direction de la Foi ou de la metaphysique
spiritualiste. La science contemporaine n'a plus ces visees
comprehensives, ces allures synthetiques ; elle esfc avant tout une
science d'observations partielles, minutieuses, une science
d'analyse. Notre siecle a con9u une defiance extreme pour les
conclusions generales et les constructions d'ensemble ; les
nouveaux moyens d'investigation mis a sa disposition ont accru
sans mesure son pouvoir de decomposer, et fait naitre un desir
intense de reprehendre 1'examen des choses par 1'observation
patiente de leurs elements. Nous, au contraire, sous 1'influence
de notre education theologique qui part de principes immuables
pour en deduire des conclusions, par respect pour une tradition
dont nous avons 1'honneur de garde le depot, par crainte peut-
6tre de certaines surprises de 1'inconnu ou de hardiesses temeraires,
nous sommes restes avant tout des homines de synthese.
" De cette difference de point de vue dans la facon de consi-
derer la science, resulte cette consequence, qui les catholiques se
resignent trop facilement au role secondaire d'adeptes de la
science et que trop peu parmi eux ont 1'ambition de travailler,
comme le disait si bien naguere notre venere President dans son
discours inaugural a 1'Universite, a ce que Ton a nomme la science
a faire ; trop peu visent a rassembler et a f aconner les mate'riaux
qui doivent servir a former dans 1'avenir la synthese rajeunie do
la science et de la philosophie chretienne. Sans doute cette
synthese finale s'harmonisera avec les dogmes de notre Credo et
avec les principes fondamentaux de la sagesse chretienne, mais
ne attendant que cette harmonie eclate dans tout son jour, lea
objections que 1'incredulite souleve la voilent aux yeux du grand
nombre, et parce que les notres ne sont pas tou jours la pour y
opposer avec la competence et 1'autorite voulue la reponse directe
et immediate qu'elles reclament, le doutes surgissent et les
convictions s'ebranlent ; les materiaux sont groupes, ranges
classes sans nous et trop souvent centre nous, et 1'incredulite
accapare a son profit le prestige scientifique que ne deyerait servir;
qu'a la propagation de la verite."
The Philosophical Institute of Louvain 941
There is thus a general clashing of interests, which to a
great extent arises more from misunderstanding and want of
knowledge than from any other cause. The Holy Father's
aim was to find out a remedy for this unfortunate situation,
equally harmful to the Church and to science. He, there-
fore, entrusted Mgr. Mercier with the important charge of
founding an institute where science and philosophy could be
combined, and where the teachings of St. Thomas, and the
advancement of the physical sciences could be promoted
together. To this noble purpose the Holy Father contributed
about six thousand pounds. Several generous Belgian
Catholics supplemented this generous gift, and enabled
Mgr. Mercier to erect a large and handsome pile of build-
ings, specially suited to the purpose for which they are
destined. It contains a spacious library, a chemical labora-
tory, a hall for experimental psychology, and a fine suite of
lecture-rooms, with all the most recent appliances ; besides
apartments for the professors, and a suitable residence for the
president.
A special staff of professors was prepared for that great
work since 1885. There are now five of them specially
attached to the institute. Each of them had to take his
degree, first, in Thornistic philosophy ; and, secondly, in a
special department of science, either in physical and mathe-
matical sciences, or in chemistry, or in biology, or in social
economy, or in historical and political sciences. In addition
to them, the ordinary professors of the Catholic University
are called in to fill the chairs still wanting in the Institute.
All the professors must be members of the pre-existing
faculties of the University. In that capacity x they share in
the life and proceedings of the various faculties to which
they belong ; but, at the same time, they form a body by
themselves. They have a permanent dean in the person of
the rector, who is ex-qfficio a member of the Rectorial
Council. The institute is not merely an appendage of
the University ; it is an integral part of it, and has been
repeatedly so declared by the Holy Father. So great is the
interest which the Pope takes in the success of the Institute,
1 See Tablet, September 15th, page 403.
942 The Philosophical Institute of Louvain.
that he has himself composed two elegant Latin inscriptions,
destined to be placed in some conspicuous part of the exterior
of the building.
The students are either laymen or ecclesiastics. There is
a special house of residence for ecclesiastical students. It
is called the Seminary of Leo XIIL The whole course of
studies lasts four years. The degrees which the Institute is
empowered to confer are those of Bachelorship, Licentiate,
and Doctorate in Philosophy ; and after a fourth year, for
some specially prominent students, the degree of " Agrege
de Flnstitut Superieur de Philosophic."
The energy and determination with which Leo XIII.
has followed up the cherished project, are worthy of the
great character of the Pontiff. Already in 1880, he had
written to the late Cardinal Dechamps, Archbishop of
Mechlin, exhorting him in conjunction with the other
Belgian bishops, to erect a chair of Thomistic Philosophy
in their great University : —
" Nihilominus tamen, perspecta conditione temporum, Nos
omnino censemus, nunc esse acrius ac vigilantius elaborandum
quam antea in imbuenda penitus juventute largioribus iisdemque
sinceris atque incorruptis philosophiae fontibus. Eamque ob
causam tibi, dilecte fili Noster, auctores, sumus, ut Nostra cum
ceteris episcopis Belgicis consilia communices, rogataque singu-
lorum sententia, perficias ut in Universitate studiorum Lovaniensi
schola singularis, data opera, instituatur Thomae Aquinati audito-
ribus interpretando. Id tibi impense suademus turn propter
communis salutis studium, turn maxime quia periculis permo-
vemur, quibus Belgicam juventutem videmus oppositam. Etenim
effrenata ilia, quae in Belgio dominatur, cogitandi scribendique
libertas pessimarum opinionum portenta peperit ; atque in ipsis
scholis publicis non pauci sunt, qui christianos spiritus in adoles-
centium animis extinguere, et initia causasque impietatis serere
audacissime moliuntur. Tuque, dilecte fili Noster, qui nefarias
istas improborum hominum artes cominus intueris, facile intel-
ligis, quam multi, doctrinis praesertim Naturalistarum et
Materialistarum decepti, ad perniciem quotidie devocentur.
Quare contra pravarum opinionum auctores oportet in Univer-
sitate Loveniensi munire adolescentes sanae philosophiae armis,
et patribus familias christianis institutionem liberorum praestare
ab omnibus erroribus tutam ac defensam. Cujus rei major etiam
necessitas cernitur, si consideretur, posse complures ex Academiae
subselliis ad honores aliquando assurgere, ad munera publica,
The Philosophical Institute of Louvain. 943
ad ipsa gubernacula civitate; neque eos posse meus tueri
populorum salutem, et communitatis bono efficacius consulere,
quam si ad rempublicam accesserint, insidente penitusque in
animis insculpta Christiana philosophia."
Following still further on the same lines, the Holy
Father writes again, in 1888, to Cardinal Goosens, who had
meantime become Primate of Belgium and Archbishop
of Mechlin. Congratulating him and the other Belgian
bishops on the success of their first effort, the Holy Father
continues : —
" Verumtamem quemadmodum haec Nos bene posita initia
delectant, sic reliqua sapienter et accurate perficienda censemus.
Neque dubitamus quin ipse, Venerabilis Frater, ceterique Bel-
garum episcopi, Nobiscum plane consentiatis ; siquidem novistis,
Thomae Aquinatis doctrinam turn quidem fructus allaturum
plene cumulateque perfectos, si largius atque enucleatius
tractetur, cunctis ejus partibus, disputando, investigando, com-
prehensis : quae partes unum velut corpus efficiunt, sed unus
omnes assequi complectique in docendo non potest.
" Itaque utile esse atque expedire magnopere videtur, ejus
disciplinae augeri magisteria, ex quibus scilicet inter se ratione
nexis atque ordine colligatus institutem doctrinae thomisticae
tradendae seorsim existat. Magna haec esset eademque singu-
laris laus, unde accessionem gloriae caperet non mediocrem
nobile istud optimorum studiorum Lovaniense domicilium. In
quo sane saluberrimarum doctrinarum opes, velut in magno
quodam emporio, sibi large paratas reperirent non solum clerici
sed etiam laici, ita ut vis quaedam, salutis publicae conserva-
trix, ex Lovaniensi studiorum Universitate in civitatem totam
manaret."
Again, in 1889, he follows with another letter to Cardinal
Goosens, to congratulate him on having entrusted the
direction of the new Institute to his beloved son, Desire
Mercier, in whom he expresses his fullest confidence : —
" Dilecte Fili Noster, Salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem.
Per alias litteras idibus julii anno superiore datas Nostram tibi
sententiam explicavimus de philosophise studiis in illustri Athenaeo
Lovaniensi amplificandis. Equidem necessum, nedum oppor-
tunum, esse ducimus ea recte et ordine dispertita sic tradi
alumnis, ut complexa quidquid veterum sapientia tulit et sedula
recentiorum adjecit industria large copioseque eos sint paritura
fructus, qui religioni pariter et civili societati proficiant. Qua
vero ratione et ope ea res expediri commodius et perfici possit
944 The Philosophical Institute of Louvain.
perpensis etiam difficultatibus quas praecavere oportet, id tibi non
ita pridem significari curavimus per dilecturn filium Nostrum
Cardinalem a publicis negotiis Administrum. Jamvero libenter
comperimus te aliosque Belgarum Episcopos non modum pro-
pensam huic consilio Nostro, proutet ceteris ostendisse voluntatem,
sed etiam rei gerendae initia fecisse. Novimus scilicet renuntia-
tum fuisse praesidem Instituti philosophiae superioris dilectum
filium Desideratum Mercier, Urbanum Antistitem, virum multa
doctrinae, philosophiae praesertim, laude praestantem ejusque
provehendae studiosissimum, eidemque curam novi operis rite
ordinandi apteque constituendi fuisse demandatam. Collatum
huic munos ultro confirmamus auctoritate Nostra, ac certa spe
nitimur fore ut ille favore ac praesidio fultus Belgarum Antistitum
et Rectoribus Athenaei protinus et impigre salutari huic operi
manus adnioveat, nee ulli parcat vigiliae aut labori donee nobile
incoeptum feliciter videat absolutum. Huic operi aggrediendo,
pro tenui largiendi facultate, quae Nobis suppetit in hisce rerum
angustiis, centum addiximus et quinquaginta rnillia argenteorum
francicorum, prout jam tibi Nostro nomine nunciatum fttit, Quo
munere testari voluimus cum favorem, pro magnum Lyceum
Lovaniense prosequimur, turn patriam caritatem qua Belgarum
populum, complectimur, cujus haeret adhuc animo Nostro suavis-
sima nee ulla temporis vi delenda recordatio. Profecto haud
ignoramus sumptibus longe amplioribus opus esse ad institutum
perficiendum, quod Athenaei Lovaniensis dignitati congruat et
scopum quo spectat prorsus attingat. Sed enim Nobis spem
facit, opes collatum iri incepto pares, cum actuosa pietas sacrorum
Antistitum, turn perspecta liberalitas fidelium Belgarum, quae
luculenter enituit quoties religionis tutelae et increment! s vel
publico bono prospiciendem fuit."
In 1892, he writes again, this time to the rector of the
new establishment, Mgr. Mercier himself: —
" Dilecte Fili, salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem. Tarn
gratum Nobis extitit quam quod gratissimum literarum tuarum
officium. Nam quum Nobis nihil antiquius sit quam ut Clerus
solida scientia non minus quam virtute floreat, non potest Nobis
non placere vehementer consilium a te initum tuisque litteris
explicatum. Siquidem perutile atque opportunissimum fore intel-
leximus Belgicis Dioecesibus seminarium philosophicum quod
condere Lovanii moliris, Institute Superiori philosophiae thomis-
ticae adjungendum. Hoc autem novo praesidio cum stabili
ejusdem Instituti firmitati commode prospectum erit, turn
nobilis palaestra patefiet Belgicis juvenibus qui in sortem Domini
vocati sunt, iis praesertim qui celeri praestantes ingenio optimam
faciunt expectationem sui. Sacris enim disciplinis quibus eos
imbui optortet cumulum adjicient pleniore scientiae philosophicae
The Philosophical Institute of Louvain. 945
instructu, quo destitui nequeunt qui contra religiones hostes
tenentur catholicam veritatem tueri. Qua ex causa baud ambi-
gimus quin, si egregium hoc inceptum perfeceris, cum de patria
tua turn de religione optime sis meriturus, multamque adepturus
laudem penes cordatos piosque viras, praesertim sacros Antistites
qui in Belgica ditione sunt tuique beneficii maximos fructus per-
cipient. Itaque te etiam atque etiam hortamur ut eo quo spectas
progredi coritendas alacriter etdivitem in miserica Deum rogamus
et quaesumus ut operi tuo propitius faveat ac prosperos det
successus. Hujus autem divinae benignitatis auspicem esse
cupimus Apostolicam Benedictionem quam paternae caritatis
testem tibi peramanter impertimus."
And finally, on the 7th of March of the present year, he
writes to Cardinal Goosens, approving the whole work, and
the constitutions and regulations of the new Institute,
defining the position in the university of its rector and
professors, and confirming for ever their privileges and
independence as distinct from the other professors of the
university : —
" Itaque volumus ut hoc Institutum superius Philosophiae
Thomisticae adstructumque Seminarium sic habeatur, non tan-
quam Universitatis quiddam adscititium, sed immo uti pars
quaedam ad eiusdem pertinens integritatem, atque eum locum
obtineat, quern et pontificia eius origo et gravitas ipsa discip-
linae omnino exposcunt. Quapropter eius Praeses in Consilium
rectorale, ut aiunt, admittatur, eisdem quibus Decani Facultatem
iuribus, Magistri autem in aliquam adlegantur ex Facultatibus
Universitatis, quae iam sunt, paribusque ac collegae iuribus
et privilegiis eodemque Episcoporum patrocinio utantur. Quoniam
vero huic Institute peculiaris etiam est finis et suae quaedam pro-
priae distinctaeque rationes, idcirco oportere ducimus ut Magistri
suos etiam seorsum habeant coetus, Praeside moderante. Potes-
tatem autem eisdem et ius facimus ut decernant de philosophiae
gradibus, baccalaureatu, licentia, laurea, deque superiore gradu
cooptationis in Scholam S. Thomae tribuendis, accedente tamen
Eectoris Universitatis comprobatione. Quae omnia et singula
iubemus rata et firma consistere, neve in posterum iniussu Nostro
vel successorurn, de iis quidquam immutari. Mandamus praeterea
ut leges et praescripta turn Institute turn a dnexi Seminarii oppor-
tune ad Nos, per sacrum Consilium studiis regundis, probanda,
confirmanda deferantur. Minime autem dubitamus quin Athe-
naum Lovaniense, cuius in nos atque in Apostolicam Sedem
obsequium multa eaque egregia argumenta testantur, eidem
Institute, Nobis vel maxime accepto, opimone qua .coepit et
animo suffragan insistat. Utraque vero ex parte observantia et
VOL. XV. 3 o
946 The Philosophical Institute of Louvain.
conoordia, qua quidem stabiliendis educendisque rebus nihil est
aptius, idemque public! boni studium ita eertent optamus, ut in
dies utrique decus augeatur et laborum honestissimorum ubertas.
Sed in hoc ipso prudentia operaque vestra, Venerabiles Fratres,
plurimum nos posse confidere iampridem perspectum certuraque
habemus : quos enim res ipsa perstudiosos nacta est ad exorien-
dum fautores, eis profecto ad prospere consistendum patronis erit
optimis laetatura. Hoc denique restat pientissimum votum, ut
conditum Institutum Doctor ipse Angelicus, cuius nomine et
tutela insigniter gaudet, benigna in omne tempus gratia respi-
ciat, sapientia et virtute sua illustret : quo praestite, communia
consilia, opera, spes, perinde ecclesiae et civitati succedant
feliciter."
At the end of a short communication addressed to us
by Mgr. Mercier, in which the information contained above
was embodied, the rector concludes : — " We hope the Irish
people who were always in the first rank of the nations for
their devotion to learning and to the Holy See, and among
whom many able and promising young men are to be found,
will be neither the least nor the last to share the advantages
of the Institute of Lou vain."
This short but friendly appeal we may leave to
speak for itself. It is altogether unnecessary for us to lay
stress on the special claims of Louvain to our grateful and
sympathetic support. Its great university deserves well of
Ireland and of the Catholic Church. Some of the most
sacred memories of our ecclesiastical history are associated
with its schools, and are part of its merit and its glory. In
its historic halls many of our martyred prelates won the
"scholastic laurels which for them were but emblems and
presages of the more lasting wrreaths which they were to
acquire at the cost of life and blood. It was there that the
illustrious Dermot O'Hurley obtained his degrees in arts,
and taught philosophy for five years. There also his brother
in faith and martyrdom, Kichard Creagh, is inscribed in the
roll of graduates. There again, the Jesuit fathers and
martyrs, Nicholas Comerford, William Bathe, and James
Archer, obtained their degrees in philosophy and theology.
To Louvain our persecuted friars were welcomed, when to
remain at home in Ireland would have been certain death.
The Irish Dominicans, Gregory and Henry Joyce, founded
The Philosophical Institute of Louvain. 1)47
there a convent of their order in 1656. The Irish Carmelites
had taken refuge there long before, and had got charge of
the College of St. Placidius. But it was there particularly
that our Irish Franciscans found a refuge and a home, under
the protection of Philip III. of Spain. The foundation-
stone of their convent, dedicated to St. Anthony of Padua,
was laid in 1616, by Princes Albert and Isabella. In its
humble cells, some of the best work that was ever done
for Ireland was conceived and carried out. It was there
that John Colgan compiled his invaluable Acta Sanctorum
Hiberniae. It was there that Hugh Ward wrote his famous
work, De Patria Sancti Eumoldi, and that his colleague and
contemporary, Patrick Fleming, compiled his Collectanea
Sacra, and taught philosophy and theology before setting out
for Prague to receive his martyr's crown at the hands of the
heretics of Saxony. It was from Louvain that Brother
Michael O'Cleary started on the noble errand that resulted
in The Annals of the Four Masters. Many of our exiled
Irish gentry sought there the education and culture which
was denied them in their native land, and in their undying
fidelity to the Catholic faith, spent a considerable part
of their rescued fortunes in establishing burses and scholar-
ships for the education of their persecuted countrymen.
More than one of the latter upheld the credit of Irish
intellectual capacity in its halls of philosophy and
theology, both as students and professors. In later times
also many important favours have been conferred on
the clergy of Ireland, and on Maynooth in particular
by the authorities of Louvain and of the Belgian Govern-
ment.
But independent of such considerations as these, the
Institute of Louvain offers advantages and attractions
worthy of attention. The Holy Father intended that the
Institute should be not only -for Belgium, but for the
Catholic world ; not national, but international.
Unfortunately, we have not in this country a single
institution of higher Catholic education, in which either
layman or cleric can get a complete all-round course
of instruction in such branches as are taught in this
948 Liturgical Notes.
establishment ; and especially have we none in which the
atmosphere of university and Catholic life is breathed, that
bracing atmosphere in which not alone the mind but the heart
and character are formed under the thousand influences
that go to make a thorough Catholic, conscious of his
security in the possession of truth, and capable not only
of defending the faith that is in him, but of proving and
showing clearly that all other is groundless and deceptive.
Whilst we still wait and struggle for our rights in this
matter. Louvain proffers us the advantage of its institute
and asks us, through Mgr. Mercier to submit its claims
to the gracious consideration of bishops and clergy. We
do so with pleasure, and we are sure that any request
coming from such a quarter will receive the attention it
deserves.
J. F. HOGAN,
Editor I.E.R.
liturgical IRotes
THE CONFEATEENITY OF THE HOLY EOSAEY
IT is now generally admitted that the Kosary owes its
present form to the great St. Dominic, who, according to
a pious and well-founded tradition, received it from our
Blessed Lady herself. Always since the time of St. Dominic
a popular devotion amongst the faithful, it has again and
again received the fullest and most cordial approval from
the successors of St. Peter, while the innumerable miracles,
as well in the natural as in the supernatural order, which
the faith of the people have attributed to this beautiful and
powerful devotion, have likewise received recognition at the
hands of many Supreme Pontiffs. But of all the Popes
who have sat in the Chair of St. Peter from the days of
St. Dominic until our own, no one has spoken more highly
The Confraternity of the Holy llosary, 949
of the Rosary, no one has been more indefatigable in season
and out of season, in inculcating this devotion, and in
endeavouring to impress on Catholics the advantages to be
derived from practising it, than the present occupant of the
Holy See, our Holy Father Pope Leo XIII. In testimony
of his zeal in this holy cause, we have but to appeal to the
consecration by him of the month of October to the Bosary,
and to the numerous Encyclicals on the Bosary which have
emanated from his pen. With unflagging zeal and unfailing
regularity he exhorts the faithful as each succeeding October
comes round to renewed fervour in the practice of this
devotion. The latest of these exhortations we publish in
our present number ; and it will be seen that this, like all
that preceded it, breathes the tenderest devotion and the
firmest confidence in her on whom Leo XIII. has conferred
the title of " Queen of the Most Holy Eosary."
We are well aware that our readers do not need any
exhortation from us to induce them to practise the devotion
of the Eosary, or if they be priests, to strenuously recom-
mend the practice of it to those under their care. The love
for this devotion, and the confidence in the intercession of
our Blessed Lady, which have been ever entertained by
Irish priests, and by the Irish people, would render it
presumptuous on our part even to emphasize for their benefit
the teaching of our Holy Father regarding the frequent and
fervent recitation of the Eosary. There is one important
point, however, in connection with the Eosary— or rather
one important form of the devotion of the Eosary — on
which without appearing to be presumptuous, we may speak,
and on which we have long been waiting for an opportunity
of speaking. We refer to the Confraternity of the Holy
Eosary, which for some unaccountable reason does not
seem to be duly appreciated amongst us. There is hardly
another — if there be even one. other — confraternity in the
Church so enriched with indulgences and other spiritual
gifts as is this confraternity ; and there is hardly another
the erection and direction of which are more simple, or of
which the exercises can be more conveniently practised, or
the rules more easily observed by people in the world. With
950 Liturgical Notes.
the hope, therefore, of inducing priests to establish this
confraternity, and thereby giving their people an oppor-
tunityjof participating in the vast spiritual treasures which are
thrown open to its members, we will state as briefly as may
be what is necessary for the valid erection of the confra-
ternity, and for valid membership of it.
According to some writers the Confraternity of the
Kosary dates back to the time of St. Dominic himself, and
in proof of this they state that one was founded at Valence
in France in 1221, the year of the saint's death.1 But it
was not until the latter half of the fifteenth century that
this confraternity became popular. During that period the
children of St. Dominic took care to have a confraternity
of the Kosary connected with each of the numerous churches
of which they then had charge. Among the confraternities
of this name then established the most famous was one
established in Cologne in the year 1475, by Jacob Springer,
Prior of the Dominican Convent in that city.2 About this
time too the Holy See began to bestow on this confraternity
the privileges which succeeding Popes have so increased
and extended. Sixtus IV., Leo X., Clement VII., Pius V.,
Sixtus V., and many other Popes, are mentioned as having
conferred new favours and confirmed those already bestowed.3
1. A priest about to [erect a confraternity of the Kosary
must first of all procure from his bishop, in writing, per-
mission to erect this particular confraternity. In the case
of a new, or of a little-known confraternity, it is necessary
for the priest to submit to the bishop for his approval the
statutes of the confraternity ; but the Confraternity of the
Kosary is now so ancient, and so well known, that this
formality may, we think, be dispensed with. The permission
in writing to establish the confraternity must come from the
bishop himself ; the permission or approval of a vicar-
general is not sufficient unless] he has received special
delegation for this purpose from the bishop. And in this
case he must make mention in his letter granting the
Beringer, Indulgences, &c., torn, ii, partic 2, sect. 4, p. 179.
Esser, Rosenkrantz, p. 289.
8 Beringer, loc. cit.
The Confraternity of the Holy Rosary. 951
required permission of the fact that he has received special
delegation.1 Sede vacante a vicar capitular cannot, unless
in virtue of special powers granted by the Holy See, give
valid permission for the erection of a confraternity.2 Further
on we will give a specimen of a convenient form in which
request for the permission of the bishop to erect the
confraternity may be couched.
2. Having received the written permission of the bishop
the parish priest or rector of the church in connection with
which the confraternity is to be established will forward a
copy3 of the bishop's letter to the General of the Dominicans
accompanied by a request that he will authorize the erection
of the confraternity. For it must be borne in mind that,
even in countries under the care of Propaganda, bishops
have not power to so erect confraternities of the Eosary
that they will enjoy the peculiar privileges of this confra-
ternity. All other confraternities they have power to erect
and to enrich with their special indulgences and privileges,
but the Confraternity of the Rosary belongs so exclusively to
the Order of St. Dominic, that no one but the General of
the Order is empowered to impart to new erections the
privileges peculiar to this confraternity,
D. O'LOAN.
(To be continued.)
1 " An vicarii generates possint valide dare conseiisum pro erectionibus
Confraternitatum SSmi. Rosarii ex special! Episcopi delegatioue ? Resp.
Affirmative, facta mentione specialis delegatione." (S. C. Ind., Aug. 2,
1888.)
2 Beringer, loc. cit., p. 47.
8 The original, together with the diploma from the General of the
Dominicans, must be placed in the archives of the church.
I 052 ]
^Documents
ENCYCLICAL LETTER OF HIS HOLINESS POPE LEO XIII., ON
THE ROSARY
SANCTISSIMI DOMINI NOSTRI LEONIS DIVINA PROVIDENTIA PAPAE XIII.
EPISTOLA ENCYCLICA AD PATRIARCHAS, PRIMATES, ARCHI-
EPISCOPOS, EPISCOPOS, ALIOSQUE LOCORUM ORDINARIOS PACEM
ET COMMUNIONEM CUM APOSTOLICA SEDE HARENTES
DE ROSARIO MARIAE
VENERABILIBUS FRATRIBUS PATRIARCHIS, PRIMATIBUS, ARCHI-
EPISCOPIS, ET EPISCOPIS, ALIISQUE LOCORUM ORDINARIIS PACEM
ET COMMUNIONEM CUM APOSTOLICA SEDE HABENTIBUS
LEO PP. XIII.
VENERABILES FRATRES SALUTEM ET APOSTOLICAM BENEDICTIONEM
Jucunda semper expectatione erectaque spe Octobrem mensem
conspicimus redeuntem ; qui, hortatione et praescripto Nostro
dicatus Virgin! Beatissimae, non paucos iam annos concordi per
catholicas gentes et vivida ROSARII floret pietate. Quae nos ad
hortandum moverit causa, non semel ediximus. Nam calamitosa
Ecclesiae civitatumque tempora quum praesentissimum Dei
auxilium omnino deposcerent, hoc nimirum Matre eius depre-
catrice implorandum esse censuimus, eoque praecipue supplicandi
ritu contendendum, cuius virtutem christianus populus numquam
sibi non saluberrimam sensit. Idenimvero sensit et ipsa marialis
Eosarii origine, turn in fide sancta a nefariis tutanda incursions
hominum haereticorum, turn in consentanea virtutum laude, quae
per saeculum corrupti exempli relevanda erat et sustinenda :
idque perenni sensit privatim et publice beneficiorum cursu,
quorum memoria praeclaris etiam institutis et monumentis
ubique est consecrata. Similiter in aetatem nostram, multiplice
rerum discrimine laborantem, fructus inde salutares provenisse
commemorando laetamur : attamen circumspicientes, Venerabiles
Fratres, videtis ipsi causas adhuc insidere partimque ingravescere,
quamobrem hoc item anno obsecrandae caelestis Eeginae ardor,
Nostra exhortatione, vestris in gregibus excitetur. Accedit quod,
intima in Bosarii natura cogitationem defigentibus, quanto Nobis
eius praestantia utilitatesque illustrius apparent, tanto acuitur
desideriuni et spes, posse adeo commendationem Nostram, ut
Documents. 953
eiusdem sacratissimae precis religio, aucta in animis cognitione
et amplificata consuetudine, optimis vigeat incrementis. Cuius rei
gratia non ea quidem revocaturi sumus quae superioribus annis
varia in eodem genere ratione libuit edisserere : illud potius ad
considerandum docendumque occurrit, qua divini consilii excel-
lentia fiat, ut, ope Eosarii, et impetrandi fiducia in animos
precantium suavissime influat et materna in homines almae
Virginis miseratio sum ma benignitate ad opitulandum respondeat.
Quod Mariae praesidium orando quaerimus, hoc sane, tam-
quam in fundamento, in munere nititur conciliandae nobis divinae
gratiae, quo ipsa continenter fungitur apud Deum, dignitate et
mentis acceptissima, longeque Caelitibus sanctis omnibus potentia
antecellens. Hoc vero munus in nullo fortasse orandi modo tarn
patet expressum quam in Eosario ; in quo partes quae fuerunt
Virginis ad salutem hominum procurandam sic recurrunt, quasi
praesenti effectu explicatae : id quod habet eximimn pietatis
emolumentum, sive sacris mysteriis ad contemplandum suc-
cedentibus, sive precibus ore pio iterandis. Principio coram sunt
GAVDTI mysteria. Films enim Dei aeternus sese inclinat ad
homines, homo factus ; assentiente vero Maria et concipiente de
Spiritu sancto. Turn Joannes materno in utero sanetificatur
charismate insigni, lectisque donis ad mas Domini parandas
instruitur ; haec tamen contingunt ex salutione Mariae, cognatam
divino amatu visentis. In lucem tandem editur Christus,
expectatio gentium, ex Virgine editur; eiusque ad incunabula
pastores et magi, primitiae fidei, pie festinantes, Infantem
inveniunt cum Maria Matre eius. Qui deinde, ut semet hostiam
Deo Patri ritu publico tradat, vult ipse in templum afferri ;
ministero autem Matris ibi sistitur Domino. Eadem, in arcana
Pueri amissione, ipsum anxia sollicitudine quaeritat reperitque
ingenti gaudio. Neque aliter loquuntur DOLORIS mysteria. In
Gethesemani horto, ubi lesus pavet maeretque ad mortem, et in
praetorio, ubi flagris caeditur, spinea corona compungitur, sup-
plicio, multatur, abest ea quidem Maria, talia vero iamdiu habet
cognita et perspecta. Quum enim se Deo vel ancillam ad matris
omcium exhibuit vel totam cum Fiiio in templo devovit, utroque
ex facto iam turn consors cum eo extitit laboriosae pro humano
genere expiationis : ex quo etiam, in acerbissimis Filii angoribus
et cruciamentis, maxime animo condoluisse dubitandum non est.
Ceterum, praesente ipsa et spectante, divinum illud sacrificium
erat conficiendum, cui victimam de se generosa aluerat ; quod in
954 Documents.
eisdem mysteriis postremum flebiliusque obversatur : stabat iuxta
Crucem Icsu Maria Mater eius, quae tacta in nos caritate immensa
utsusciperet filios, Filium ipsa suum ultro obtulit iustitiae
divinae, cum eo commoriens corde, doloris gladio transfixa. In
mysteriis denique GLOBIAE quae consequuntur, idem magnae
Virginis benignissimum munus confirmatur, re ipsa uberius.
Gloriam Filii de morte triumphantis in tacita delibat laetitia :
sedes autem superas repetentem materno affectu prosequitur ; at,
caelo digna, detinetur in terris, exorientis Ecclesiae solatrix
optima et magistra quae profundissimam divinae sapientiae, ultra
quam credit valeat, penetravit abyssum* Quoniam vero humanae
redemptionis sacramentum non ante perfectum erit quam pro-
missus a Christo Spiritus Sanctus advenerit, ipsam idcirco in
memori Cenaculo contemplamur, ubi simul cum Apostolis pro
eisque postulans inenarrabili gemitu, eiusdem Paracliti ampli-
tudinem maturat Ecclesiae, supremum Christi donum, thesaurum
nullo empore defecturum. Sed cumulato perpetuoque munere
causam nostram exoratura est, ad saeculum immortale progressa.
Scilicet ex lacrirnosa valle in civitatem sanctam Jerusalem evectam
suspicimus, choris circumfusis angelicis: colimusque in Sanctorum
gloria sublimem, quae stellanti diademae a Filio Deo aucta, apud
ipsum sedet regina et domina universorum. Haec omnia,
Venerabiles Fratres, in quibus consilium Dei proditur, consilium
sapientiae, consilium pietatis? simulque permagna in merita
Virginis Matris, elucent, neminem quidem possunt non iucunde
afficere, certa spe iniecta divinae clementiae et miserationis
administra Maria consequendae.
Eodem spectat, apte concinens cum mysteriis, precatio vocalis.
Antecedit, ut aequum est, dominica oratio ad Patrem caelestem :
quo eximiis postulationibus invocato, a solio maiestatis eius vox
supplex convertitur ad Mariam ; non alia nimirum nisi hac de
qua dicimus conciliationis et deprecationis lege, a sancto
Bernardino Senensi in hanc sententiam expressa : Omnis gratia
quae huic saeculo communicatur, triplicem habet processum. Nam
a Deo in Christum, a Christo in Virginem, a Virgine in nos
ordinatissime dispensatur.3 Quibus veluti gradibus, diversae
quidem inter se rationis, positis, in hoc extremo libentius quodam
modo longiusque ex institute Eosarii insistimus, salutatione
angelica in decades continuata, quasi ut fidentius ad ceteros
1 S. Bernardus, de XII. praerogativ. B.M. V. n. 3.
2 S. Bernardus, serm in Nativ. B.M. V. n. 6.
3 term. VI. w festis B.V.M. de Annunc. a. L c. 2,
Documents. 955
gradus, id est per Christum ad Deum Patrem, nitamur. Sic vero
eamdem salutationem toties effundimus ad Mariam, ut manca et
debilis precatio nostra necessaria fiducia sustentetur ; earn flagi-
tantes ut Deum pro nobis, nostro velut nomine, exoret. Nostris
quippe vocibus magna apud ilium et gratia et vis accesserit, si
precibus Virginis commendentur : quam blanda ipsemet invita-
tione compellat : Sonet vox tua iu auribus meis ; vox enim tua
dulcis.1 Hanc ipsam ob rein toties redeunt praedicata a nobis
quae sunt ei gloriosa nomina ad impetrandum. Earn salutamus.
quae gratiam apud Deum invenit, singulariter ab illo plenam
gratia, cuius copia ad universos proflueret ; earn cui Dominus
quanta maxima fieri possit conjunctione inhaeret, earn, in
mulieribus benedictam, quae sola maledictiouem sustulit et benc-
dictionem portavit,1 beatum ventris sui fructum, in quo bene-
dicentur omnes gentes ; earn demum Matrem Dei invocamus ; ex
qua dignitate excelsa quid non pro nobis peccatoribus certissime
exposcat, quid non speremus in omni vita et in agone spiritus
ultimo ?
Huiusmodi precibus mysteriisque qui omni diligentia et fide
vacaverit, fieri certe nequit ut non in admirationem rapiatur de
divinis in magna Virgine consiliis ad communem gentium salutem ;
atque alacri gestiet fiducia sese in tutelam eius sinumque recipere,
ea fere sancti Bernard! obtestatione : Memorare, 0 piissima Virgo
Maria, nunquam auditum a saeculo quemqiiam ad tua currentem
praesidia, tua implorantem auxilia, tua petentem suffragia esse
derelictum.
Quae autem est Rosarii virtus ad suadendam orantibus im-
petrationis fiduciam, eadem pollet ad misericordiam nostri in
animo Virginis commovendam. Illud est manifesturn quam sib!
laetabile accidat, videre nos et audire dum honestissimas petitiones
pulcherrimasque laudes rite nectimus in coronam. Quod enim,
ita comprecando, debitam Deo reddimus et optamus gloriam ;
quod nutum voluntatemque eius unice exquirimus perficiendam ;
quod eius extollimus bonitatem et munificientiam, appellantes
Patrem ac munera praestantissima indigni rogantes : hisce
mirifice delectatur Maria, vereque in pietate nostra magnificat
Dominum. Digna siquidem precatione alloquimur Deum quum
oratione dominica alloquimur. Ad ea vero quae in hac expetimus,
tarn per se recta et composita, tamque congruentia cum Christiana
fide, spe, caritate, addit pondus commendatio quaedam, Virgin!
1 Cant, ii., 14. 2 St. Thomas, op. V1IL, super salut. angel n. 8.
956 Documents.
quam gratissima. Nam cum voce nostra vox ipsa consociari
videtur lesu Filii ; qui eamdem orandi formulam conceptis verbis
tradidit auctor, praecepitque adhibendam : Sic ergo vos orabitis.1
Nobis igitur talem praeceptionem, Eosarii ritu, observantibus
propensiore ilia voluntate, ne dubitemus, officium suum, solliciti
amoris plenum, impendet ; haec autem mystica precum serta
facili ipsa vultu accipiens, bene largo munerum praemio donabit.
In quo, ut liberalissimam bonitatem eius certius nobis polliceamur,
non mediocris causa est in propria Eosarii ratione, ad recte
orandum perapta. Multa quidem et varia, quae hominis est
fragilitas, orantem avocare a Deo solent eiusque fidele propositum
intervertere : at vero qui rem probe reputet, continue perspiciet
quantum in illo efficacitatis insit, quum ad intendendam mentem
et socordiam animi excutiendam, turn ad salutarem de admissis
dolorem excitandum educendumque spiritum in caelestia. Quippe
ex duobus, ut percognitum est, constat Eosarium, distinctis inter
se coniunctisque, meditatione mysteriorum et acta per vocem
precatione. Quocirca hoc genus orandi peculiarem quamdam
hominis attentionem desiderat : qua nimirum, non solum mentem
ad Deum modo aliquo dirigat, uerum in rebus considerandis
contemplandisque ita versetur, ut etiam documenta capiat melioris
vitae omnisque alimenta pietatis. Neque enim iisdem rebus
maius quidquam aut admirabilius est, in quibus fidei christianae
vertitur summa ; quarum lumine ac virtute, veritas et iustitia et
pax, novo in terris rerum ordine laetissimisque cum fructibus
processerunt. Cum hoc illud cohaeret, quemadmodum eaedem
res gravissimae cultoribus Eosarii proponantur ; eo videlicet modo
qui ingeniis vel indoctorum accommodate conveniat. Est enim
sic institutum, non quasi proponantur capita fidei doctrinaeque
consideranda, sed potius veluti usurpanda oculis facta et reco-
lenda : quae iisdem fere atque acciderunt locis, temporibus,
personis, oblata, eo magis tenet animos utiliusque permovent.
Quod autem haec a tenoris vulgo sunt indita animis et impressa,
ideo fit ut, singulis enunciatis mysteriis, quisquis vere est orandi
studiosus, nulla prorsus imaginandi contentione, sed obvia
cogitatione et affectu per ea discurrat, abundeque sibi imbibat,
largiente Maria, rorem gratiae supernae. Alia est praeterea laus
quae acceptiora apud ipsam ea serta faciat et praemio digniora.
Quum enim ternum mysteriorum ordinem pia memoria replicamus>
hide testatior a nobis extat gratae erga ipsam affectio voluntatis ;
ita nimirum profitentibus, nunquam non expleri beneficiorum
1 Matth. vi. 9.
Documents. 957
recordatione, quibus salutem ipsa nostram inexplebili est caritate
complexa. Tantarum autem monumenta rerum frequenter in
eius conspectu diligenterque celebrata, vix adumbrare cogitando
possumus quali beatam ipsius animam usque novae laetitiae
voluptate perfundant, et quos in ea sensus exsuscitent providentiae
beneficentiaeque maternae. Atque adeo ex iisdem recordationi-
bus consequitur, ut imploratio nostra vehementiorem quemdam
ardorem concipiat et vim induat obsecrandi : sic plane, ut quot
singulatim revolvuntur mysteria, totidem subeant obsecrationis
argumenta, sane apud Virginem quantopere valitura. Nempe ad
te confugimus, snncta Dei Parens : miseros Hevae filios ne
despexeris ! Te rogamus, Conciliatrix salutis nostrae aeque
potens et clemens ; te, per suavitatem gaudiorum ex lesu Filio
perceptam, per dolorum eius inexplicabilium communionem, per
claritudinem eius gloriae in te redundantem, enixe obsecramus ;
eia nos, quamvis indignos, audi benigna et exaudi.
Vobis igitur, Venerabiles Fratres, Rosarii marialis praestantia,
duplici quoque ex parte quam laudavimus, considerata, eo fiat
apertius cur non desinat cura Nostra idem inculcare, idem prove-
here. Caelestibus auxiliis, quod initio monuimus, maiorem quo-
tidie in modum indiget saeculum, praesertim quum late sint
multa quibus afflictetur Ecclesia, iuri suo libertatique adversis ;
multa quae civitatibus christianis prosperitatem et pacem funditus
labefactent. lamvero ad ea demerenda auxilia spem Nos pluri-
mam in Eosario habere sitam, rursus affirmateque profitemur.
Utinam sanctae huic pietatis pristinus ubique honor, secundum
vota, reddatur ; haec in urbibus et villis, in familiis et omcinis,
apud primores et infimes, adametur et colatur, non secus ac pre-
clara christianae professions tessera, optimumque praesidium
divinae propitiandae clementiae. Quod quidem in dies impensius
urgeant omnes oportet, quando impiorum vesana perversitas nihil
iam non urget machinando et audendo ut divini Numinis iram
lacessat iustaeque animadversionis trahat pondus in patriam.
Inter ceteras enim causas, hoc dolent Nobiscum boni omnes, in
sinu ipso gentium catholicarum nimium esse multos, qui con-
tumeliis religioni quocumque modo illatis iaetentur, ipsique,
incredibili quadam licentia quidlibet evulgandi, in id videantur
incumbere ut sanctissimas eius res exploratamque de Virginis
patrocinio fiduciam in contemptionem et ludibrium multitudinis
vocent. Proximis hisce mensibus, ne Christi quidem IESV
Servatoris person ae augustissimae temperatum est. Quam rapere
058 Documents.
in illicebras scenae, iam passim contaminatae flagitiis, minime
puduit, eamdemque referre propria deminutam naturae divinae
maiestate ; qua detracta, redemptionem ipsam huraani generis
tolli necesse est. Neque puduit velle a sempiterna infamia
hominem eripere, sceleris reum perfidiaeque summa post hominum
memoriam immanitate detestabilis, proditorem Christi. Ad haec,
per Italiae urbes vel patrata vel patranda, indignatio universe
commota est, acriter deplorantium sacerrimum ius religion is
violatum, in eaque gente violatum, oppressum, quae de catholico
nomine in primis meritoque gloriatur. Turn vigilis Episcoporum
sollicitudo, perinde ac oportebat, uxarsit : qui expostulationes
acquissimas ad eos detulerunt quibus sanctum esse debet patriae
religionis tueri dignitatem, et greges suos non modo de gravitate
periculi admonuerunt, sed etiam hortati sunt ut nefarium dedecus
Auctori amantissimo salutis nostrae singularibus religionis officiis
compensarent. Nobis certe omnino probata est bonorum alacritas,
multis modis egregie declarata, valuitque ad leniendam aegri-
tudinem ea de re intime acceptam. Per hanc vero alloquendi
opportunitatem, supremi Nostri muneris vocem iam nequimus
premere ; atque cum eis ipsis Episcoporum et fidelium expostu-
lationibus Nostras coniungimus quam gravissime. Eodemque
apostolici pectoris studio quo sacrilegum f acinus conquerimur et
exsecramur, cohortationem' ad Christianas gentes, nominatim ad
Italos, vehementer intendimus, ut religionem avitam, quae locu-
pletissima hereditas est, inviolate custodiant, strenue vindicent,
honeste pieque factis ne intermittant augere. Itaque, hac etiam
de causa, continua octobri mense certet optamus singulorum et
sodalitatum industria in honore habendo magnae Dei Matri,
Adiutrici potenti christianae rei, Eeginae caelesti gloriosissimae.
Nos vero munera indulgentiae sacrae, in hoc ipso antea concessa,
maxima voluntate confirmamus.
Deus autem, Venerabiles Fratres, qui nobis talem Mediatricem
benignissima miseratione providit,1 quique otum nos habere voluit
per Mariam,2 ejusdem suffragio et gratia, faveat communibus
votis, cumulet spes ; accedente benedictionis Apostolicae auspicio,
quam vobis ipsis et vestro cuiusque Clero populoque peramanter
in Domino impertimus.
Datum Eomae apud S. Petrum die VIII. Septembris anno
MDCCCXCIV, Pontificatus Nostri decimo septimo.
LEO PP. XIII.
1 l S. Bernardus, de XII. praerogatlv. B. M. V. n. 2.
2 Id. serm. in Nat /?. M. V. n. 7.
[ 959" ]
•Notices of Books
A EETEEAT : consisting of Thirty-three Discourses with Medi-
tations for the use of the Clergy, Keligious, and others.
By the Eight Eev. John Cuthbert Hedley, O.S.B., Bishop
of Newport and Menevia. London : Burns and Gates ;
New York, Cincinnati, Chicago : Benziger Brothers.
THIS admirable work supplies a great and long-felt want, and
deserves to be cordially received by the numerous readers for
whom it is intended. Available either as a book of devotion, or
as a text-book on the most effective method of conducting a
Spiritual Retreat, it will prove a valuable accession to our
parochial libraries, and will be found to contain many useful
hints, not only for religious who have to go through the exercises
of a Retreat without a conductor, but also for priests who
undertake to preach Retreats to others. The discourses, as the
author informs us in his preface, regard the human soul in its
relations with its Creator and Redeemer, and, for the most part,
do not depend for their application on obligations arising from
vows or any particular state of life ; yet a perusal of the contents
will show that the subjects treated are those usually put before
ecclesiastics during their annual Retreat, and hence the work under
review must possess especial attractions and advantages for them.
After an introductory chapter on the nature and purpose of a
Spiritual Retreat, the author proceeds to examine the fundamental
truths of the origin, the essence, and the immortality of the soul.
Then follow three meditations on God and His relations with
intellectual creatures, leading up naturally to a dissertation on
grace, by which man becomes a partaker of the Divine Nature.
Sin, in all its bearings, is next considered, and side by side with
sin the great over-mastering thoughts by which its commission is
rendered terrible — on death, judgment, and hell. Man, however,
has not been left in his unregenerate state ; and the Incarnation
is the Divine plan for raising him up, and uniting him once more
to God. " The Word was made flesh, and dwelt amongst us ; "
and the mystery of His life and sufferings inculcates the lesson
of modelling our conduct on His. Nor are efficient aids wanting
to enable us to lead the life of the Spirit, and realize this union
with God. The religious state, with its sacred obligations and
manifold supernatural helps, is a means to perfection ; prayer,
the Blessed Sacrament, the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, apply
960 Notices of Books.
the merits of Christ to the soul, and strengthen it in the grace
and friendship of God ; fidelity to duty, the observance of charity,
punctuality in certain pious practices and forms of devotion,
ensure perseverance ; and perseverance to the end is followed
by heaven as a reward. These thoughts indicate sufficiently the
clear and logical method in which the author handles his subject.
A more complete and consecutive treatment of the mystery of
salvation in all its parts, it would be impossible to conceive, or
one more admirably suited for the object in view.
But fulness and consecutiveness are not the only merits of
the work ; Dr. Hedley's reputation as a writer and pulpit orator
is sufficient guarantee that originality of thought and -elegance of
expression mark every page of these discourses. Many subjects,
of which the plan of the book necessarily demanded a detailed
treatment, are so threadbare from constant handling, that few
writers are capable of lending them a novel interest ; yet this
Dr. Hedley succeeds in doing. Everywhere will be found a
freshness of thought and polished beauty of expression that
readily impress the memory and render meditation on the subject
proposed comparatively easy. When to this is added that these
compositions are characterized throughout by a simplicity and
devotional feeling, not always met with unhappily even in modern
books on piety, we have said enough to secure a large circulation
for the work among the readers of the I. E. EECOED. J. J. C.
EPITOME SYNODOEUM, SEU EXCEEPTA PEACTICA EX DECEETIS
CONCILIOEUM PEOVINCIALIUM WESTMONASTEEIENSIUM.
London and Leamington : Art and Book Company.
THE title-page of this work does not tell us who is its author,
nor does any preface or introduction tell us what is its object.
It bears, however, the Nihil Obstat of a highly respectable "Censor,"
and the Imprimatur of the Bishop of Southwark. Hence we
suppose that it contains a faithful reproduction, as far as it goes,
of the decrees and recommendations of four Provincial Councils
of Westminister, and that the extracts are considered useful and
practical.
Those regulations which apply to Matrimony, to Extreme
Unction, to the payment of Cathedratica, to missionary rectors,
to seminaries, and priests' houses, will be found here in a con-
venient compendium ; and as the work has episcopal authority,
it may safely be recommended.
J. F. H.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD
NOVEMBER, 1894
THE CENTENAEY OF MAYNOOTH COLLEGE
custom of holding centennial festivities is at present
JL confined to no particular country, and the advantages
that invariably attend such celebrations more than justify
the widespread interest attaching to them. They bring
together distinguished men who otherwise could never
meet, and present opportunities for an interchange of views
on the experiences of a lifetime. Scholars of eminent
abilities are invited to be present, and questions of national,
or perhaps international importance find ample room for
discussion. Solemn religious functions are performed,
eloquent sermons preached, instructive lectures delivered,
musical and literary entertainments presented to the guests ;
and all this exercises a spiritualizing and refining influence
not easily available' at any other time. But public interest,
on such occasions, centres chiefly in the history, character,
and aims of the institution whose hundredth anniversary
is being celebrated. One of the great objects of such
solemnities is to recall the past with its struggles, its losses,
and its gains ; to concentrate attention on the present, with
a view to test the adequacy of existing resources for the
demands made upon them ; anet to forecast the difficulties
of the future, and provide the necessary means of encounter-
ing them with a prospect of success. Seeing these and similar
advantages attend on the celebration of centennial festivals,
we are not surprised that their advent is looked forward to
VOL. xv 3 p
962 The Centenary of Maynooth College.
with interest, and their remembrance cherished with feelings
of gratitude and pride.
If these statements be true of celebrations of this nature
generally, there are special reasons why they should be
realized on the occasion of the centenary of Maynooth
College, which — as our readers are aware — is to be cele-
brated during the coming year. The alumni of Maynooth
are not confined to any particular diocese, or any particular
ecclesiastical province, but are to be met with in every
parish in Ireland. Nay, having gone far beyond the limits
of their native country, they are found bearing the responsi-
bilities of the ministry in the busy cities of England and
Scotland, in the great centres of American trade, in the wild
and sparsely-populated districts of Australian pastoral life.
But, be they at home or abroad, there is one feeling that
never deserts them, that finds expression in eloquent words
and generous actions whenever a fitting opportunity presents
itself, namely, an unquenchable love for the Alma Mater
under whose fostering care they grew from youth to man-
hood, and learned the sacred sciences by which they are
made useful servants of the Church. When the past alumni
of Maynooth, therefore, assemble on the occasion of the
centenary within the College walls, they will embody
interests co-extensive with the world, and their minds,
sharpened by the experience of years, will bring to the
discussion of home problems a clearness of perception and
an impartiality of judgment which are certain to be pro-
ductive of much salutary fruit. And, in return for the
advantages they will be sure to impart, they will have no
small pleasure to receive. The Maynooth of to-day is vastly
different from the Maynooth of twenty or thirty years ago.
The guests, on the occasion of the centenary, will behold
grounds laid out with the studied taste of an Italian garden ;
corridors adorned with choice works of art ; libraries well.stored
with the richest treasures of, at least, theological learning ;
a chapel already approaching completion, in which beauty of
form and chasteness of colouring combine to produce effects
inspiring in their artistic grace, and subduing in their devo-
tional influence on the soul. And, apart from the material
The Centenary of Maynooth College. 963
features of the institution, a series of religious and in-
tellectual exercises will be provided, which will prove that
there is no stagnation in the life of the College, but that in
most departments of ecclesiastical culture she is well abreast
of the age.
At the time at which Maynooth College was founded,
Irish ecclesiastics, denied education in their own country,
were obliged, often at the risk of their lives, to seek in the
colleges and universities of the Continent the knowledge
requisite for the discharge of the pastoral office. Following
in the footsteps of the early missionary saints of Ireland, they
travelled along the Rhine, and by the banks of the Douro and
the Tiber5 seeking the instruction they could not obtain at
home. Everywhere they went they were hospitably received.
Louvain, Salamanca, Valladolid, Paris, Rome, opened their
gates to the wandering refugees ; while their own countrymen,
who had become prominent in the courts and armie«s ot
Europe, proved their benefactors, and founded burses for
their education. When their ecclesiastical studies were
completed abroad, these youthful volunteers in the service of
a down-trodden Church turned homewards to become the
victims of a system of espionage and persecution during the
remainder of their lives, and oftentimes to submit to the
ordeal of martyrdom itself. Such, however, was the only
means left for the preservation of the ancient faith in the
hearts of our people ; and hence the heroic priesthood of
Ireland joyfully embraced their sufferings for the sake of
the Divine Master in whose sacred cause they laboured.
But with the last decade of the eighteenth century new
ideas began to come into vogue. The great democratic
upheaval on the Continent of Europe ; the far-reaching
consequences of the volunteer movement at home ; the
prevalence of what were commonly known as " French
principles," and the danger of their being imported into
this country by ecclesiastics educated abroad — these com-
bined influences moved the Legislature of Ireland to regard
Catholics with more consideration than hitherto, and forced
them to the conclusion that toleration is preferable to repres-
ion, and unshackled education at home a wiser policy than a
964 The Centenary of Maijnooth College.
foreign training which embodied elements that, as some
thought, might easily prove subversive of the safety of the
State. While on this account the Government of the country
was not unwilling to listen to overtures on the question
of establishing some system of ecclesiastical education in
Ireland, the bishops of the country, on the other hand,
were prepared to avail themselves of the first favourable
opportunity for advancing the same project. During the
progress of the Eevolution in France, many ecclesiastical
colleges on the Continent were closed ; and, in consequence,
there was extreme danger that recruits for missionary
work in Ireland should soon disappear altogether. Both
sides entertained apprehensions, well-founded or otherwise ;
and, hence, when Dr. Troy, acting on the part of his brethren
of the hierarchy, approached the Earl of Westmoreland,
the then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with a memorial
petitioning for permission to establish and endow a national
college for the education of ecclesiastics, he was listened to
with a willing ear. This was early in 1794. During the
course of that year a lengthened correspondence passed
between Burke and Grattan on the subject, and the great
political philosopher threw himself into the project with all
the well-known enthusiasm of his Celtic nature. Convinced
of the necessity of dealing with the subject in the most
cautious manner, he urged Dr. Hussey, then Chaplain to the
Spanish Embassy in London, and one of the most successful
diplomatists of his time, to proceed to Dublin at once, and
assist in forwarding the scheme. With the accession of
Lord Fitzwilliam to power, in the spring of 1795, the
prospect seemed to brighten, for in his mind the policy of
Catholic education was only a portion of the larger measure
of Catholic Emancipation. In this, however, the country
was doomed to a bitter disappointment. Lord Fitzwilliam
was recalled a few months subsequently to his accession to
power, and with him disappeared for more than thirty years
the hopes of securing an adequate measure of rights for
the Catholics of Ireland. But the scheme of Catholic
education remained.
Lord Carnden assumed the reins of power on the
The Centenary of Maynooth College* 965
removal of Lord Fitzwilliam, and at once expressed his
determination to push forward the project of establishing an
ecclesiastical college for the education of the Irish priest-
hood. Accordingly, on the 24th of April following, the
Irish Government introduced a bill designed to make pro-
vision " for the better education of persons professing the
Popish or Roman Catholic Religion." On the 13th of May
the measure passed the House of Lords without change, and
on the 5th of June following received the royal assent and
became law. In virtue of this " Act of Incorporation," as
it was called, a body of trustees was appointed, consisting
of the then Lord Chancellor of Ireland, the then Lord Chief
Justice of the King's Bench, the Chief Justice of the
Common Pleas, and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer,
"six Roman Catholic laymen, the four Roman Catholic
Archbishops, and seven other Roman Catholic ecclesiastics ;"
and was empowered " to receive subscriptions and donations,
and to purchase and acquire lands not exceeding the value
of £1,000 per annum, and to erect and maintain the
necessary buildings." The Act further granted to the trustees
visitorial rights, the power to appoint a president and staff of
professors, and allocated to them the sum of £8,000 annually
towards the establishment arid maintenance of the College.
On the 25th of June following, Dr. Hussey, who had taken so
active a part in the negotiations from the beginning, was
appointed first president ; and on the 27th of the same month,
a vice-president and six professors were nominated to the staff.
Of these, Dr. Darre and Dr. Delort, who were entrusted
respectively with the chairs of mental and physical science,
were distinguished French ecclesiastics ; while Dr. Power,
Dr. Ahern, and Dr. Clancy, to whom were confided the vice-
presidency and the departments of theology and Sacred
Scripture, were Irish priests who had hitherto been engaged
at educational work on the Continent. The other members
of the staff were, without difficulty, secured at home.
One of the most important questions to be decided by
the promoters of the new institution, was the selection of
an appropriate site. Many prominent statesmen advocated
a scheme according to which the Catholic establishment
966 The Centenary of Maynooth College.
should be affiliated to Trinity College, having its buildings
and grounds, if not a portion of, at least, in proximity
to the Elizabethan foundation. But Dr. Hussey, in his
correspondence with Burke, and with other statesmen who
were interested in the success of the Government policy,
showed that such an arrangement could never work satis-
factorily, since the training suitable for Catholic ecclesiastics,
demanding as it does a stricter discipline, a closer application
to study, a greater estrangement from the allurements of
social life, than may be permissible to students intended for
secular pursuits, or offices in other churches, should' be
entirely different from that which was deemed sufficient in
the Dublin University. The question was finally discussed
at a meeting of the trustees, held on the 28th of July, in
the Lord Chancellor's chambers of the Irish House of Peers.
We learn from one of Dr. Troy's letters, that a variety of
proposals was before the meeting ; but, finally, an offer from
the Duke of Leinster, who was desirous that the College
should be established on his own estate, was accepted, and
Maynooth was selected for the site.
From many points of view the choice was highly com-
mendable. Though the surrounding country, as the etymology
of the word sufficiently indicates, was low-lying and marshy,
yet its remoteness from the turmoil of city life enhanced its
value as a site for an ecclesiastical college. In addition to this,
the place was sacred and historic ground. Above the lands
offered to the trustees, arose in stately grandeur the venerable
keep of the Geraldines, which in ages past had sustained many
a protracted siege in defence of the liberties of Ireland; while
hard by stood the tower of what was once the abbey of
St. Mary, in which the priests of an earlier age had been
trained, and which had continued to flourish under the
fostering care of the Fitzgerald s, until, like so many similar
institutions, it was destroyed by Henry VIII., and its treasures
confiscated to the crown. A place hallowed by so many
venerable associations was not unsuited for an ecclesiastical
college. Accordingly, the trustees, accepting the proposal of
the Duke of Leinster, purchased a house and fifty-four acres
of land on a lease of lives renewable for ever. The
The Centenary of Maynooth College. 967
property thus secured was subsequently enlarged by an
additional twenty acres on the abolition of the lay college
in 1817.
But the foundation of the College, important though the
event is from an historical point of view, will not evoke such
interesting reminiscences, on the occasion of the centenary,
as other features in the life of the institution. When the
gates of the establishment were thrown open to students,
in the autumn of 1795, only fifty presented themselves
for admission ; and so wretched was the accommodation,
that many of these were compelled to find lodging in the
adjacent village. In the years 1797 and 1798, however, when
the wings that at present flank the front central building
were completed, the number rapidly increased ; and in 1799
the College records show the respectable total of one hundred
and fifty resident students on the rolls. As years advanced
the financial condition of the College improved, and the
number of occupants grew in proportion. In 1808 the
English House of Commons voted the sum of £12, 610, which
included £5,000 for building purposes. From 1809 to 1818
the annual allowance was £8,972, and this was increased in
the latter year to £9,673, Irish currency, the figure at which
it remained until 1845. In this year Sir Eobert Peel's
Government passed an Act which increased the annual
grant to £26,000, allowed £30,000 for the erection of new
buildings, and empowered the trustees to acquire lands to
the value of £3,000, in addition to those already belonging
to the College, and to hold them, notwithstanding the
statutes of mortmain. In this condition the finances of the
College remained until the year 1871.
Until 1845 there existed only two hundred free places,
exclusive of private foundations ; but, in virtue of Sir Eobert
Peel's Act, the number of free places was increased to five
hundred, while two hundred .and fifty students were to
receive £20 a-year each, to defray the expenses incidental to
College life. While these provisions continued, the estab-
lishment, as might naturally be expected, was in a most
prosperous condition, the number of students being rarely
less than that provided for by law. The disestablishment of
968 The Centenary of Maynooth College.
the Protestant Church in Ireland, and the consequent with-
drawal of the annual Parliamentary grant from Maynooth,
are matters of recent history, and therefore known to all our
readers. At the time it was generally believed that the
College could not continue to exist under the new conditions ;
but beyond a retrenchment of its monetary resources the
institution was not unfavourably affected by the change.
It will be gratifying to those who knew Maynooth in the
noon-tide of its opulence to learn, that never, during the
hundred years of its chequered history, was the number of
students within its walls so large as at present. During
the twenty-five years that the College enjoyed the increased
Parliamentary grant, the students on the rolls rarely ex-
ceeded five hundred, whereas at present, in spite of slender
resources and an enlarged expenditure, no fewer than six
hundred and twenty names of students in actual residence
stand recorded on the College books.
But increase of numbers may not be the most reli-
able criterion of the success of an ecclesiastical college ;
the world will demand achievements of a moral or an intel-
lectual character in the men it has given to the Church.
Has Maynooth such a record to show after its centenary of
years ? The visitors to the College during the approaching
festivities will find a conclusive answer to this question in
the portraits on the College walls. As yet only a moiety of
the bishops that have been educated at Maynooth have had
their portraits painted for presentation to the College, and
yet the spacious cloisters are well-nigh completely furnished.
Kepresentatives of the hierarchy in Asia, Africa, America,
and Australia are there, in addition to many who have ruled
over the Church at home ; and the monuments of zeal and
piety that remain wherever they have laboured are the most
eloquent testimony of their worth. Nor are evidences of
valuable intellectual work achieved by the past alumni of
Maynooth difficult to discover. It is expected that, when
the centenary celebration comes round, the CoDege library
will be supplied, by way of donation or otherwise, with
the works of all the authors who have been educated at
Maynooth; and- if this expectation be realized, as we
The Centenary of Maynootli College. 969
confidently hope it will be, the accession to this important
portion of the establishment will be very considerable. Not
to mention living writers — with whose works our readers
are intimately acquainted — we need only refer to such
names as Dr. M'Hale, Dr. Russell, Dr. Murray, and
Dr. O'Reilly, to indicate the intellectual energy that has
characterized the College since its foundation. When the
history of the institution is given to the world — as it will be
during the coming year — it will contain few chapters of
deeper interest to the reading public than that which will
treat of the success of its alumni in almost every depart-
rnent of letters.
But, at present, the question of paramount importance
for the country is, whether the College, when she enters on
her second century, will be furnished in every department
with the necessary resources to enable her to meet the
requirements of the age. Is her condition in every way
satisfactory? Is her panoply on all sides war -proof? Is
she in a position to equip her students, ere they enter the
spiritual and intellectual arena of the twentieth century,
with indispensable weapons for the defence of truth and the
conquest of error ? In replying to these questions we shall
rigidly confine ourselves to the expression of views enter-
tained by men who are thoroughly conversant with the
condition of the College and the needs of our time.
In virtue of a resolution passed by the Episcopal Board
in June last, a Committee for the arrangement and carrying
out of the centenary celebrations was formed, consisting of
the archbishops and bishops of Ireland, the present and past
members of the College staff, and two priests from each diocese
in the country, to be nominated by their respective bishops.
The first general meeting for the transaction of business
was held in the College on the 4th of October, and, in the
course of the deliberations, there was a free interchange of
opinion among the delegates as to the most suitable manner
of celebrating the hundredth anniversary of the foundation of
the College. Among the questions discussed was one which
dealt with the desirability of establishing some permanent
memorial of the approaching 'event, and a few of the
970 The Centenary of Maynooth College.
observations made on the occasion cannot fail to interest our
readers. In our capacity of Secretary to the Committee we
feel justified in giving them to the public.
It may be a matter of surprise to many, as it certainly
was to not a few present at the meeting, to learn that the
students of the College have at present to contribute
from their own personal resources, towards the support
of the institution, a sum varying from eight to ten thousand
pounds a-year. Last year the exact sum was eight
thousand four hundred, while this year it will not fall much
short often thousand pounds- When it is remembered that
vocations to the priesthood are confined for the most part to
the sons of farmers and shopkeepers, it will be manifest that
this state of things is far from satisfactory, and that from a
financial point of view at least the condition of the College
admits of considerable improvement.
Again, it cannot be denied that recent developments in
many fields of science have completely changed the nature
of the Church's warfare. The enemies to be encountered at
present are no longer the Nestorians and the Eutychians,
the Gnostics and the Iconoclasts. The vanguard of the
Church's opposition at the present day, are men who either
deny the historical authority and inspiration of Scripture,
or base their objections on biological, or geological, or
psychological phenomena; and how are these to be met,
with their own weapons and on their own ground, except
ample provision be made for the training of ecclesiastics
on broader principles than those that underlie our existing
educational system. On this account a general feeling
prevailed among the delegates that Maynooth College, even
with its present numerous staff, cannot be deemed fully
equipped for the duties it has to discharge until some
further provision be made to meet the developments of
modern scientific thought.
Moreover, the magnificent College Ch&pel, in which it is
hoped so to enshrine the faith and generosity of our people
that the students ordained within its walls may go forth with
minds full of sublime and spiritual ideas, yet remains un-
finished ; and the delegates were unanimous in the view that
The Centenary of Maynooth College. 971
no more suitable time could be appointed for its completion
than the centenary year of the College.
But how are these vast projects to be accomplished?
The steps to be ultimately taken (will be determined
in due course by those to whom such matters properly
belong. Meantime we feel justified in laying before
our readers the pressing wants of the institution, in the
hope that our remarks may not be altogether without
fruit. Knowledge is seldom inoperative, and in the present
instance it ought to be productive of excellent results.
It has been decided that the College Centenary shall
be celebrated on the 25th of June next and the two days
immediately following. The celebration will be of a cha-
racter partly social, partly intellectual, and partly religious.
A distinguished prelate and past member of the College
staff, is to be invited to preach the centenary sermon ;
another distinguished prelate, who is also a past member of
the staff, has already promised a lecture on the history of
the College ; while his Eminence the Lord Cardinal, and
his Grace the Archbishop of Dublin, both of whom were for
many years intimately associated with the institution, will take
prominent parts in the function. There will be a Centenary
Ode by the most distinguished Catholic poet of the age, and a
series of scientific papers by the most illustrious representa-
tive of Catholic learning throughout the world. During those
days the College will throw open its gates to as many of its
past students as its spacious halls can accommodate as well
as to prominent supporters of Catholic interests at home
and abroad. The occasion will be one to enlist the warmest
sympathy of our country ; and when the Centenary festivities
will have concluded, wre trust that the achievements of
Maynooth College and the pre-eminence she has won as the
Alma Mater of the Irish priesthood may be the theme of
every tongue.
J. J . CLANCY,
lion. Sec. to Centenary Committee.
[ 972 ]
FATHEE SEBASTIAN KNEIPP AND HIS WATER
CUBE
A VISIT TO WOBISHOFBN IN THE SUMMEB OF 1894
I. FIRST IMPRESSIONS
WORISHOFEN, a little village in Bavaria, about thirty
miles south-west of Augsburg, has become famous,
during the last few years, for its parish priest, Father
Sebastian Kneipp, and his Water Cure. In early life, when
pursuing his studies at Munich, Pfarrer Kneipp got into a
state of very feeble health, and was, in fact, given over by the
doctors, as a victim of consumption. While in this condi-
tion, he came across a little book on the cold water cure
then in vogue. He tried the system on himself, and in the
course of two years, he became a strong and healthy man.
He naturally recommended to others the treatment to which
he owed his own life ; his name spread abroad ; people came
from a distance to consult him; and thus in the course of a
long life, he was led to develop gradually a system of cold
water treatment, which is quite unique in its character, and
which has made his name widely known throughout the world.
The number of patients who now come to Worishofen,
to consult Pfarrer Kneipp, and to follow the cure under his
directions, amounts to somewhere about thirteen thousand
a year. The great majority of these patients are Germans
and Austrians: but many come, too, from 'other parts of
Europe— from France, England, Italy, Poland, — and even
from America, Australia, and the East. They remain here
for various periods, from three or four weeks, to eighteen or
twenty months. The great majority go away improved in
health, and a large number altogether cured; many come
back again, to confirm the good effects they have already
derived from the treatment ; and a general belief prevails
amongst them that Pfarrer Kneipp has discovered a new
and valuable secret in the art of healing.
Nothing is more surprising, at first sight, than the
great variety of maladies which are submitted to the treat-
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.. 973
ment of Pfarrer Kneipp. The most common are nervous
affections, rheumatism, gout, and indigestion ; but there are
also many cases of asthma, bronchitis, consumption, and
the various forms of catarrh. Fat people come here to get
thin, and thin people come to get fat ; the lame, the
blind, and the deaf, are seen on every side ; and not a few
cases meet the eye, of the horrible disfiguration known
under the name of lupus. Worishoi'en is, in fact, a veritable
museum of diseases ; and on that account alone, if on no
other, it must be exceedingly interesting to a medical man.
It is worthy of note, also, that a large number of the cases
that come to Worishofen, have been already treated by
eminent doctors in the different capitals of Europe, and
have been given up by them as incurable.
In the early days of the " Cure," the treatment was
administered by the worthy Pfarrer himself, in the kitchen
of the parochial house. But as the influx of visitors
increased, it became necessary to train in other hands, and
to build regular bath houses. These bath houses are of the
simplest construction; and as each patient is only a minute
or two under treatment, three or four skilled men can
administer the system to several hundred persons in the
course of a few hours.
Of late years, also, the Pfarrer has found it necessary to
associate with himself three professional doctors, to assist
him in his work. By this means, every patient is placed in
a position to have competent professional assistance ; while,
at the same time, he has the special advice and general
superintendance of the Pfarrer himself. The method of
procedure is as follows.
Each visitor, on his arrival, goes to the Kneipp-bureau
in the Kurhaus, and there a little book is given to him,
in which his name is inscribed, and which serves as a
passport to the whole system of treatment. In this
book he finds printed information telling him how he is
to proceed during the time of his cure. He is advised
to present himself, in the first instance, to one of the
doctors associated with Pfarrer Kneipp, and to explain his
malady to him as he would to an ordinary doctor. The
974 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
doctor examines him carefully, and writes down, on a blank
page of the little book, a short statement of his case. The
visitor next appears before the Pfarrer in his consulting
room, and hands in his book. The doctor whom he had
previously consulted is present, and briefly explains the
case from a medical point of view. The Pfarrer asks such
questions as he may deem needful, and then prescribes
aloud the particular forms of cold water treatment to be
adopted. This prescription is written down, by his secretary,
on another blank page of the patient's book ; the book is
then handed back to the patient, and the interview is over.
So complete is this organisation, arid so perfect the order
established, that a consultation with the Pfarrer is often
over in less than a minute, and seldom exceeds two or three
minutes. All the various forms in which cold water is
applied are represented by letters of the alphabet ; and thus
a few mystic letters, written down by the secretary in the
patient's book, will often contain a complete prescription
for a fortnight to come. The reader will understand the
necessity for this great economy of time, when he remembers
that, in the summer months, the Pfarrer often sees and
prescribes for more than three hundred patients a day.
A word on the cost of this singular and interesting
treatment. The patient may have a private consultation
with the Pfarrer, or he may go with the crowd : he may
present himself, so to say, in camera, or in open court. In
a private consultation, the only persons present will be the
Pfarrer, his secretary, the assistant doctor, generally three
or four other doctors who wish to study the system, and
perhaps a couple of priests who are admitted by special
favour. For such a consultation, the fee is three shillings,
which the visitor pays when he gets his passport at the
bureau. He also pays three shillings on each subsequent
consultation, that is to say, about once a fortnight during
his stay. If, however, he is content to go with the crowd,
and to present himself in open court, he pays two shillings
on the occasion of getting his passport, and no other fee
whatever during the time of his treatment. Thus, those
persons who cannot afford to pay, are received practically
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 975
free of charge; and those who wish for the luxury of a
private consultation, can have it on very easy terms.
All patients are advised to consult a professional doctor,
but no one is obliged to do it ; each one, on getting his
book and paying the preliminary fee, is at liberty to present
himself at once to the Pfarrer. Those who consult a doctor
pay two shillings for each visit. The baths themselves cost
three halfpence or twopence halfpenny each, according to the
accommodation, attendance included.
II. THE TREATMENT
The leading idea of Pfarrer Kneipp is not so much to
attack each particular disease by a special remedy, but
rather to strengthen the body generally, and thus enable it
to combat disease by its own natural powers. His favourite
principle is, that if the blood is healthy, and the circulation
good, the whole body will be healthy, and fit to withstand
and to overcome disease. On this basis his system is built
up. He insists on the necessity of a simple wholesome
diet, to supply the needful nourishment to the blood ; and
he regards the use of cold water skilfully applied, as the
best means to promote a good circulation, and to carry away
the noxious humours of the body.
The most familiar form in which cold water is applied,
in the Kneipp system, is the jet, or Guss, as it is called at
"Worishofen. In this form, the water is allowed to flow
over the body, from an india-rubber tube about an inch in
diameter, pretty much as it flows from the spout of a
watering can when the rose is removed. Indeed, a common
watering can was the instrument used for many years, in
the administration of the system, and is still regarded as
the most typical symbol of the Pfarrer 's cure. There are
many kinds of Guss. Thus, for example, there is. the Knie-
Guss, in which the water is made to flow from the knee
downwards ; the Schenkel-Guss, in which the water flows
from the waist downwards ; the Ober-Guss in which the
water flows from the waist upwards, the body being bent
forward so as to bring the shoulders down towards the
ground ; the Biicken-Guss, in which the water is poured
976 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
over the shoulders and back, the patient standing upright ;
the Voll-Guss, in which the water is poured over the whole
body ; and so forth.
In all these cases, the water is discharged in a gentle
stream, without pressure. But there is one form of Guss,
called the Blitz-Guss, or Lightning jet, in which the water
is projected, under great pressure, from a brass nozzle, about
half an inch in diameter, and is made to play over the whole
body with considerable force. This is the strongest of all
forms of Guss, and' is only given to persons who are in
fairly good health, and who have been, so to say, trained up
to it by some days' experience of the milder forms. The
first effect of the Blitz-Guss is somewhat startling, and a
little courage is required to bear the shock and the cold ;
but when the reaction sets in, immediately after, the
refreshing and invigorating effect is at one surprising and
delightful.
The various kinds of Guss are combined together in many
different ways, according to the condition of the patient and
the nature of his disease ; and the combinations prescribed,
in each case, are varied from time to time. But, however
they may be combined, the main object of all is the same :
to stimulate the nervous system, to promote a healthy circu-
lation of the blood, and to carry off the evil humours of the
body.
In the administration of the Guss, the following are the
most important points to be attended to. (1) The water
should be as cold as possible ; in winter it would be desirable,
says the Pfarrer, to mix a little snow with it. . (2) Before
taking the Guss, the body should be thoroughly warm ; the
warmer the body beforehand, the greater is the advantage
derived from the bath. (3) The Guss should last only a very
short time, varying according to circumstances, and hardly
ever exceeding a minute. The chief exceptions to this rule
are the Voll-Guss, which lasts a minute and a half, and the
Blitz-Guss, which lasts three to four minutes. (4) The
body is not to be dried after the Guss ; but the patient is to
dress as quickly as possible, and then walk about until he is
dry and warm.
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 977
Besides the jet or Guss of cold water, Pfarrer Kneipp
uses an ordinary bath, in which the body is immersed in
cold water to a little above the waist. This he calls a Half
Bath, and it is one of his most favourite remedies. He also
employs, in special cases, cold water bandages, which are
of various kinds. Sometimes they are purely local; some-
times they are applied to half the body ; sometimes to
the \vhole. Each of these bandages has its own particular
function to fulfil : to open the pores of skin, to promote per-
spiration, to subdue feverish symptom, or to carry away
noxious humours. In some cases, the water is mixed with
salt, or vinegar; in others, the bandages are steeped in a
decoction of hay flowers (Heublumen), or of the cones and
fresh growth of pines and firs, or of some other vegetable
product.
Medicine, in the ordinary sense of the word, has little or
no share in the system of Pfarrer Kneipp. But he has an
extraordinary knowledge of the herbs and plants that grow
in the neighbourhood of Worishofen ; and he has invented
various preparations and decoctions of these, and has proved
their efficacy by long experience. These preparations he
recommends, under certain circumstances, to his patients ;
but the greater part of his immense following never hear
of medicine, even in this simple form.
Walking barefoot is one of the most singular and
picturesque adjuncts of the Kneipp cure. The Pfarrer
considers this practice as eminently fitted to make the body
hardy, and to fortify it against disease ; besides being a
specific remedy for cold feet, headache, sore throat, loss of
voice, and many other common ailments. It is, indeed, the
constant refrain of all his counsels. He recommends it to
young and old, healthy and infirm. To the young he says,
Walk barefoot, to make your limbs hardy which have to
carry you all through life, from^the cradle to the grave ; to
the old, Walk barefoot, to strengthen your limbs which have
been enfeebled by the effeminate habits of the age ; to the
healthy, Walk barefoot, that you may keep the health you
have got ; to the infirm, Walk barefoot, that you may recover
the health you have lost.
VOL. xv, 3 Q
978 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
Accordingly a large part of the people of Worishofen,
including both the native population and the visitors, go
about their ordinary business absolutely barefooted. A
larger proportion, however, while discarding the use of
stockings, wear sandals to protect their feet from the stony
roads. Only a comparatively small number, who have failed
to catch the spirit of the place, make themselves remarkable
by going about in the boots and stockings of ordinary
civilized life.
This practice of walking barefoot, or wearing only
sandals, so far from being found inconvenient, becomes,
after a little experience, a positive luxury. The feet, released
from their close prison house, enjoy an unwonted freedom ;
they revel in the bright sunshine and the fresh air ; they
cast off, by a natural process, all corns and other evil
excrescences begotten in the days of their thraldom ; and,
when the time comes for leaving Worishofen, they return with
reluctance to the irksome restraint of shoes and stockings.
But the Pfarrer is not content with getting his patients
to walk barefoot ; he makes them, for a certain time every
day, walk barefoot in wet grass, or in a shallow river, or in
fresh fallen snow. This practice he prescribes to all his
patients without distinction ; and there is hardly any feature
in his system of which he speaks with greater confidence. He
is especially emphatic on the efficacy of walking barefoot in
snow. A girl came to him one day, he tells us, who had
lost her voice through illness. It was in December, and the
ground was covered with fresh fallen snow. He told her to
take off her shoes and stockings, and go out into the garden,
and walk about for a little while. She looked at him with
astonishment, but did as she was told. In a few minutes,
he heard her calling out to him from the garden, to say that
her voice had come back.
III. FOOD AND CLOTHING
As regards food, Pfarrer Kneipp insists on a simple,
wholesome, nourishing diet. He allows the use of meat,
but favours the adoption of a larger proportion of vegetable
food than is common in northern Europe, He thinks that
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 979
no one should exceed three meals a day, except those who
are engaged at hard labour in the open field ; and he is
strenuously opposed to the practice of eating and drinking
between meals. Wine, spirits, spices, and all kinds of
stimulants, he absolutely condemns. He is eloquent in his
denunciation of tea and coffee, to which he ascribes, in large
measure, the nervous diseases so common in the present
generation. According to him, tea and coffee are not only
directly injurious to the nerves, but they prevent the proper
digestion of other food; thus checking the process of nutrition
and leaving the body a prey to all forms of disease.
To meet the general desire that seems to exist for some
such drink as tea or coffee, Pfarrer Kneipp has invented,
with the aid of a chemist from Munich, a beverage, which
goes under the name of Malz-Kaffee, and which is in general
use at Worishofen. It is made from barley, the grains
being first roasted and then ground to powder. It has a
singular resemblance to coffee, both in appearance and in
flavour ; and though it certainly wants the fine aroma of the
best coffee one gets in France, it is rather more agreeable
than the coffee usually served in England and Ireland.
There is also a special kind of bread made at Woris-
hofen, under the directions of the Pfarrer, and known as
Kneipp'sches Brod. It is made of flour obtained from the
mixture of several kinds of grain, chiefly wheat and rye,
without any separation of the bran, which according to the
Pfarrer possesses great nutritive value. In colour it is a very
dark brown, and for eating it is tough ; but it is not disagree-
able when you get accustomed to it. With this bread a kind
of soup is made which is called by the Pfarrer Kraft-Suppe, or
Strengthening Soup, and which is taken with apparent relish
by many of his patients.
In the matter of clothing, Pfarrer Kneipp teaches that
while the dress we wear should be as warm as the climate
requires, it should be always, loosely made, so as to allow
free access of air to all parts of the body. This is necessary
in order to promote the easy escape of vapours from the
surface of the body, and the free admission of oxygen to
the pores of the skin, — a process which he calls breathing
980 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
through the skin, and which he regards as hardly of less
importance to health than the process of breathing through
the lungs.
He allows the use of woollen clothes, but he maintains,
in opposition to the views of many doctors, that they should
never be allowed to come into contact with the skin.
Flannel vests and drawers, so much recommended of late,
have, he says, a weakening effect on the body, and leave it
an easy victim, sooner or later, to rheumatism and such like
disease?. Instead of flannel, he advises the use of strong
coarse linen, which by its gentle friction stimulates the
action of the skin, and by its porous nature allows the free
escape of the vapours of the body. Linen, too, is of its
nature, he says, cleaner than flannel, and is more easily kept
clean by washing. The effect of this teaching is seen in the
shops of Worishofen, and of many other German towns,
where Kneipp linen and Kneipp shirts, of gray colour, and
of coarse texture, are largely exposed for sale, and look very
tempting in the hot summer days.
IV. CUBES EFFECTED
The reader will probably be interested to learn something
about the cures effected at Worishofen. No regular account
of these cures has hitherto been preserved, but, quite
recently, an office has been opened in which it is proposed
to keep a carefully compiled record of the diseases treated
and the cures effected. For this purpose, printed forms are
furnished on application to all patients, who are invited to
enter, under suitable headings, a full account of their case ;
setting forth the nature of the disease from which they have
been suffering, the length of time for which it has lasted,
the period of their stay at Worishofen, the treatment there
adopted, the result of the treatment, arid other circum-
stances of interest or importance from a medical point of
view. Above all, they are requested to obtain, from a pro-
fessional medical man, a written statement of their condition
previous to the treatment at Worishofen, and to enter this
statement under a special heading provided for the purpose.
Thus, after some years, the medical profession will be
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 981
placed in a position to estimate, from authentic records, the
success or failure of the Kneipp Cure. For the present, we
must be content with such an account of the cures effected
as may be gleaned from the published works and discourses
of Pfarrer Kneipp himself. Such an account cannot, of
course, carry with it the same weight as the regular systematic
record which it is now proposed to keep. But it repre-
sents, at least, the honest convictions of one who, though
he cannot be regarded as an impartial judge, has had for
many years the fullest opportunity of verifying the facts to
which he bears witness. With this preliminary remark, I
now proceed to give a few instances of cures, taken chiefly
from a work entitled So Sollt ihr Leben, So Shall you Live,
which was first published by Pfarrer Kneipp in the year 1889 >
and of which the twentieth edition, now before me, was
issued during the present year.
A man came to him, he says, about thirty-six years of
age, and explained his case as follows : " My arms and feet
are full of rheumatism. I am often quite unable to walk ;
sometimes I have to stay in bed for weeks together. I have
generally a great difficulty in breathing, often so great that
I feel as if I were going to be suffocated. I lead a simple
life, and drink but little. My professional calling keeps me
chained to an office desk."
The treatment in this case was very simple. Every
morning a Schenkel-Guss, and two hours later, an Ober-
Guss ; in the afternoon, a Biicken-Guss ; and in the evening,
walking barefoot in cold water. At the end of fourteen days,
the patient was perfectly well. The rapidity of his cure,
says the Pfarrer, was due to the fact that his bodily organs
were all sound, and his disease was only the result of his
sedentary mode of life. He was naturally strong, and able
to bear a strong treatment. Had he been weaker, a milder
treatment would have been necessary, and the cure would
have been slower.1
A woman, forty-two years old, said to him : — " For the
past two years, I have been suffering from catarrh and
lSo Sollt ilir Lelen, pp. 21)7-8.
982 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
rheumatism. Sometimes the catarrh gets better, but if I
go near a window, it comes back. If I leave my sitting
room, and go about the house, I get pains in all my joints,
and am forced to sit dowrn and rest. By direction of my
physician, I have wrapped myself up in wool, sometimes
three or four folds thick ; since that time, the rheumatism
has spread over my whole body ; before that, it was only in
the shoulders. I have no respite from my pains, day or
night." The poor woman, adds the Pfarrer, looked indeed
the picture of suffering.
In this case, the chief object of the treatment was to
make the body strong and hardy, and to produce, at the
same time, a gentle and uniform perspiration. The remedy
prescribed was cold water washing, and various forms of
Guss, changed from time to time. After eight weeks of
this treatment, the patient was well, and able to return to
her ordinary duties.1
A lady had a swollen foot, and the swelling extended
upwards to the knee. For a year and a half she had suffered
intense pain. She had tried many remedies, and gone to
several watering places ; but her condition had steadily got
worse, and she was now obliged to use a crutch. Moreover,
she began to feel pains of the same kind in the other
foot. The doctors considered she was suffering both from
rheumatism and gout. This lady was put under a treatment,
which included bandages of hay flowers (Heublumen Wickel)
various forms of Guss, and cold baths ; and in four weeks
she was restored to health.2
A master-smith, thirty-one years of age, came to the
Pfarrer, and reported his case thus : — " I have pains in all
my body, and the whole night long I cannot sleep. Some-
times my knees are swollen, sometimes my shoulders. I
have rarely any appetite. For four years I have suffered in
this way, and my pains have so increased that I am unable
to work, and can do nothing to support my family. The
doctors have prescribed many things, but I have got no
relief."
1 lb., pp. 295-6. 2 jb., pp. 293-4.'
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 983
Here the treatment was chiefly Ober-Guss and Schenkel-
Guss, 'with a Half Bath for half a minute, every day. After
a week, the treatment was made stronger, and the duration
of the Half Bath was somewhat extended. At the end of
fourteen days, the swellings had disappeared, the rheumatic
pains were gone, appetite and sleep had come back, and the
smith was able to return to his work.1
The treatment seems to be not less efficacious in diseases
of the lungs, and in consumption, than it is in cases of
rheumatism and gout. A man of thirty-two years of age
told his story thus: — "I had severe inflammation of the
lungs, two years ago. Since that time I have never been
without a cough, I have continual catarrh, and often great
pains in the right side. The doctor said it was Emphysema
of the lungs, and that it would go away of itself, with time.
But instead of that, it has got worse ; my strength is failing ;
and if I attempt even light work, I get into a profuse per-
spiration. The medicines which I have taken have produced
no effect." After six weeks of treatment at Worishofen,
this patient was perfectly restored to health.2
A young girl, nineteen years of age, explained her case as
follows. " Three sisters of mine have died of consumption ,
and I fear that I too am destined to be a victim to it. I
have no cough, but I am often so weak that I can hardly do
any work. My spirits are very low ; I have rarely any
appetite ; and I can bear no strong food." The treatment,
in this case, which included walking daily in cold water,
lasted for three weeks. At the end of that time, the condi-
tion of the girl was altogether changed. She had recovered
her appetite and her strength ; she had a pleasure in life,
and a desire for work ; and all suspicion of consumption had
disappeared.3
Here are two instances of the cure of asthma, of which
Pfarrer Kneipp gave an account in a lecture at which I was
present. A priest came here, he said, who had been suffering
from asthma for twelve years. Scarcely a day passed that
he had not an acute attack. So great was his difficulty of,
1 II)., pp. 241-2. 2 lb., pp. 265-5 » 7k, pp. 262-3.
98'1 Father Sebastian Rneipp and his Water Cure.
breathing, in some of these attacks, that it seemed as if each
breath he drew would be his last. He remained here three
months under treatment, and went away perfectly cared ;
and he has never since had a return of the disease. Another
patient, also a priest, had; frequent attacks of asthma; but
the disease, in his case, was of recent standing. He went
away cured, at the end of four weeks.
Very numerous are the cases, recorded by Pfarrer Kneipp,
of the efficacy of his system in disorders of the stomach.
Of these I have selected the following two, which may be
regarded as typical. A patient said to him :— " I am very
ill, and have already had three doctors. One of them said I
was suffering from my liver ; another said that my heart
was at fault ; and the third could not say where the mischief
was. I have a good appetite, but as soon as I have eaten, I
begin to feel pains in my stomach ; after that, comes a
beating of my heart. My hands and feet are always cold ;
and every week I am falling away in flesh and in strength.
I am a master cabinet-maker, and for the last two years I
have been unable to follow my business."
This patient was treated for fourteen days with Knie-
Guss in the morning, and Obsr-Guss in the afternoon.
Three times a week he had poultices of hay flowers applied
to his stomach, and he drank every day a decoction of
juniper berries. Later on he had a Half Bath every second
day, and he walked barefoot, once a day, in cold water. At
the end of four weeks, he was well, and only needed for
the maintenance of health, to take a Half Bath from time to
time, and to continue the decoction of juniper berries.1
Another patient told his story thus: — "For nine or
ten years I have been afflicted with constant pains in the
stomach, more or less intense. I have, besides, for a long-
time, a cough in the morning, accompanied by much expecto-
ration, which is often mixed with blood. My nerves are
very weak ; every little trifle excites me ; and my sleep is
greatly broken." The treatment, in this case, was nearly
• the same as in the former. In four weeks the patient was
12b.t pp. 285-6.
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 985
perfectly well ; but was advised to continue, for some time,
t.he use of juniper berries, and to take a Half Bath once or
twice a week.1
These examples, which are only a few chosen out of
many, will give the reader some idea of the wide range of
diseases, brought under the treatment of Pfarrer Kneipp.
They may not be sufficient to bring home conviction to the
minds of scientific men ; but they show, at least, the claims
that are made on behalf of this new system of water cure,
and the grounds on which Worishofen has won for itself the
foremost place in the world as a resort for the sick and
infirm. Before leaving this branch of my subject, I should
wish to add the testimony of a celebrated Paris doctor, who
is reported to have said : " I do not know the system, and
therefore I can offer no opinion about it ; but I know that
several of my patients have gone to Worishofen, and that
none of them has come back worse than he went, while
many have come back better."
V. LITERATURE OF THE KNEIPP CURE
Though Pfarrer Kneipp is personally the most dis-
interested of men, he is nevertheless keenly alive to the
importance and value of his system, and very desirous, that
it should become widely known and adopted. He feels
assured that he has discovered an important secret of
Nature, hitherto unknown, or at least disregarded. He
believes that this secret is capable not only of restoring
health and strength to many sufferers, but of improving
gradually the physical condition of the human race ; and he
desires accordingly to publish his discovery to the whole
world.
With this end in view, he has found time, amidst his
multitudinous engagements, to issue from the press, besides
some fugitive pamphlets, two important works, on the
subject of his cure. One of these is called Heine Wasser
Kur, My Water Cure; the other, already referred to, is
intitled So Sollt ihr Lelien, So Shall you Live. The former
has been translated into nearly all the languages of Europe,
1 /&., pp. 287-8.
986 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
and is probably the most widely circulated book of our time,
certainly the most widely circulated book treating of medical
questions. It gives a very fall account of his system, and
the application of his treatment to various diseases.
The second work has a wider scope than the first, and is
addressed alike to the healthy and the sick. It consists of
two parts. The first part lays down the general conditions
of health, and the means of .preserving it ; dealing with
such subjects as food and drink, clothing and fresh air, and
the physical training of the young. The second part con-
tains a detailed account of many cases of disease which
have been treated by the author, with the treatment adopted,
and the result attained, in each case.
These works are very interesting reading. They are
written in a clear, vigorous, simple style ; they show great
powers of observation, as well as great experience in dealing
with disease ; and they are full of sound practical precepts,
useful alike to old and young. But even more attractive than
his books are the popular lectures, now given by the Pfarrer,
every afternoon, at Worishofen, during the summer months.
Soon after four o'clock, a stream of people may be seen
pouring out of the village, and wending their way to a great
wooden shed which stands on an elevated plateau just on
the verge of the open country. This shed was erected, in
the first instance, to afford an opportunity to the patients of
taking exercise, in wet weather, before and after the cold
water applications. But it was afterwards found convenient
to use it as a kind of al fresco lecture hall ; and, with this
end in view, it was considerably enlarged and provided with
a rustic pulpit.
By half-past four, every spot within earshot of the pulpit
is occupied. The audience, numbering some five or six
hundred people, is curiously mixed : nobles and peasants,
farmers and shopkeepers, old and young, men and women :
some talking, some knitting, some reading books or news-
papers; all eagerly waiting for the arrival of the great
Master, in whose skill and knowledge they have unbounded
confidence. At five o'clock he appears, surrounded by a small
knot of doctors, priests, and ecclesiastical dignitaries. He is
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 987
always greeted with applause, which has become, however,
so much a matter of course as hardly to attract his attention ;
and before the applause has ceased, he has already mounted
his pulpit, and is ready to begin his discourse.
The subject matter of these lectures covers the whole
ground of the Kneipp treatment in health and disease. But
each lecture is something complete in itself, and can be
easily understood without reference to what has gone before
or what is destined to come after. One day the lecturer
deals with food, another with drink, another with clothing.
Then he takes up the various diseases to which he has
applied his system : one day asthma : another, blood poison-
ing ; another, gout and rheumatism ; another, affections of
the lungs; another, disorders of the stomach. In each case,
he gives a graphic account of the symptoms as set forth by
the patients, then describes in detail the remedies prescribed,
and lastly states the result attained. On other occasions,
he turns to the various features of his system, and explains
the different kinds of Guss, the swathing in wet linen cloths,
the poultices of hay-flowers, the numerous decoctions of
herbs and plants.
In all this, he never fails to fix the attention of his
audience, by his power of picturesque narrative and lively
illustration, his command of simple homely language, and
above all by the earnest spirit of conviction which animates
all that he says. He is eminently practical, but never
commonplace, and never dull. He does not aim at eloquence,
but when occasion offers he is often eloquent without
intending it. He has both humour and pathos at his com-
mand ; and he can stir his audience to mirth, or move
them to tears, at his will. In general, the spirit of humour
prevails ; and yet, while his words sparkle on the surface,
and laughter is rippling around, you cannot help feeling that
there is an under current of sound judgment, practical
common sense, and sympathy "with human suffering, which
pervades and dominates the whole discourse.
Pfarrer Kneipp has been lately induced, by the pressure
of many friends, to give public lectures in some of the
principal capitals of Europe, on the nature and efficacy of
988 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
his Cure. In this way, he has visited Vienna, Kome, Berlin,
Cologne, and other cities, and has everywhere been heard
with eager and respectful attention. These lectures, together
with the fame of the cures he has effected, have arrested
public attention, and have led to much discussion amongst
medical men. As usual, in such matters, there is great
diversity of opinion. Some are in favour of the treatment,
some are against it ; some say there is nothing new in it,
while others say there is nothing true in it; others again,
as if holding the scales of justice more impartially, will
admit that there is some originality in the system, and some
truth in it, but they maintain that what is new is not true,
and what is true is not new.
Everywhere throughout Germany, one sees evidence of
the ardour with which this controversy is carried on. The
booksellers' shops are crowded with pamphlets on the
burning question of the Kneipp Cure. I have glanced over
some of these pamphlets. On the one hand, it is alleged
that the worthy Pfarrer of Worishofen is not up to the level
of the present day, in his knowledge of medical science ; that
he overlooks the important part which bacteria play in the
modern theory of disease ; that his ideas about the humours
of the body represent the views of forty years ago, which are
now abandoned by the medical schools and the universities.
But we are told, 011 the other hand, by the followers of
Pfarrer Kneipp, that he is not quite so ignorant of modern
theories as his opponents have alleged ; that if the univer-
sities were all so wrong, forty years ago, they are perhaps
not quite infallible at the present day; that, after all, the
practical test of medical skill is to cure disease, and that
Pfarrer Kneipp is curing from day to day, a greater number
of bad cases of disease than any professional medical man in
Europe.
It is not for me to pronounce an opinion on the merits
of this controversy. That is a task which I leave to those
who are more thoroughly conversant with the facts, and
who are equipped, at the same time, with the professional
knowledge necessary to give weight to their judgment. But
I would venture to remark that the main question of public
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 989
interest, in the matter, is not whether Pfarrer Kneipp is
scientifically correct in all the details of his theory, but
whether he is successful in the treatment of disease. The
sick and infirm do not generally care very much about
the theories of science, but they like to be cured. And they
would rather be cured by a man who is unfamiliar with
bacteria, and who holds, perhaps, some heterodox opinions
about the humours of the human body, than pine away
and die under the most ^advanced scientific treatment of
a university professor. If the alleged cures have been
effected by the Kneipp treatment, and if, moreover, they
have been effected in cases pronounced incurable by eminent
representatives of the medical profession, then surely the
treatment has strong claims to be regarded as successful.
It is a secondary question — though, no doubt, a question of
great interest and importance — by what theory the cures are
to be explained and accounted for.
As far as Pfarrer Kneipp is concerned, he allows every
facility for the study [and investigation of his system. He
invites medical men to come to Worishofen. and judge of it
for themselves. "When they come, he receives them with
the utmost courtesy and cordiality ; he allows them to be
present in his consulting room ; to observe each patient as
he tells his story ; to hear the remedies prescribed ; and to
see the treatment carried out. Many doctors have taken
advantage of the opportunities thus afforded them ; and not
a few, after having spent some months at Worishofen, have
returned to their own country, and there set up a Kneipp
Institute for the benefit of thsir patients. In this way
about a hundred such institutions have been already estab-
lished in various parts of Europe. In America, a Kneipp
Institute, on a scale of great magnitude, has recently been
opened at Milwaukee, and is now in full operation.
Early in the present year, a meeting was held, at
Worishofen, of medical men, "from different countries of
Europe, who have adopted the Kneipp treatment. At this
meeting, an association was formed under the name of the
International Union of Kneipp Physicians. It was agreed
to publish an official journal, twice a month, representing
990 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
the association, and called Central Blatt far das Kneipp' sche
Heilver/ahren. The first number of this journal appeared
on the seventh of April, and it has been published regularly
down to the present time.
The object of the journal, as stated in the prospectus,
is threefold. First, to provide a medium for scientific discus-
sion, and interchange of views, between members of the
Union. Secondly, to furnish to the reading public an
authentic account of the progress and development of the
Kneipp system. And thirdly, to afford to the opponents of
the system an opportunity of bringing forward their objec-
tions, and of having them discussed in a dispassionate and
scientific manner.1 Incidentally the Central Blatt gives
reports, from time to time, of the successful use of the
Kneipp system in the treatment of various diseases. These
reports are written, for the most part, by professional
medical men, who have had personal experience of the cases
with which they deal.
VI. BlOGBAPHICAL NOTES
Whatever may be the ultimate judgment of medical
science on the efficacy of the Kneipp system, it is impossible
not to feel an interest in the personality of a man of humble
origin, and simple life, who has made so great an impression
on his own generation. I propose, therefore, to conclude
this paper with a few biographical notes on Pfarrer Kneipp's
career.
He was born in the year 1821, in that district of
Bavaria which is locally known by the name of Swabia, and
in which by far the greater part of his life has been spent.
His father was a weaver, and he himself was taught the art
of weaving, in his early years. But he passed a great deal
of his time in the open air, tending sheep, and working in
the fields ; and being inured from childhood to a frugal and
laborious life, he grew up a hardy and vigorous youth.
At the age of eighteen, he conceived a great desire to be
a priest. But he had not the education that was necessary
1 See Central Blatt, No. 1, p. 1,
Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure. 991
for admission to an ecclesiastical seminary, nor had he the
means to pay the required pension, if he obtained admission.
Nothing daunted by these impediments, he fondly clung to
the idea ; and after many trials and disappointments, he at
length found a good priest who took him into his house and
prepared him for the seminary, and then helped him to pay
his pension there.
After some years of study in the seminary, his health gave
way. He became so weak, that, as he tells us, he was hardly
able to dress himself, in the morning, when he got up ; he
was unable to study, and unfit for all his duties ; and two
eminent physicians, who attended him, declared his case to
be hopeless. This was in 1847, when he was twenty-six
years of age. Just at this time, when all other remedies had
failed, he chanced to come across a book on the cold water
cure. He read it with avidity, and at once began to practise
the system himsslf. For some time, there was no visible
improvement ; but feeling that this was his last remaining
chance of life, he determined to persevere ; and at the end
of two years he was perfectly restored to health.
In the year 1852, he was ordained a priest. Since that
time, he has led an active, laborious, life ; fulfilling with zeal
and energy all the duties of his sacred office, and devoting
his leisure time to the development of his water cure.
About thirteen years ago, he was appointed Parish Priest of
"Worishofen, and he became at once, to the people of that
village, in the highest sense, a parish providence; healing
the sick, relieving the distressed, and administering daily to
all the aids and the consolations of religion.
After a life of incessant labour, he is now, at the age of
seventy-three years, a model of manly strength and power.
'Built on a large scale, he stands a little under six feet, with
an erect figure and a commanding presence. His head is
"silvered o'er with age," but shows no sign of physical or
mental weakness. The general expression of his face be-
tokens high intellectual gifts, controlled by judgment and
common sense. His eyes are keen, observant, penetrating ;
somewhat overshadowed by large bushy eyebrows, but
lighted up now and then, with gleams of playful humour
992 Father Sebastian Kneipp and his Water Cure.
His voice is powerful and well modulated ; and it possesses
that soft and winning quality which reaches not only the ear
but the heart. He tells us that he has never found a church
so large that he could not easily fill it ; and, within the last
three years, he has more than once addressed an audience
of over five thousand people, for two hours at a time,
without fatigue.
The amount of work he gets through in the day, is almost
incredible. He rises at four o'clock, and goes at once to the
church, where he says Mass. Then, after a slight collation,
consisting of Malz-Kaffee and dry bread, he devotes himself
to his spiritual duties, until eight o'clock. A few minutes
after eight, he appears in his consulting room, where he sits
until eleven. During that time, he sees from a hundred to
a hundred and fifty patients, listens to each one's tale, and
gives to each one a prescription special to himself. At a
quarter past eleven, he dines with a few friends, and it is
wonderful to see the cheerfulness and buoyancy of his spirits,
after so laborious a morning. Once or twice, indeed, I have
noticed him looking a little fagged as he came in to dinner.
But no sooner was he conscious of that feeling than he
would say, " I must go and take a bath ; " and in about five
minutes, he was back again, radiant with health and vigour.
The moment dinner is over, he is besieged by visitors
who, on various pleas, beg for a special audience, outside
the prescribed hours. He rails at them good-humouredly,
argues with them, shows them how unreasonable they are,
but in the end, so far as I could see, he always hears their
story, and prescribes for their maladies. And so, rebuking^
arguing, remonstrating, but, at the same time, scattering
blessings as he goes, he forces his way through the crowd,
and takes a walk through the town, tc visit any of his
parishioners who may stand in need of his aid.
At two o'clock he is again in his consulting room, and
again receives a continuous stream of visitors, waiting
patiently until he has cleared off the long roll of his clients,
which often mounts up, as I have said, in the summer
season, to the enormous total of three hundred a day. This
brings him very close to the hour of his Lecture, which is
Matrimonial Dispensations, dc. 993
five o'clock. When the Lecture is over, he takes a light
supper, and then a walk through the town, generally
winding up with a visit to the Kinder-Asyl, a children's
hospital with two hundred beds, which is entirely his own
creation, and in which he takes a very special interest,
In consideration of his great services to religion and
humanity, Pfarrer Kneipp has lately been raised, by the
Holy See, to the dignity of a Boman Prelate ; and his new
title, Herr Pralat, is now taking the place of the more
familiar and affectionate Herr Pfarrer. In the course of this
paper, I have adopted the older form, under which he has
been already known throughout the world. And, therefore,
I feel called on now, at the close, to set forth his higher title
in full, praying that Seine Hochwiirden Herr Pralat Kneipp
may be spared for many years, to continue his beneficent
labours in the midst of his loving and devoted flock.
GEEALD MOLLOY.
MATEIMONIAL DISPENSATIONS : CASE OF EKEOE
IN "NOMEN," OK "COGNOMEN"
TNFOBMALITIES in matrimonial dispensations fre-
X quently cause considerable trouble and anxiety ; for the
issues involved are usually great, and the consequences of
invalid dispensations far-reaching. It may, accordingly, be
useful to some readers of the I. E. BE COED, if I give a case
which has recently occurred, and if I be allowed to share
with them the information I ha-ve gathered regarding it.
The case is one in which the impediment of consan-
guinity prevents marriage from taking place. The causes
for asking a dispensation are quite sufficient, one of them
being recognised as canonical. A postulation was accord-
ingly drawn up, setting forth the names of the petitioners,
their diocese, the impediment for which a dispensation was
sought, and the causes. The document was authenticated
by the Ordinary, and forwarded to Propaganda. But when
the dispensation arrived from Borne, it was discovered
that an error had crept into the postulation, and that the
VOL. xv. 3 B
994 Ma trimonia I Dispensa tions :
dispensation was granted to " Joannes Smith," and not
as required to " Michael Smith." It therefore became a
practical question : Was the dispensation valid : How was
the error to be rectified ?
It may appear at first sight that after all there was no
substantial error — the dispensation was clearly set forth —
the causes were true; one at least was an acknowledged
canonical one, and the persons to whom the dispensation
was granted sufficiently identified in the circumstances :
the error, inadvertently committed, of writing down
" Joannes " for " Michael," was clearly accidental.
On the other hand, adverting to general principles, it
may strike one that not only law and custom, but also the
wish and practice of the Congregations issuing dispensa-
tions— stylus curiae — should be observed, and it may be
that amongst the requirements for the validity of a dispen-
sation, the correct setting down of the nomen and cognomen
may be found. Besides the dispensation being one in foro
externo, the document ought to be evidence of itself, not
requiring any collateral proof that John Smith meant
Michael Smith.
The question cannot, however, be settled on general
principles : there must be an appeal to authorities, and
these will be found to differ considerably. The first authority
I take down is Gury 1 : —
"Error in nomine, vel cognomine oratorum, probabilius vali-
ditati dispensationis non officit, modo constet de corpore, id est
de impedimento et causa."
Bangen 2 adopts the opinion of Gury ; and Caillaud 3 has
substantially the same view. Daelman,4 after citing Corradus
for the opposite view, writes : —
" Verum haec ejus opinio est contra communem Doctorum
sententiam, et contra jus commune, juxta quod, dum erratur in
solo nomine, non vitiatur rescriptum quia error ille dumtaxat est
accidentalis."
It is putting the matter strongly to say that the view
which maintains that error in the name vitiates the dispen-
1 Ball Ed., vol. ii., n. 875, 4. » Pao-e 164
2 Tit. ii,, page 202. « Obs. Vlt., page 421.
Case of Error in " Nomen " or l( Cognomen." 995
sation, is not only not upheld by law, but that it is actually
opposed to law — contra jus commune. Both Gury and
Daelrnan derive their doctrine from Sanchez,1 to whom they
refer. The words of Sanchez are : —
" Caeterum absque dubio dicendum est, non vitiare dispensa-
tionem, quamvis in nomine erratum sit, quia error nominis
proprii, quando constat de corpore, non vitiat rescriptum."
This too, is a strong statement of opinion: absque dubio
tenendum est. Sanchez deduces his doctrine from Lib. iv.
de test., where it is stated that a mistake in the name of the
legatee does not cause the legacy to lapse, provided there be
no mistake as to the person intended. Likewise, Sanchez
infers, in the case of all rescripts. One misses in this
reasoning any reference to what may be, or may become,
the requirements of the stylus curiae. De Justis 1 is of
the same opinion, and reasons in like manner. Avanzini,2
rightly concluding from a rescript of the Congregation of
the Council, 31 July, 1869, based on Lib. iv. de test., that
an error in the name of a legatee does not affect the legacy,
provided there be no doubt about the person intended,
discusses, in a note, the question under consideration, and
says : —
" Ad praecavendas fraudes praxis invaluit in Apostolica
Dataria, ut error nominis dicatur vitiare Eescriptum. Non
auderem tamen dicere generali ratione ejusmodi errores nullum
reddere Rescriptum."
Then he points out that it is one thing to apply de novo,
as if the dispensation were invalid. It is quite a different
thing to apply, because the dispensation is invalid. He adds
that the Dataria does not undertake to decide questions of
the kind ; but, if a decision be required, the matter is
referred to the S. C. of the Council.
The most recent author * on Matrimony I have seen,
says the question is a disputed one, and inclines to the
same view as Avanzini, whose arguments he reproduces.
It would appear then that Gury had respectable authorities
1 Lib. viii., Disp. xxi., n. 37. 2 i. iv.. n. 54.
3 Ada S. bedis, v., page 27, note 1.
4 Gasparri, Tractatus Canonicus De Matrimonio, torn, i., cap. iv. 354,
note 1.
996 Matrimonial Dispensations :
on his side ; but whether he was justified in saying his was
the common and the more probable opinion, is a question
one can more easily answer when the authorities on the
other side have been weighed. There are several well-
known handbooks of Theology and Canon Law in which
this question is not discussed, such as Van-der-Velden,
Kenrick, Konings, Lehmkuhl, Aertyns, Santi. The names,
no doubt, all say, are to be expressed when dispensation is
sought from a public impediment ; but if an error in the
name should creep in, as in the case under consideration,
what then? Corradus is an authority to which all refer as
holding that the dispensation is invalid, ex stylo curiae.
I cannot give his words, as I have not got the book.
Keiffenstuel * is explicit and satisfactory : —
" Licet error in nomine vel pronomine de jure non vitiet
rescriptum textu claro I. Si in nomine c. de Test. . . . ac prop-
terea Sanchez de matrim. lib. viii. D. xxi. n. 27; Justis, cap. iv.
n. 54, et plures alii volunt id etiam procedere quoad errorem
nominis, vel cognominis oratorum in dispensations matrimonial!,
tamen teste Corrado lib. vii. cap. v. nn. 3 et seqq. allegante
testimonium omnium curialium (quibus utique credendum) de
hodierno stylo et praxi, contrarium servatur, et consequenter ab
executoribus observandum est, cum stylus curiae stet loco legis."
Schmalzgrueber 2 reasons in similar terms. He quotes
Sanchez and De Justis, arguing from Cap. iv. de test., as
given above ; but he adds :—
" Et hoc verum est, spectato jure commune ; verum de
stylo, et praxi curiae Eomanae id non procedit, sed per hujus-
modi errorem nominis dispensatio vitiatur."
Those authors then admit that the common law does
not annul a rescript in which an error occurrs in the nomen
or cognomen, but the stylus curiae does, as it manifestly may
do. Quite a host of authors follow on the same lines.
But we have an express statement from Propaganda:—
11 Sed jam se convertit Instructio ad ea quae praeter causas
in literis supplicibus pro dispensatione obtinenda, de jure, vel
consuetudine aut stylo curiae exprimenda sunt, ita ut si etiam
1 Tom. v., App. n. 210. 2 iv., xvi. 155. 3 Jnstruc., 9th May, 1877.
Case of Error in "Nomen" or " Cognomen." 997
ignoranter taceatur veritas, aut narretur falsitas, dispensatio
nulla efficiatur. Haec autem sunt.
" 1. Nomen et cognomen oratorurn, utrumque distincte, ac
nitide, ac sine ulla litterarum abbreviatione scribenduni."
In this Instruction the requirements of the stylus curiae
are treated equally with those of common law and custom,
and amongst those requirements mentioned for the validity
of a dispensation in foro externo, are enumerated expressly
the nomen and cognomen of the petitioners, so that even
inadvertant suppression (subreptio — si ignoranter taceatur
veritas) renders the dispensation invalid.
Yet the Nouvelle Rev. Theol.,1 commenting on this Instruc-
tion, does not state that where an error in either nomen or
cognomen occurs the dispensation is invalid, but only puts
the matter tentatively by asking : Does it not seem that the
opinion of Gury and others must be abandoned ? And such
an eminent and cautious authority as Feije2 gives both views;
but regarding the one now under discussion, he says : —
" Plerique vero decent errorem vitiare etiamsi de persona
constet, idque non quidem ex jure communi, sed ex stylo curiae ;
his faveri videntur supradicta Indulta, et certo favet cit. Instr.
S.C. de P.R, a 1 77."
Some recent authors state their views unmistakably on
this question. Giovine3 has no doubt that the dispensation
in question is invalid, and does not hesitate to say so in clear
terms: indubitantur affirmanus ; and Zitelli4 says: praxis
invaluit, ut error hie dicatur rescriptum vitiare.
It is not easy, therefore, to see how Gury's opinion may
have been at any time considered the more probable and
common one ; and the tendency and preponderance of
opinion at the present time, as well as the documents of
Roman congregations, notably those of Propaganda, appear
to point in the opposite direction.
But whatever may be said of the speculative question, the
course to be adopted, in case oisuch an error, is clear : it is, to
write de novo'3 for the dispensation, putting at a corner ot the
fresh postulation the number of the dispensation already
1 Tom. x., p. 37, n. 2. 4 De Di*p. Matr., page 71.
2 De Imped, et Dipens. Mat., ed. 4ta , p. 713. 5 Idem.
8 Tom. ii., page 6.
998 The Albigenses.
received, v.g. Prot., n. 654, and adding at the foot that a
dispensation has been received in the case, but that an error
crept into the postulation by writing "'Johannes Smith"
for " Michael Smith." Then the dispensation, or rather a
document, Perinde valere, will arrive in due course, giving
the ordinary or his delegate power to execute the original
Eescript — etc si in eo nullus error virepserit. Telegrams
asking correction, even of one word, will not be received by
the Koman Congregations.1
The law 'and the custom and the requirements of the
stylus curiae are to be observed, not only when asking
a dispensation from Propaganda, but also when asking it
from a bishop as delegate of the Holy See ; so that, in
writing to any delegated authority for a dispensation inforo
externo, the nomen and cognomen of the petitioners are to be
clearly written down ; and if an error occurs in either one
or the other — provided, of course, it is not an error of a letter
or syllable, as Bernardus for Bernardinus — a petition must be
framed de novo, giving the names correctly.
J. CKOWE.
THE ALBIGENSES
OF the many heresies that arose in the Western Church
during the Middle Ages, none was so mysterious in
origin, steady in progress, widely disseminated, dangerous
in effect, and tenacious of existence, as the Albigensian.
Unlike all other errors of the period, this, for full two
hundred years, maintained itself, despite saintly preaching,
public disputation, conciliar decree, papal ban, imperial
proscription, repeated crusades — in short, all known and
hitherto effective means of repression : striking, now in
in secret, now in the open, at the very root of Christian
doctrine and Christian morality, and necessitating for final
extirpation new methods of procedure that have entailed no
stinted measure of unmerited obloquy on the Church.
Viewed in broad outline — for in a sketch like the present
* Feije, page 691.
The Albigenses. 999
much detail has to be omitted1 — the data respecting the rise,
operation and continuance of the sect exemplify, to restrict
ourselves to two comprehensive aspects, the baleful activity
of secret societies, on one hand ; and, on the other, the evils
that accrue to private and public life from the neglect of
those entrusted with the spiritual direction of the people.
The Albigese was a territory embracing the Languedoc
counties, of which Albi, on the Tarn, and Carcassonne, on
the Aude, were respective chief towns: comprising the
modern departments of Tarne and Aude. ^The mediaeval
adherents of Western Manicheism were at first identified by
description. In process of time, owing to various causes,
divers names (some of which we shall have occasion
to explain) were employed to designate them in different
localities. About the middle of the twelfth century, the
sectaries attained perfection in number and organization
within the area just described ; whence, by normal linguistic
usage, the .term Albigenses came to be applied by prolepsis
as a generic appellation.
To adequately understand the doctrine and rise of the
Albigenses, the fundamental tenets and some salient points
of the history of the Manichees have to be premised.
Manicheism chiefly turned upon the origin of evil. A being of
infinite goodness, God could not have created what was bad.
An evil spirit must accordingly have originated evil. These
two principles, in nature'opposite and mutually hostile, were
authors, the one of the soul, the other of the body. Amongst
the consequences of this distinction was rejection of the Old
Testament (as ascribing creation of all things to God) ; of
the Incarnation (Christ, Son of the good God, could assume
nought but a phantom body) ; of the sacraments (especially
of matrimony, which perpetuated union of soul and body) ;
finally, of the use of flesh and whatever comes therefrom,
such as milk.
Of these practices, some were sought to be justified by
1 E.g., the preaching of St. Bernard in Aquitaine and Languedoc.
According to a thesis lately propounded (Revue des Questions Historiquea,
liv. 1., Jan. 1894), the Albigensian was not the heresy combated by the
saint. With this I hope to deal in due time.
1000 The Albigenses.
the example of the Church, wherein many embraced con-
tinence, and denied themselves certain articles of diet.
But the difference is obvious between abstaining through
motives of perfection, and abstinence because of inherent
evil in the things avoided. Furthermore, to elevate
continence at the expense of matrimony, is at once to
arraign the Creator, and give free rein to the passions in
allowing them no licit outlet. The natural sequence ensued :
they who denied themselves wedlock allowed themselves
everything beside. The secret impurities of the Manichees
excited, perhaps, more detestation than their sacrilegious
abuse of the Eucharist.
Secondly, Manicheism, in imitation of the Church, was
organized as a hierarchy ; with the radical divergence, that
it was constituted a secret society. A noted characteristic
was their dissimulation ; one of the maxims of the sect has
been preserved by St. Augustine — Swear, forswear, but
the secret betray not — jura, per jura, secretum prodere noli.
Hence, the better to win proselytes, they engaged in all
Catholic devotions, even to partaking of Communion under
both species, despite their professed objection to wine, and
their dictum that Christ had no actual body and blood.
Finally, to enhance their vaunted virtue, they held that
sacraments were void of effect in the hands of sinful
ministers. He who has lost the Holy Ghost, this was the
reason alleged, cannot confer His grace.
Passing over the early history of the Manichees down
to their suppression in the "Western Koman Empire, we find
them, mainly owing to remoteness from the seat of govern-
ment, surviving in Armenia, under the name of Paulicians
(so called either from a leader, Paul, or their known predi-
lection for the Apostle). In 752, Constantine V. had them
transported in considerable numbers to Thrace. Those left
behind maintained themselves with varying fortune against
the Byzantine Emperors, until 871, when their leader,
Carbeas, was slain. In his time, Basil the Macedonian sent
to negotiate an exchange of prisoners. During his stay,
the envoy, Paul the Sicilian, became acquainted with the
religious system of the Paulicians. He likewise learned
The Albigenses. 1001
that they had resolved to send preachers to corrupt the
newly-converted Bulgarians. To frustrate the design, he
wrote an extant account of the Paulicians, addressed to the
Archbishop of Bulgaria. Whether imported directly from
Armenia, or, what seems more likely, from adjacent Thrace,
certain it is the heresy struck deep root, and flourished in
Bulgaria^ to the first quarter of the twelfth century. Hence
arose the titles Bulgarians and Bogomoli (pitied by God) to
designate the local Paulicians.
We have now to outline the tenets and observances of the
Aibigenses. Some held an absolute dualism (two original
essences and two corresponding creations) ; others, a relative
(in which the evil principle was a spirit fallen away from
God). Both schools (if the term can be applied to fanatics
professing drivel of the kind) deduced the visible world not
from the good God, but from the bad essence, the author of
the Old Testament, the prince of this world. Proofs of
dualism they affected to find in Scripture passages relative to
opposition between flesh and spirit, world and God ; in the
words (John viii. 44) that the devil stood not in truth, and
was the father of lies ; lastly, in the partial perfection, and
partial corruption of the natural faculties.
The prince of darkness, they continued, led a third of
the heavenly spirits to their fall. Thereby they came into
material bodies, and were brought to sin, which likewise
arose from matter. The liberation of these imprisoned
spirits being necessary, it was effected by Christ, the son of
God, who came on earth in a heavenly body ; passed through
the ear of Mary, an angel in female shape ; underwent
apparent death after apparent suffering ; then returned to
heaven. Here again, such are the whimsical vagaries of
error, some refused to admit a historical, but acknowledged
an ideal Christ, who was never in the world, save spiritually,
namely, in the body of St. Paul.
The Creation, Incarnation,- Resurrection and personal
immortality were all rejected as folly. The last end was to
be reunion of the freed souls with the bodies and guardian
spirits left behind in heaven, with both of which they had
been created and united. With regard to the Trinity, the
1002 The Albigenses.
Son was subordinate to the Father ; the Holy Ghost (called
the Chief Spirit), to the Son. For all this, they appealed
chiefly to apocryphal writings of Isaiah and St. John. In
place of miracles, which were denied, reference was made to
the numerous conversions to the sect.
Abstinence from the evil matter and, consequently, from
possession of worldly goods; from war and killing; from the
use of animal food ; and, in a special manner, from marriage
(the perpetuation of the incarceration of souls) — such in
substance was the Albigensian code. Like the Manichean,
however, the morality was purely external. Moreover, the
precepts bound only the Perfect, the highest class who had
received the Consolation, or Spiritual Baptism. To this
ceremony, in opposition to infant and water baptism, was
ascribed liberation from the power of matter and Satan.
It was conferred after three days' fast and penitence by
imposition of hands, and recital of the Lord's Prayer.
The Perfect wore a distinctive cincture, and were thence
denominated Clothed (Vestiti). They were expected to eat
nothing but fish and fruit, and to live, a.part from their
families, in voluntary poverty.
Of such, however, the number was by comparison very
restricted : the bulk was composed of Believers. These
lived in the world, and were free to marry, possess property
and engage in war. They were bound to supply the
needs of the Perfect ; receive the Consolation before death ;
and meanwhile, if need be, the Preparation (hereinafter
described). Their lives thus passed unchecked by any
effective moral restraint ; all was atoned for by the Conso-
lation at the end. Of the sick who recovered after this
initiation, some, lest they should sin again, chose, or were
forced, to starve ; others took poison ; more suffered
martyrdom by revealing themselves and being put to death.
Thus the sect had confessors and martyrs.
In the third place were the Beginners ; otherwise called
Hearers, or Catechumens: the last two names being clearly
taken from the Church. Naturally, the superiors were
selected from the Perfect. They formed a hierarchy corres-
ponding to that of the Manichees. There was a bishop,
The AlUgenses. 1003
with two vicars (the filius major, who regularly succeeded,
and the filius minor) and twelve deacons. He was itinerant
within an assigned district, preaching and imparting the
Preparation and Consolation. A Council of Masters, seventy-
two in number, likewise existed. We even find amongst
them a pope and (as was to be expected) an anti-pope.
All rights and practices of the Church, the Sacraments
in particular, were stigmatized as frauds and lies. Baptism
and Penance were replaced by the Consolation. Meanwhile,
the Preparation was administered monthly to believers who
were public delinquents. Grievous sinners, namely, made
particular ; the less guilty, general, confession to the bishop.
The absolution formula was preceded by placing the New
Testament on the head of the penitent, and pronouncing the
Pater Noster.
With respect to the Eucharist, the words of Institution,
according to them, either referred to Christ's own body, or
were used in figure (is = signifies) ; John vi. 64 (" the flesh
profiteth nothing ; the words that I have spoken to you are
spirit and life") denoted that the true body of Christ was His
word. Whoever took food as a member of Christ, had it
changed into the body and blood of Christ. Accordingly, at
their meals, they blessed the Bread of Holy Prayer by
reciting Our Father, and distributed it to those of their belief
who were present.
Service was held in any safe place : without vestments,
pictures, or crucifix. It began with a lection from the New
Testament ; then followed a sermon, terminated with a
blessing; thereafter came benison of bread (but not of wine)
by the Pater Noster; lastly, a second benediction. Of the
bread, those present each received portion, whereof some
was consumed, the rest carried home. The better to serve
concealment, Sundays and holidays were observed by attend-
ance (where absence might be noticed) at the Catholic
services. Pentecost was their'anniversary.
To combat the Church with her own alleged weapons,
lying, dissimulation and deception were an integral item
of conduct. Under outward austerity, abominations were
practised in secret. With untiring zeal, and all the more
1004 The Albigenses.
confident from being known to each other by occult signs
and pass-words, they disseminated their tenets : attending
fairs, joining in religious and secular festivities, and intro-
ducing themselves, often at risk of life, into Catholic
families. One of the most potent methods of propaganda
was to discredit the clergy by pointing to their lax lives, and
thereby insinuating, with fatal effect, that the system of
which they were exponents was a device of the evil one.
In addition, they were mutually hospitable ; relieved
their poor and tended their sick. They likewise reared
gratuitously the children of reduced respectable parents, and
sent promising youths to the University of Paris ; a course
which tends to explain how they gained over considerable
part of the nobility of Southern France. In the words of
Innocent III., more guileful and more dangerous than the
Saracens, they became a menace to all order, all Christi-
anity ; a pest, in short, of human society.
That the tissue of errors here outlined was developed
from Manicheism, we have, apart from the identity of the
fundamental principles of both, conclusive internal evidence
in two of the names. Greek and geography were not so
diffused at the time in the West as to allow us to assign any
but a traditional origin to Cathari (icaOapoi, pure) and
Bulgarians. Were it even otherwise, Piples (gluttons) and
Tesserants (weavers) — respectively used in Flanders and
France — seem decisive respecting the popular disposition to
bestow designations of distinction on the sectaries.1 Nor
is direct evidence wanting. An ancient Latin author,
quoted by Bossuet,2 states that when the heresy of the
Bulgarians began to multiply in Lombardy, they had as
bishop one Mark, who had received his Order in Bulgaria.
But there came from Constantinople to Lombardy another
pope, named Nicetas, who impugned the Order of Bulgaria
(i.e., called Mark an anti-pope). Thence, the author
are equally original and valuable ; for instance, the Albigensian was a
higher spirituality than the Catholic ; liaymond of Toulouse, a hero.
2 Hist. Par., etc., secc. 24-5, from Vignier's Rccucll.
The Albigenses. 1005
continues, it spread to the other provinces, where it was in
great vogue, notably in Languedoc, Toulouse, and Gascony.
Whence, in addition to Bulgarians, they were named
Albigenses. Furthermore, Matthew of Paris, in his History
of Henry III. of England, mentions that in 1223 the
Albigensian heretics made them a pope on the confines of
Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, who, being invited by the
bishop of the sect at Carcassonne, shortly after took up his
residence near that town.
In Italy, they wrere called Patarenes, from Patarea, a
place in the Milanese. The equivalence of Paterenes and
Albigenses is attested by remarkable proof. When, to
culminate his crimes against the Church, Philip the Fair of
France caused Boniface VIII. to be seized (in his eighty-
fourth year, Sept. 7, 1303) at Anagni— Dante's scathing
denunciation1 will recur to mind — by his agent, William of
Nogaret (whose grandfather was convicted as an Albigenser),
the heroic old pontiff, whose self-possession never failed
him, declared that he was ready to suffer everything for
the freedom of the Church, even condemnation through
Patarenes.
From Italy, as we have seen, the virus was diffused into
France. Dux femina facti. In 1017, an Italian woman
settled at Orleans, and succeeded in perverting some among
the more learned of the clergy.2 Two of these (lieu ! pro
pudor, the chronicler interjects) became the most active
propagators. For five years they worked covertly. Detected
at last, and questioned in a Council held at Orleans, in 1022,
1 Veggio in Alagna entrar lo fiordaliso,
E nel vicario suo Christo esser catto.
Veggiolo un' altra volta esser deriso ;
Veggio rinnovellar 1'aceto e'l fele,
E tra nuovi ladroni esser anciso.
Veggio '1 nuovo Pilato si crudele,
Che cio nol sazia, ma senza decreto
Porta nel tempio le ciipide vele.
O Signor mio, quaiicTo saro io lieto
A veder la vendetta, che nasccsa
Fa dolce 1'ira tua nel tuo segreto ?
(Purg. xx., 86-99.)
2 " Qui videbantur doctiores in clericorum ordine." Glaber Kadulp.
Hist. iii. 8 (Bouquet, Recueil dcs Hist, des Gav.les, x. 35).
1006 The Albigenses.
they denied the Creation, Trinity, Incarnation, Passion,
Burial, and Kesurrection ; rejected Baptism, Eucharist and
Invocation of Saints ; regarded good works as superfluous,
and sensuality as innocuous. They had, it was proved,
initiation by imposition of hands, and held nocturnal assem-
blies, whereat indiscriminate sexual intercourse took place.
Thereupon, thirteen of the heretics, including ten Kegular
Canons, proving obstinate, were, after long inquiry, con-
demned and burned. One priest and one nun recanted.
In 1018, Manichees arose in Aquitaine, seducing the
people, denying Baptism and the power of the Cross,
abstaining from meats like monks, making a show of
chastity, but practising every kind of debauchery among
themselves.1 To check their progress, a synod was held at
Charoux, by the reigning Duke in 1027. About 1022 they
were found in Toulouse.
To come to Northern France, in 102,5, the Bishop of
Cambray discovered heretics arrived from Italy at Arras.
Of their errors, which were formulated under seventeen
heads, it will suffice to mention rejection of Baptism,
Eucharist, Penance, Orders, and Matrimony. In a synod;
the bishop convinced them and got them to retract. He
then wrote to the Bishop of Liege, exhorting him to check
the spread of the heresy in that diocese. At Chalons, about
the middle of the century, Manichees were detected going
among the country-people, condemning marriage and the
use of flesh meat. A peasant named Lothaire went through
the outlying parts on the Marne, destroying crucifixes, and
finally committed suicide to ensure salvation. A synod at
Eheims, in 1049, excommunicated the sectaries and all who
should employ or protect them.
In West Germany, Cathari made their appearance in
Swabia, in 1052. Many of them were consigned to the
gallows by the Emperor, Henry III. Owing, doubtless, to
these vigorous measures, the sect is lost sight of during the
remainder of the century. With what ceaseless activity they
worked in that interval, the sequel will show. During the
" Castitatem simulantes, scd inter seipsos luxuriam omnem exer-
centes." Ademan. Caban., Chron. (Bouquet, ut sup. x. 154).
The Albigenses. 1007
first half of the twelfth century they suddenly reappeared,
organized in alarming numbers, in the east and south of
France, especially Aquitairiej Gascony, and Languedoc.
Henceforth the Albigese became the focus. Accordingly a
synod at Kheims (1148) forbade maintenance and protection
of the numerous heretics through Gascony and Provence.
Another, at Tours (1163), directed the clergy of the provinces
infested by Albigenses to inhibit intercourse with them, and
invoked Catholic rulers to visit them with imprisonment and
confiscation. Soon after (1165), Cathari were unmasked at
Lombers, a town near Toulouse, and condemned in a council
held at the same place (of which more anon).1
Whether owing to remissness or opposition, these
measures utterly failed of effect. As if to emphasize the
fact, two years later, the Albigensian Pope, Nicetas (a
Greek, judging from the name), held a council at St. Felix,
in the last-named neighbourhood, where he consecrated
bishops (by the Consolation), and appointed persons to
define the limits of their dioceses. Thenceforward the
Albigenses acted as a public body. The third Lateran
Council (1179) anathematized (can. 27) the heretics named
Cathari, Publicans, Patarenes, or otherwise, who spread
their error publicly in Gascony, the Albigese, and elsewhere.
Those defending, receiving, keeping them in house or land,
or trading with them, were included in the sentence.
Meanwhile the localities named were the theatre of extreme
disorders. Eobber-bands marched in military array, plunder-
ing the country, burning churches, violating females,
trampling the Host, and murdering the inhabitants. The
nobility who were gained over enrolled the marauders
under their banners, and threatened the Catholics with fire
and sword. Events having proved that the menace was
not likely to remain idle, the Papal Legate, Henry, formerly
Abbot of Clairvaux, created cardinal in the last Council, led
a crusade (1180) against Roger Jl., Viscount of Carcassonne
1 For the manner in which they were dealt with on their first (and
last) appearance in England (1166), see Lingard, //. E., n\ 113-114 For
disproof of the ignorant or malicious statement of Milman (Hist. Lat.
Chris., v. 390), in reference to their punishment, that " fires were kindled,
and heretics burned in Oxford," see Hoveden, Rolls ed. Ivi.
1008 The Albigenses.
and Beziers, by whom the Bishop of Albi had been captured
and retained prisoner. Many, in consequence, made outward
submission ; but, with the duplicity of the sect, relapsed
after departure oi the expedition ; nay more, they penetrated
into the very heart of the kingdom, where seven thousand
of them were slain by the royal forces at Bourges (1183).
The spread of the evil during the ensuing decade
appears in the severity of the enactments1 made by
Lucius III., with assent of Frederick I. of Germany (1184),
against Cathari, Patarenes, and others named. A clergyman
or religious notoriously convicted was, failing public abjura-
tion and due satisfaction, to be degraded and handed up to
the secular power — a decree of sinister import, as denoting
the extent of the gangrene ; a layman, in the same circum-
stances, was to be punished by the secular judge, according
to his offence. Suspects were to clear themselves at the
bishop's command, under the same penalty ; the relapsed
to be given over to the secular authorities without further
hearing, and their goods confiscated to Church uses. The
excommunication was to be published on the chief festivals ;
archbishops and bishops failing or dilatory therein were to
be suspended for three years. The archbishop or bishop was
once or twice a year to visit, in person, or by the archdeacon
or other fit persons, the parish in which heretics were
reported to dwell, and cause two or three of good credit, or, if
need be, the whole neighbourhood, to swear to reveal heretics,
those who frequented secret meetings, or differed in life from
the common. Such were to be cited before the visitors; and
if they did not clear themselves, or if they had relapsed after
purgation, to be punished at the bishop's discretion ; their
refusal to swear to be tantamount to conviction of heresy.
All earls, barons, governors, and prefects of cities were to
make oath, on pain of deprivation, anathema, and confisca-
tion, to aid the Church authorities.
Administered with normal diligence, the foregoing could
scarce fail to prove an effective barrier; but the ever-
increasing number of nobles and towns that fell away in
Southern France amply demonstrate that the enactments
1 Decretal V., Ad abolendam, 7, vii. de Jiereticis.
The Albigenses. 1009
were in great part suffered to remain a dead letter. With
the advent of a new Pope (1198), the prospect changed.
Deeply versed in theology and canon law, virtuous, zealous,
prudent, intimately acquainted with prevalent abuses,
Innocent III. laboured with conspicuous success to reform.
In addition, what was almost of equal necessity, his training
and experience in the Curia made him a match for the
tortuous diplomacy of the time. Such was the Pontiff that
arose to initiate and direct the measures that resulted in
extirpating the heresy. A mind less observant might have
discerned that the struggle was become one of life and
death; to have turned the contest to the triumph of the
Church remains the enduring encomium of Innocent.
Immediately after his accession he directed his energies
to that end. The local clergy, both bishops and priests, had
fallen into disrepute, and were consequently useless in the
present circumstances. Accordingly, two Papal Legates were
sent into the disturbed districts. They were instructed to
win back the heretics, first, by reasoning ; failing this, by
excommunication ; in cases of contumacy, to call on the
secular power to inflict confiscation and banishment. The
following year Innocent had to contend with the same foes
on Italian soil, where they suddenly appeared, and murdered
the Papal Governor at Viterbo.
Again, in 1200, he sent a fresh delegation — a cardinal
and two Cistercians. They remained until 1208. But all
their conferences, disputations, sermons, even the zeal of
Bishop Diego of Osma and his companion, St. Dominic
(both joined the delegates in 1208), and the austere manner
of life of the five workers effected no appreciable result.
The reigning Count of Toulouse, Eaymond VI., deceived
them by frequent interviews, thereby gaining time, during
which he levelled churches and cloisters, and persecuted the
Catholics. His treachery] culminated in the assassination
of one of the legates, Peter of "Castelnau, in 1208. There-
upon Innocent placed him under anathema, and called on
the suzerain, the French King, to make war on him. But
the Tolosan, with characteristic craft, extricated himself
from the peril, He made oath to make plenary satisfaction >
VOL. xv 3s
1010 The Albigenses.
and was accordingly absolved by the new Legate, in June,
1209. Delaying, however, to fulfil the conditions, and
reminded in vain by the Pope of his obligation, he was once
more excommunicated and his territory laid under interdict,
in a synod convened at Avignon, by Papal order, in the
September of that year. Again the Count appealed to the
Pontiff, and again was successful. The time was extended
and negotiations were protracted for two years, when, at
length, having secured the aid of his brother-in-law, the
King of Aragon, Kaymond threw off the mask, and set
Innocent at defiance (1211).
But astuteness had overreached itself. Whilst the Count.,
was procrastinating, the Pope sent a crusade, under the
famous Simon de Montfort (who had returned from the
Holy Land), and humbled the heretics of Carcassonne and
Beziers (1209). The rupture consequently found him fully
prepared; The Papal ban was finally fulminated, and another
crusade, under the same great captain, poured into Tolosan
territory. Raymond was defeated ; his Aragonese ally slain ;
Toulouse captured. Unfortunately, the bulk of the force
Were Brabanters. These banditti, suffice it to say, were,
with their patrons, condemned by the third Council of
Lateran, in the same canon (27) as the Cathari. Their
goods were to be confiscated ; their persons enslaved ; their
extirpators to rank as Crusaders. They spared not, the
canon says, either churches or monasteries, widows or
orphans, age or sex. True to their character, in the present
campaign they inflicted atrocities alike on friends and foes.
Tros Tyriusve was their principle. Innocent, as was to be
expected, did not fail to reprobate their excesses in severe
terms. He did more : with a generosity that was lost upon
Raymond, when the Synod of Montpellier granted part of
the conquered fief to the victor (1215), the Pontiff refused
his sanction, referring the matter to the approaching
Council of Lateran ; adjudged her goods to his wife ; the
remaining patrimony to his son.
The fourth Council of Lateran1 (1215) renewed2 the enact-
1 For the Irish bishops present, see Annals of Ulster, A.D. 1216.
2 V. c. Excomunicamus, 13, vii. de hereticis.
The Albienses. 1011
inents of Lucius III. against the Albigenses. After the death
of Innocent (1216), the war was renewed by Kaymond.
But the issue, though it might be delayed, had been placed
beyond jeopardy by the far-reaching foresight of the pontiff in
committing the French kings to the struggle. De Montfort
lost, retook, and again lost Toulouse. In the third siege, he
fell heroically before the walls of the city (1217). Kaymond
died of apoplexy (1222) and was succeeded by his son, the
seventh of the name, who received back part of the
patrimony, including the capital.
On his accession (1223), Louis VIII. was called on by
•Honorius III. to prosecute the war. Terrified thereat,
Kaymond submitted to the Pope in a synod at Montpellier
(1224). But, failing to execute the terms, he was excom-
municated by the legate in a synod at Paris (1226), and
Louis led the crusade with success until his death the same
year. At request of Gregory IX., operations were continued
under the minority of St. Louis; and finally, Kaymond,
through mediation of the legate, made his submission (1228).
Amongst the conditions were to banish the heretics and
restore ruined churches. But the most noteworthy was to
establish a foundation for Theology, Decretals, Arts, and
Grammar in his capital. Thus arose the university of
Toulouse, which was incorporated by Gregory in 1233. The
Albigese was ceded to Louis, who, to regulate its church
affairs, immediately issued an edict1 whereof four of the ten
clauses (II. -V.) relate to the suppression of the heresy. In
1229, a Toulouse synod formulated the Inquisition. The
Count (who attended with the papal legate) promulgated the
decree within his territory, in 1233. Herewith the Albigenses
disappear from general history, to figure in the records of
the Inquisition.
In 1178, Henry II. of England and Louis VII. of France
sent a cardinal, two archbishops, two bishops, and an abbot
to Toulouse) with a commission to convert or convict the
1 "Well known as making first mention (Art. I.) of the Gallican
Liberties. But from the purport of the edict, the privileges in question
emanated, it is clear, from the civil, not the spiritual, power. The
Albigensian Church was granted the secular immunities accorded to the
Church within the roval dominions.
1012 The AlUyenses.
heretics. The proceedings1 revealed fresh facts of startling
import. Brought in presence under safe-conduct and
questioned on various heads (including two creative essences,
validity of sinful sacramental administration, and lawfulness
of marriage) on which they were reported to have held
erroneously, the sectaries not alone made a Catholic
profession, but denied they had ever taught otherwise. The
disclaimer was too much for the Count of Toulouse and
other persons, cleric and lay, present, who straightaway
deposed to the truth of all the charges. Thus ignominiously
detected, the heretics refused to retract and were excommu-
'nicated.
Here then was an evil without precedent— secret,
treacherous, contumacious : obviously not to be overcome
by perfunctory discharge of the episcopal duty of repressing
heresy. To oppose it with success in detail, the Ad abolendam
was promulgated, and became the basis of the Inquisition.
The Toulouse Synod of 1229, owing probably to their
remissness, tacitly exempted bishops, and directed them to
put measures substantially the same as those of Lucius III.
into effect. In 1233, Gregory IX. delegated the exclusive
execution to the newly-founded Order of St. Dominic. With
regard to the Inquisition, suffice it that, passing over
enactments of kindred nature, had the celebrated Decretal,
Qualiter et quando^of Innocent III. relative to Accusations
been loyally carried out, the guilty had been eliminated
without the innocent being involved. How the measure
passed from control of the Curia, the limit does not permit
to set forth. The result has been a damnosa hereditas of
misrepresentation and odium.
With respect to the extraordinary vitality of Manicheism
through so many ages, it will be sufficient to direct attention
to the nine concluding sections (201-9) of Bossuet's History
of the Variations of the Protestant Churches, where the
Patristic application of 1 Tim. iv. 1-5 to the sect is set
forth and prosecuted to the time (of the Eeformers. Of
1 Hoveden, ii. If.G, sq.
2 V. c. 24, i. De accusationibus, inquis. et dcnunt.
The AlUgenses. 1013
more importance is it to indicate the chief causes assignable
to the proportions attained by the Albigenses. These were
evil example and neglect of preaching on the part of the
clergy.
That the two first adherents in France were of some
repute for learning, and that the canons burned at Orleans
in 1022, laughed amidst the flames,1 could scarce fail to be
handed down and appealed to in support of the contention
that the priesthood was a fraud. Furthermore, of the
coercive legislation relative to clerical life, many enactments2
were passed during the tim.3 the Albigenses were in their
zenith. That the data necessitating these decrees were in
great part supplied from the area most infected with the
heresy, appears from a contemporary relation. When Diego
and Dominic met them at Montpellier (1206), the papal
legates were determined to resign, having had little or no
success in preaching. For, as often as they proposed to
preach, the heretics objected to them the evil lives of the
clergy; and, thus, unless they were willing to reform the
lives of the clergy, they should desist from preaching.3
It is, no doubt, a truism that, although the person
executes the office, the official and function are separable
in notion ; and, thus, the uri worthiness of the agent cannot
invalidate the commission. But reasoning of the kind is
not readily realized by the popular mind. Ignorance
prompted by malice usually passes the censure from the
man to the mandate. Facilis decensus : the lapse is easy
and well-nigh inevitable to a seared conscience, and the
consequent excesses.
To some extent, as the Albigenses were wont to attend
Catholic services, these evils might have been counteracted,
1 Ademar. Bouquet, uli sup. 164.
2 Decretal. III. tit. ii. (de colmb. clericor. et mulier.), iv. (de cler. non
resid.} ; V. iii. (<le simonici), xiv.. xxvii.-xxx.
3 " Injunctae sibi legation! prae te3io renuntiare volentes, eo quod nihil
aut paruin hereticis praedicando proficere potuissent. Quotiescunque
eniin vellent ipsis hereticis praedicare, objiciebant eis heretici conversa-
tionem pessimam clericorum et ita, nisi vellent clericorum vitam corrigere,
oporteret eos a praedicatioue desistere." ' Petri Val. !Sar. c. iii. (Bouquet,
iibi sup. 7.)
1014 The Albigenses.
if not obviated, by public instruction. But to what extent
preaching was superseded, appears in two typical instances.
In the Council of Lombers (1165), the Bishop of Albi
presided, and delegated the Bishop of Lodeve to confute
the heretics out of the New Testament, which alone they
admitted. This he did, quoting respectively 11, 8, 11, 23,
10, 17; and 6 texts to prove — (a) reception of the Old
Testament ; (b) necessity of professing faith ; (c) baptism ;
(d) validity of unworthy sacramental administration ;
(e) marriage; (/) heresy in disobeying the Church; and (g) law-
fulness of making oath.1 The enunciation of these six and
eighty testimonies with the connecting commentary must
have been a tedious, not to say soporific, process. Passing
over this, the instruction, it has to be noted, is as moonshine
unto sunshine by comparison, for instance, with that of
Bishop Hay. The conclusion will, doubtless, have been
anticipated : the articles in question are so demonstrable to
the rudest capacity, that, had proof been seasonably brought
within vulgar ken, they had never bseir publicly impugned.
Things, notwithstanding, were suffered to drift in the
same dreary direction. Before the Toulouse Commission
(1178), the heretics refused to swear on principle, in crass
ignorance that they had already sworn in the attesting
clause of their profession: "In the truth, which is God,
we thus believe, and say this is our faith." 2
Would, in fine, that the lessons of the Albigensian heresy
had been duly taken to heart ! How far it was otherwise,
stands out with painful vividness in the convulsions that
rent the Church two centuries later.
S'io dico ver, 1'effetto nol nasconde.
B. MACCAETHY.
1 Hoveden, ii. 108, 57.
2 Hoveden, ii. 159.
[ 1015 ]
THE IRISH MONASTEEIES OF KATISBON
THE corporation of Irish monasteries in Germany that
owed its origin to the blessed Marianus Scotus of
Eatisbon, is well worthy of attention, not only on account of
the great influence it exercised on the religious and artistic
history of Germany, but also on account of the rapidity of
its development and the extensive proportions which it
attained. From the great foundation of St. James at
Katisbon (1090), branches were established in 1136 at
Wiirzburg, in 1142 at Vienna, in 1160 at Memmingen, in
1166 at Constance, in 1172 at Niiremburg, in 1L94 at
Eichstatt, and at some intermediate or approximate periods
at Erfurt in Saxony, at Oels in Silesia, and at Kehlheim in
Bavaria. Other smaller foundations were also made ; so that
when the Abbot' of St. James's attended the Council of
Lateran, in 1213, and obtained from Pope Innocent III. the
acknowledgment of his brotherhood as a religious union or
congregation exempt from episcopal control and directly
subject to the Holy See, he could count at least fifteen well-
established, and flourishing houses, all acknowledging him as
their ruler and head. The founder of the original house at
Eatisbon, from which all these establishments emanated
and grew was Marianus Scotus, an Irish monk, who should
be carefully distinguished from his illustrious namesake
" Marianus the Chronicler," who died at Mayence in 1082.
Both were, we believe, natives of Tyrconnell in Ulster. They
were practically contemporaries, and had both emigrated to
Germany, each on a mission of his own. The Irish name
of Marianus of Eatisbon, was Muiredach MacEobertagh,1
a name which still flourishes in a modern disguise in
the county Donegal. We are indebted to a manuscript
composed by an Irish monk of Eatisbon, and happily pre-
served in the Carthusian monastery of Gaming, in Lower
Austria, for the most detailed account of the life of Marianus.
In this and other less complete biographies we find the
1 See paper by the late Bishop Reeves, in Transactions o/ the Royal
Irish Academy, vol. vii., pp. 292, 293.
J016 The Irish Monasteries of Ratisbon.
substance of the following facts relating to the saint.1
Marianus Scotus, who is described by the chronicler as having
been very handsome in appearance and most attractive in his
manners,2 was carefully instructed whilst still young, in sacred
and secular literature. In due course he assumed the monastic
habit, and prepared for the expedition which was evidently
the ambition of his life. In the year 1067 he left Ireland for
ever, accompanied, according to some, by two companions,
Joannes and Candidus ; and according to others, by seven,
viz., Johannes, Candidus, Donatus, Dominus, Mordacus, Isaac,
and Magnaldus.3
Their chief object on setting out was to make a pilgrimage
to Kome, breaking their journey, as was the custom, at the
hospitable monasteries on the way. On this errand, they
reached Eatisbon, where they were first received by Otto,
the Bishop, who had been formerly a Canon of Bamberg,4
and who received them into the Benedictine Order, and
gave them the clerical habit of that great brotherhood.
After a short sojourn at the monastery of St. Michelsberg,
they were allowed by their superiors to proceed on their
way. Arriving at Batisbon for the second time, they met
with a friendly reception from Emma, the Abbess of the
Convent of Obermiinster, who employed Marianus in the
transcription of some books. A cell was arranged for him
at the Niederrniinster, in which he diligently carried on his
writing, his companions preparing the parchment for his
1 See Ada Sanctorum, Feb., torn, ii., "Vita S. Mariani."
2 <{ Deinde post dicessum tantorum virorum, parum ante tempora pii,
Imperatoris Henrici, de finibus Hiberniae supradictae venit quidem vir
Sanctus et simplex Marianus nomine, decoro vultu, crine nitenti, et ultra
communem valentiam hominum ; forma erat speciosus, divinis et hmnanis
literis erat praeditus et eloquentia ita ut Spiritmn Sanctum per inhabi-
tantem gratiam in eo esse nemo etiam videns dubitaret."
8 Aventinus, in his great work, Annalium Boiorum, lib. viii., says : —
" Divus Marianus Scotus, poeta et theologa insignis nullique sui saeculi
secundus, cum conphilosophis sin's Joanne ct Candido, Clementa, Donate
Murcheridacho,Magnaldo atque Stacio, qui centum vixitannis, in Germanium
venit, &c." The names of all these are also found in the Necrologium of
. St. James, and they are inscribed, each in turn, as "socius " or "ex sociis "
Sancti Mariani.
* He is called by some, Bishop of Bamberg. See Lanigan's note in
his Eccl. History, vol. iv., p. 3.
The Irish Monasteries of Ratisbon. 1017
-v
use. Before resuming his journey southwards, he resolved
to pay a visit to an Irish recluse named Murchertach, who
lived the life of a hermit in the immediate neighbourhood.
Murchertach1 had left Ireland long before Marianus, and
had now spent many years in the practice of the most
austere penances.
On this account, Marianus was deeply impressed wThen
the hermit urged him to submit to the guidance of Heaven
as to whether he should continue his journey to Rome,
or settle at once and for ever in Germany. He passed
the night in considerable anxiety in Murchertach's cell,
and in the hours of darkness it was intimated to him
that where on the next day he should behold the rising sun,
there he should remain and fix his abode. Starting early on
the following morning, he entered the Church of St. Peter
outside the walls of the city, to implore the blessing of
heaven on his journey. On coming forth, he beheld the
sun stealing above the distant horizon. " Here, then," he
said, " I shall rest, and here shall be my resurrection." His
resolution was hailed with joy by the people. Emma,2 the
1 St. McrcJierdach und St. Marian rind die Anfdiuje der ScJwttenJcloster zu
Regensburg, von Hugo Graf von Walderdorff. Verhandlungen des
Historiches Vereins zu Regensburg. Band 34, an. 187'.). In after years a,
chapel was built in memory of this holy man, the demensions and the
remains of which are thus described by a learned native archaeologist,
Count Hugo von Walderdorff : " Die Mereherdach's Capelle welche eine
eigene absis hat scheint im Grundbaue im 13 Jahrhundert angolegt
worden zu sein, wahrend sie im 14 Jahrhundert ein Gothisches Gewolbe
erhielt, von welchem jedoch nur mehr vor Saulen in den vier Echen
Zeugniss geben. . . . Hier nun in der Nb'rdlichen Mauer ist der Grabstein
St. Mereherdach's, dessen Abbildung hieneben steht eingemauert. Derselbe
diirfte wohl friih aus dem 13 Jahrhundert stammen. Er ist 6' hoch und
2' breit und zeigt das bild des Heiligen nur in derb eingemeissclten
Contouren, die mit schwartzer Masse eingelassen sind. Derselbe erscheint
als biirtiger Pilger mit einer Pilgerstabe (cambutta) in der hand und einer
Wasserflasche oder Pilgertasche an der Seite, ganz wie uns die alten
Irischen Pilger geschildert werden. Sein en Kopf umgibt ein Ilyiligen-
Schein. Oben ist in uncialen engraben.
S. MERCHERTACII."
2 She is spoken of in the Necnologium of St. James as : — " Domina
Emma, Abbatissa monasterii superioris Ord. Sancti Benedict!, quae
S. Marianum cum sociis hospitio excepit atque ad Divi Petri consecratum
extra muros urbis considere jussit ; " and her successor, " Willa Abbatissa
lleligiosa in superior! monasterio quae post Hemmam S. Mariano et sociis
multa benefic.ia praestitit."
1018 The Irish Monasteries of Batislon.
Abbess of Obermunster, granted bim the Cburch of St. Peter,
for the use of himself and his brethren ; and a wealthy
citizen of Ratisbori, named Bezelin, built for them, at
his own expense, a small monastery, which the Emperor
Henry IV. soon after took under his protection, at the
solicitation of the Abbess Hazecha.
The fame of Marianus and the news of his prosperity
soon reached Ireland, and numbers of his countrymen
hastened to join him.1 They were chiefly from the province
of Ulster like Marianus himself. They became so numerous
that it was found necessary, in 1090, to build another
monastery to receive them. This was called the monastery
of St. James, and it became in the course of years one of the
richest establishments of the kind in Europe. Of Marianus
the founder, little further is recorded except his great skill
and industry as a scribe : —
" Such [says his biographer] was the grace of writing which
Providence bestowed on the blessed Marianus, that he wrote many
lengthy volumes both in the upper and lower monasteries. For,
to tell the truth, without any colouring of language, among all
the acts which divine Providence deigned to perform through this
wonderful man, I deem this most worthy of praise and admiration,
that the holy man wrote from beginning to end with his own
hand the Old and New Testament with explanatory comments on
the books ; and that not once or twice, but over and over again,
with a view to an eternal reward, all the while clad in sorry garb
and living on slender diet. Besides, he also wrote many smaller
books and manual psalters for distressed widows and poor clerics
of the city, towards the health of his soul, without any prospect
of earthly gain. Furthermore, through the mercy of God, many
congregations of the monastic order which in faith and charity
and imitation of the blessed Marianus, have come from the afore-
said Ireland, and inhabit Bavaria and Franconia, are sustained
by the writings of the blessed Marianus." 2
1 " Sed dum claustrum idem f uerat initiatum sic fama volans ejusdem
loci per orahinc hide peregrinorum limina diversissima requirentium, primo
ad aqulonates partes Hyberniae unde vir Sanctus oriundus erat parlata
fuisset multi ex concivibus suis qui pueritiam juventutemque ejusdem Deo
per omnia dicatam noverant, dereiictis rebus carisque propinquis, caduca
prae aeternis hilari mente abjicientes ; perque tot inaria perque tot
invia regua Christum virumque Dei Marianum sunt secuti."
2 Paper by Bishop Reeves in Proceedinqs of the Royal Irish Academy,
vol. vii., page 293 ; also Acta Sanctorum, Feb., vol. ii., page 367.
The Irish Monasteries of Eatisbon. 1019
In his glosses and commentaries on the sacred text
he made use of the writings x of St. Jerome, St. Augustine,
Cassiodorus, Arnobius, St. Gregory, Fulgentius, Cassius,
Leo, and Alcuin. His death is recorded on the 9th of
February, 1038.
There are several manuscripts written by Marianus still
extant: but the most important is the Codex in the Imperial
Library of Vienna, which, as Dr. Keeves remarks, interests
us not only on account of the beauty of his execution, but
also as supplying the Irish name of the writer. The
existence of this manuscript was revealed to the public only
in 1679, when Lambecius published his famous catalogue of
the Library of Vienna. It was from this catalogue that
Cave, Harris, Lanigan, Oudin, and Zeuss obtained their
information.
A more detailed account of the manuscript was given
later on by the learned and laborious Father Denis,
whom Dr. Eeeves describes as " one of those highly
cultivated and gifted men whom the dispersion of the old
society of the Jesuits threw upon the world, and who in
these circumstances was made chief librarian in Vienna in
the latter part of the last century." The Codex contains all
the epistles of St. Paul, according to the text of the Vulgate,
and in the same order in which they are found in our Bibles,
except that between the Epistle to the Colossians and those
addressed to the Thessalonians, the apocryphal Epistle to
the Laodica3ans is introduced ; not, however, without ths
the marginal observation, " Laodicensium epistola ab alio,
sub nomine Pauli, putatur edita." The last folio of the
1 " Extant Reginoburgii inferior! monasterio, Divini Davidis Hymni,
cum coinmentariis in membranis scriptis, opus Marian i, Ejus praefationem
ut fides fiat, subtexto de verbo ad verbum. Anno Dominicae Incarnationis
MLXXIV., Hoiirico juveiic Imp., Machtylda Abbatissa S. Mariae, et
S. Erhardi Abbateam regente, decem novalis Cycli XI. Anno Indict XII.
Marianus Scotus septimo peregrinatkynis suae anno collegit modicas
istas und^is de profundo Sanctorum Patrum pelago, scilicet Hieronymi,
Auo-ustiiii, Cassiodori, Arnobii et de opusculis S. Gregorii: et pro
suae animae salute, in honorem salvatoris Domini Nostri Jesu
Christi et ejus genitricis, semperque Virginis Mariae et S. Herhardi
Confessores scripsit et in unum, librum perstrinxit." (Annales Boiorum,
page 554).
1020 The Irish Monasteries of Ratisbon.
work concludes with the words which are all written in
vermillion : —
IN HONORS INDIVIDUAE TRINITATIS
MARIANUS SCOTTUS SCRIPSIT HUNG
LIBRUM SUIS FRATRIBUS PEREGRINIS.
ANIMA EIUS REQUIESCAT IN PACE.
PROPTER DEUM DEVOTE DICITE. AMEN.
and between the two first lines, over " Marianus Scottus,"
in the same hand, is written the Irish name of the scribe,
rnmj\e-oAc q\65 rn&c ^obA-pc^.
But to return to the monastic foundations of Marianus,
we have already seen that the first house established in
connection with the Church of Weich St. Peter soon became
too small to hold the numbers of Irishmen who flocked to
join him in his pious retreat.1 They accordingly purchased
from the Count of Frontenhausen, for the sum of thirty
pounds, a piece of ground which was situated at the opposite
town gate, now called the Stadt-am-Hof. The ancient
chronicle,2 which was kept by an Irish monk of St. James's,
gives an interesting account of the progress of the new
foundation. It tells us that two Irishmen of noble birth,
named Isaac and Gervase, were sent, with several other
companions, by Domnus, abbot of St. Peter's, to collect funds
in Ireland for the building of the new monastery. They were
well received by Conchobhar O'Brien, King of Munster, and
returned to Katisbon loaded with rich presents. With the
money thus brought from Ireland the site was purchased, and
a good part of the new monastery erected. "Now, be it
known," writes the chronicler, " that neither before nor since
was there a monastery equal to this in the beauty of its towers,
columns, and vaultings, erected and completed in so short
a time, because the plenteousness of riches and of money
bestowed by the king and princes of Ireland was almost
unbounded."
1 See Historische Nacliriclit von dcm im JaJtre 1552 dcmolirtcn Scliotten-
kloster Weyli St. Peters zu Reyensbury, von Thomas Ried. Regensburg, 1813.
2 This chronicle is published 'in the Acta Sanctorum, Feb., torn, ii.,
pp. 365-370. Although it is called the Life of Marianus, it is, in reality,
a chronicle of the monastery.
The Irish Monasteries of Haiisbon. 1021
Yet, notwithstanding their copiousness, the treasures
sent from Ireland were soon exhausted, and Christian,
abbot of St. James, a descendant of the great family of the
MacCarthys, at the request of his brethren, undertook a
journey to Ireland to seek the aid of Donnchadh O'Brien,
the brother of Conchobhar, who was now dead. He was
most successful in his mission, and was preparing to return
with a large supply of gold and valuables when he fell sick
and died, and was buried before St. Patrick's altar in the
Cathedral of Cashel. His successor, Abbot Gregory,1 was
consecrated in Rome by Pope Adrian IV., and afterwards
proceeded to Ireland, where he received the money that had
been collected by Christianus, with considerable additions.
With this he repaired the church, roofed it with lead,
renewed its floor, and added cloisters around it,2 devoting
the greater portion, however, to investments, which were
necessary in order to ensure the future.
Wattenbach reminds us how enterprising and successful
the monks were in providing funds to carry out their
building projects : 3-
" Whilst the building of the monastery of St. James was in
progress, one of the monks pursued his journey, accompanied
only by a boy, till he reached Kiev, then the residence of the
King of Eussia. Here the King and his nobles made him rich
.presents, so that he loaded several waggons with valuable furs,
to the amount of a hundred silver marks ; and arrived at home
1 On the occasion of his interview with Pope Adrian, Gregory was
asked about a certain learned Irishman, also named Marianus, who had
taught the seven Liberal and other Arts in Paris, and had been the
preceptor of Adrian himself. " Marianus is well," replied Gregory, " and
is now living a monk among us at Katisbon." " God be praised,"
exclaimed the Pope ; " I know not in the Catholic Church an abbot who
has under him a man as excellent in wisdom, discretion, genius, eloquence,
good morals, benevolence, judgment, and other divine gifts as my master,
Marianus/' — (Ratinbon Chronicle. Translated by Dr. Reeves. Ulster Journal
vf Archaeology, vol. vii., page 245.)
2 '; Hie itaque rebus gestis, clausiroque libero facta ac stabilito, felix
pater Christianus abbas paternos Hiberniae fines revisens ita digno honore
apud reges et principes terrae ejusdcm et intantum erat acceptus quod
collatis sibi argentis ducentis marcis laetus ad propria repedarit.'' — (Acta
Sanctorum, loc. cit., page 369.)
3 Die Kongregation tier ftchottenkl'dster in Deutchland. in Zeitschflft fur
Christliche Archaoloyie nnd Kuns*, Leipsig, 185G, pp. 21-4 9; translated by
Jleeves, Ulster Journal of Archxoloyy, vol. vii., page 244.
1022 The Irish Monasteries of fiatisloii,
in safety, accompanied by some merchants of Begensburg. For1
at that tim3 Eussia was not so isolated as she is now ; and
Eegensburg in particular kept up a very lively commercial inter-
course with Kiev, a city whose splendour Thietmar, Bishop of
Merseburg, described, in the beginning of the eleventh century, in
vivid colours."
It was with such treasures, aided by the privileges and
exemptions conferred upon the monastery by emperors and
popes, that the foundations were laid of the princely estate
with which the famous " Monasteriurn Scottorum " of
Ratisbon was ever afterwards endowed. It soon became
the parent house of many flourishing colonies, always
retaining authority over them, and exercising it when the
occasion required. Paritius, in a work1 from which both
Wattenbach and Beeves have chiefly drawn their informa-
tion, gives the fullest account which we*; possess to-day of
its history and progress. We give below the list of abbots
who ruled it, according to him, from 1070 to 1720. 2 The
most important events of its history were the foundations
of new monasteries, which took place from time to time.
Before we proceed to deal with these seriatim, it may be
as well to state briefly the vicissitudes through which
St. James's passed.
1 Kurtzgefaste NacJiricht von alien in dancir Ring-Mauern dcr Xttutt
Regensburg yeicyenen Reichs-Stifftern Haupt-Kirclien nnd Clostcrn Catho-
lischer Religion, von G. M. Paritius, Eegensburg, 1723, page 71.
3Marianus Scotus, the founder, 1070-1 098; Dominions, discipnlus
Marianus, 1008-1121; Dermitius, 1121-1133; Christian, 11331164;
Domninus, 1164-1172; Georgius, 1172-1204; Johannes, 1205-1212;
Matthaeus, 1212-1214 ; Georgius II., 1214-1223 ; Jacobus, 1223-1266 ;
Paulinus, 1266-1279 ; Macro bius, 1279-1290 ; Matthaeus II., 1290-1293 ;
Mauritius, 1293-1^95; Marianus, 1295-1301; Donatus, 1301-1310;
Johannes, 1310-1326 ; Nicholas, 1326-1333 ; Johannes, 1333-1341 ;
Gilbert, 1341-1348; Nicholaus, 1348-1354; Eugene, 1355-1370;
Matthaeus, 1370-1382; Gelatins, 1382-1383; Matthaeus, 1383-1396;
Philip L, 1396-1402; Philip II., 1402-1421; Donatus, 1431-1436;
Alexander Bog, 1548-1555 ; Balthazar Dixon, 1555-1567 ; Thomas
-Anderson, 1557-1576; Ninian Winzet, 1576-1592; Alexander Bailie,
Maurus Dixon, Placidus Fleming, 1672-1720; Maurus Stuart, and
Bernard Baillie. Abbot Placidus Fleming completely renovated the
church in 1678.
The Irish Monasteries of Eatislon. 1023
During the'course of its history it received many proofs
of paternal solicitude from the Roman Pontiffs. In the
year 1120 it received a letter of protection from Pope
Callixtus II. Innocent II., Eugene III., and Adrian IV.
issued Bulls to its abbots, commending and encouraging
their work. Innocent III., on the occasion of the Fourth
Council of Lateran, 1213, at the request of the abbot,
George II., took the establishment, with all its branches,
under the direct protection of the Holy See, and confirmed
the Abbot of St. James of Eatisbon as general or president
of the whole congregation or union of Irish monasteries.1
Nor was civil patronage less generous in its assistance to
these exiled monks. Cut away from the strife and conten-
tion of political life, devoted wholly to the service of God,
preaching His word and inculcating His precepts by lives
of perfect sanctity, these strangers became universally
popular. The fame of their simplicity and zeal reached the
courts of the great, as well as the homes of the poor. For
all they had the same welcome, the same remedies, the
same helpful sympathy. Their chanty was unbounded.
Their presence was regarded as a blessing to the whole
country. Hence donations and legacies came to them fast
and abundantly. We get an idea of the extent to which their
possessions had accumulated, from a charter of the Emperor
Sigismund, granted in 1422, renewing and confirming a
previous charter of Frederick II., dated 1212. This latter
document mentions, as Bishop Keeves has computed them,1
" seventy denominations of land, seven mills, ten vine-
yards, hthree fisheries, four chapels, eight manses, besides
woods, pasturages, and gardens, all belonging to St. James's
monastery. The deed is attested by one archbishop, six
1Paritius, speaking of the Abbot George II., who ruled from 1213 to
1223, says : " Diesen Pralaten mid sein Closter hat Papst Innocentius III.,
auf dem Concilium Laternanense 12 15, in schutz undschirm des Romischen
Stuhl's aufgenommem und inmmediate unterworfen. Auch ein congre-
gation von alien denen Schottenclostern in Deutchland, derer damals
15 gewesen, befohlen aufzurichten davon der hiesige Praelat allezeit
Praeses und Oeneralis Visitator sein solle. Diese Congregation oder union
hat gedauert bis ins 16 Seculum da die Religion's — veranderung viel YOU
diesen Closter mitgenommen." — (Paritius, op. cit.)
2 See Ulster Journal of Archeology, vol. vii., page 246.
1024 The Irish Monasteries of Eatlslon.
bishops, one king, one landgrave, two dukes, one marquis,
and two earls,"1 The record of these various donations was
carefully kept in the monastery, as we gather from the
1 In nomine Sanctae et Individual Trinitatis Fredericus Secundus
clivina favente dementia Romanorum Hex, et semper Augustus et rex
Siciliae. Si viris Eeligiosis favoris et mUiiificentiae gratiam impenderimus,
temporalium et aeternorum bonorum retributionem indubitan.tes con-
secuturos esse speramus. Quapropter notum sit omnibus Cliristi fidelibus
tain futuris quam presentibus qualiter Monastefium Scotorum llatisbon,
ante portam occidentalem constructum, :nec non et ecclesiam in Weihen
Sti Petri vulgo dictum in orientali ejusdem eivitatis suburbio, ad idem
Monasterium Sancti Jacobi Scotorum attinentem, secundum tenorem
nrinae libertatis Privilegiorum Antecessorum nostrorum Itomanorum
Imperatorum et Regum Ilenrici III. Henrici IV. et Clotarii et Frederici,
ob honorem et venerationem Beatorum Apostolorum Petri ac Jacobi,
rogatu Matthaei abbatis et fratrum ejusdem monasterii atque fratrum
Ecclesiae S. Petri supplicatione quae Scotis monasterii Sancti Jacobi sub-
dita esse probatur cum omnibus bonis et possessionibus quas inodo habent
rationabiliter et quas in posterum specialibus nominibus disignabimur aut
in futurum justis modis sunt habituri in Muntiburdium defensionis nostrae
suscipimus, eo scilicet tenore ut sicnt constitutum est ab supradictis
imperatoribus, idem monasterium Scti Jacobi et ecclesia S. Petri necnon ea
bona sibi attinentia, ac ibidem solummodo Scoti inhabitantes et nulli alii,
perpetuam habeant libertatem nee ab aliqua persona magna vel parva
graventur, nee quidquam servitii nisi soli Deo et Sanctis ejus reddere
cogantur, neque aliqua persona major vel minor in eos aut in bona eorum
qualemcumque dominationem habeant, praeter nos et successores nostros
lieges vel Imperatores, sed securi maiieant absque omni ejectione vel
perturbatione, orantes pro se et pro statu Imperil ac totius Ecclesiae salute.
Nomina autem possessionum haec sunt. Manspach, Calenberg, Tegernhem,
GundoKingen, cum piscaturis Rewt, Kindinhaus, Gebelschoun, Wernsing,
Kneuting cum vineis suis et capella sua, Bochesbruck cum capella sua et
decimis, Trewling, Tietelndorff superius et inferius cum silvis et piscaturis,
caeterisque appendiciis circumquaque sibi adjacentibus, Markstett,
Machtenfeldt, Tessenkual, Oberkof, Molendinum apud Sinsingen,
Griestett cum capella, silvis, piscaturis, molendinis, Ansiedel, Dietfurt,
Halthaus, Bogelthal, Gundobshausen, Britz cum capella, Lienberch,
Graffenberch, Obergundelting, Lachenhausen, Mueldorff, Finginthal,
A\ estenholtz, Molendinum apud Brunn, duo molindinia apud Laber
Essenberch, |Perckstett, Hundhaben, Uelmbuebel, cum appendiciis suis
Hart, Kembnat, Huenberch, Riet, pascualis Stettanhoven, Surchausen,
Gierhausen, Kaerrin, Frankhausen, Warrmadsdorff, suo vinea ad pedem
pontis Ratisponeus, Menslo,' Lewrendorff, Huetenkof, Muenchfreif,
Caustein, Puelhoven, Calbesing, Schiltorn, Krapenhof /* Sneithar4?, Truken-
hoven, Pondorf, Stock. Altauna, Curta apud Pfater, Ilagenbuch, Kager,
Hertzkonen, Kiedling, Coellenbach, Hochdorff, Eych, Ileide, Schur,
Frielbaum, duo vinea juxta Kinckenperg, Wintzer cum molendino, duo
vinea apud Ubspurck, et area una apud Pernsenberg et duos mansos in
Saze, et sex mansos apud Scotting, Snebhart. Praeterea decernimus ut
nulli liceat advocatim eorum concedere, habere, aut dare nisi per nos et
nostros successores. Si quis autem, <fec. See Hugh Ward, De Patria
Sancti Rumoldi, p. 296.
The Irish Monasteries of Eatisbon. 1025
fragments that have remained to us. Thus Bertha,1 " the
gentle and artless dove " (simplex sine felle colttmba),
daughter of the pious Margrave Leopold, and wife of the
Burgrave Henry of Katisbon, makes over on the monastery
two vineyards and seven acres of land in Austria, in return
for which she is buried in the chapter-house and never
forgotten in the prayers of the monks. Another pious
lady, named Linchardis, is equally generous, and is buried
near Bertha " in Capitulo nostro." Noblemen like
Werner von Laaber, Berthold von Schwartzenburg, Otto von
Riedenburg, are especially commemorated in the Necrologium
for their, large donations. Nor should Count Albert de
Mitterzil be forgotten, for he was amongst their earliest
benefactors, giving them the ground alongside their church
on which their monastery was almost entirely constructed.
His name? is recorded in the Necrologium on the 17th
January. Other names equally generous abound on the
register.
And yet the vastness of that great estate did not prevent
the institution that possessed it from one day falling into
decay, and, what is worse, into disrepute. It even possibly
helped its downfall, and made its days of decline more
unfortunate than they might otherwise have been. We do not
refer here to the frequent fires that consumed the material
buildings, and compelled the monks to start from the founda-
tions and begin their work anew.3 The final overthrow of
the monastery was due to influences not less destructive
than fire, but more fatal and far-reaching in their effects.
Chief amongst these, as Wattenbach observes,4 was the
1 l( Deinde Bertha beatissima, simplex sine felle Columba, rutilans
caritatis sidus imperil, beatae memoriae Henrici Ratisbonensis Burgravii
uxor sepulturam propriam, vineas duas ac septem aratra in Austria Deo ac
Beato Jacobo necnon et peregrinis loci illius fratribus pie destinavit."
2 " Albertus de Mitterzil qui primis Scotis agrum suum suburbanum,
Ruselint dictum, libere concessit, in quo hoc nostrum monasterium
constructum est." Cf. Verliandungen des Hixtorishes Vereins fur Regensburg
Band 34, Anno 1879, page 227.
3 Historischfi Nachricht von dem im Jajire 1552 demolirten Schottenkloster
Weigh St. Peter zii Regensburg, von Thomas Hied, Regensburg, 1813,
pages 16-18.
4 Congregation tier Schottenkloster in Deutchland, translated by Reeves
in Ulster Journal of Archseology, vol. vii., page 304.
VOL, XV. 3 T
1026 The Irish Monasteries of Eatisbon.
subjugation of Ireland by the English. The incessant
troubles that overwhelmed the mother country ever since
the Anglo-Normans landed on our shores, made themselves
felt in the Irish religious establishments on the Continent.
The firmer and more extensive English domination
became in Ireland, the more baneful were its results abroad
as well as at home. Eew monks went out from Ireland
from the fourteenth century onwards. Those that did go
were chiefly such as their superiors wanted to get rid of, or
who were discontented with the strict rules and severe
discipline that prevailed at home. It was not the zeal of
the missionary that urged them forward. They sought rather
a life of luxury and ease. Hence the duties of religious life
are gradually neglected. The new monks are not able to
fulfil their task. They fail to become acquainted with the
language of the people around them. They cannot preach
nor hear confessions. Their conduct leaves much to be
desired. The good people whose forefathers lavished riches
and \vealth on the monks of St. James in the early times,
shake their heads in sorrow and almost in shame. The
property of the establishment is frittered away and squan-
dered. The buildings fall into ruin. Manuscripts that had
been laboriously written out were burnt or cast away.
Books were sold or pawned or neglected. Church ornaments
and vestments were allowed to become squalid and unfit for
use. The monks themselves dwindled in number till they
were threatened with extinction. Then it was that the
monastery and what remained of the property fell an easy
prey to the Scotchmen or "Scoti" of Scotland. They
asserted " that these foundations originally belonged to their
nation ; that the Irish had unjustly thrust themselves in,
and for that very reason had brought about the decline of
the colonies." l
1 Wattenbach, op. cit. In reference to the assertion of the Scotchmen,
that the Irish had " thrust themselves in," Bishop Reeves observes :
" The monstrosity of this assertion is hardly credible. But what can be
too bad when Camerarius gravely asserts, and tries to prove, that his
Scotland was occasionally called Ireland/' (Ulster Journal of Archseoloyy,
vol. vii., page 310.)
The Irish Monasteries of Eatisbou. 1027
On the 31st of July, 1515, Pope Leo IV. did actually
make over the monastery of St. James on the Scotch,
and appointed John Thomson superior. Thomson had just
then paid a visit to Rome, where he had been a daily guest
of the Pope at his dinner-table. This abbot drove out
the remnant of Irish monks who still remained, and intro-
duced countrymen of his own from the Abbey of Dunfermline.
He was warmly supported by King James of Scotland. In
1653 an Irish Benedictine monk made vigouros efforts to
recover possession of the monastery for his countrymen.
Several Austrian cardinals supported his claims ; but
Pope Innocent X. decided against him. The newcomers
were, all the same, not much superior to the degene-
rate Irishmen whom they replaced. They squandered what
remained of the property till, under Abbot Alexander Bog,
from 1548 to 1556, there was not a single monk remaining
at St. James's. In his time also the old parent monastery of
Weyh-St. -Peter was lost, having been burned to the ground
on the evening of the 25th of May, 1552, during the pro-
gress of the Smalcaldic war. An old Batisbon chronicler,
Leonhard "Wildman,1 thus relates the occurrence :—
" On Wednesday, in the week of the Holy Cross, they began
to destroy the church of Weyh-St. -Peter. In the evening they
set it on fire, and burned it to the ground. On the 28th of July
I went out, for the first time, by the gate of Weyh-St. -Peter, to
see how the dear little monastery had been broken to pieces ;
and the scene which this ancient house of God presented made
me full sore at heart. Verily, if our forefathers had not built so
many chapels, there would not now have been stones enough for
the bastions of Prebrunn, and for the Ostengate."
St. James's had a short return of prosperity under the
pontificate of Gregory XIII., who appointed as its abbot
Ninian "Winzet, a zealous opponent of the movement
towards Protestantism. He had been driven out of
Scotland on account of his orthodoxy and firmness, and
now gathered around him at Batisbon all the Catholic
fugitives from his own country. He immediately set about
seizing on the other Scotic monasteries that had been
1 Hied, op. cit.j page 37.
1028 The Irish Monasteries of Ratisbon.
subject to St. James, and was successful in the cases of
Erzfiirt and Wiirzburg. In the others he failed. He was
assisted in his intrigues by a remarkable man, named John
Leslie, Bishop of Boss, and formerly plenipotentiary of
Queen Mary Stuart in London. This ecclesiastic was high
in the favour of the Roman Court. He was the author of a
work entitled, De Origine Scotorum. He was appointed
Assistant Bishop and Vicar- General of Eouen, in 1579 ; and
in 1593 he was nominated to the see of Constance. He
was, therefore, in a favourable position to press the claims
of his countrymen to the scattered monasteries of the
" Scoti." He made particularly adroit attempts in reference
to the old monasteries of Nuremburg and Vienna, but failed
in both. Under the Abbot Placidus Fleming (1672-1720),
St. James's again enjoyed comparative prosperity. In 1718
he established there a college for young men of the
Scottish nobility. When Paritius wrote his account of
it, in 1723, the Scottish monks then at the monastery
were — Joseph Falconer, Augustus Morrison, Marian Brochie,
Boniface Leslie, Kilian Grant, Placidus Hamilton, Erhard,
and Columban Grant. According, however, as religious
persecution became less oppressive at home, the necessity
for a foreign secular college gradually ceased. A few monks
lingered on till 1862, when the old monastery was secu-
larized, or rather when, by an understanding between the
Holy See and the Bavarian Government, it was handed over
to the Bishop of Ratisbon as partial endowment of the
ecclesiastical seminary of the diocese.1
In that part of the city of Batisbon now called the
" Stadt-am-Hof," on the western bank of the Danube, the
old '« Schottenkirche," or Church of St. James, still stands.
Notwithstanding the number of times it was burnt and
restored, there are ' still many traces around it of its Irish
1 "Da seit Jahren der Stand der Ordensleute nicht hoher als auf zivei
gebracht werden kounte, so wurde das Kloster 1862 durch den Heiligen
Stuhl sacularesirt und in Einverstandnesse mit diseim und der K.
Bayerischen Staats-regierung an das Bisthum liegensbiirg als theilweise
Dotation des Klerikalseminars iibergeben." — (Verhandlunyen des Historiclies
Verehis fur Regentburg, Band 34, page 221. Article by Hugo Graf von
Walderdorff.)
Liturgical Notes. 1029
origin. One of its doorways in particular exhibits the
genuine characteristics of Celtic art, the interlaced ornamen-
tation and serpentine shapes of crocodiles and monsters
which represent the triumph of Christianity over heathenism ;
the mermaid that symbolizes the distant sea crossed by the
missionaries, and the peculiar shape and features, as far as
they can still be distinguished, of three monks, whose origin
could never be mistaken by anyone acquainted with the
ancient carved stonework of Ireland, and their prototypes in
the illuminated manuscripts of a still earlier period.
Such was the great monastery of St. James. We have
been able to give but a brief sketch of its rise, its decline,
and its extinction. Something must still be heard of it,
however, as we follow the history of its numerous
branches.
J. F. HOGAN.
liturgical
THE CONFKATEBNITY OF THE HOLY KOSAEY1 — continued
IN his reply the General of the Dominicans, in authorizing
the erection of the Confraternity, will grant to the Director
of the Confraternity the necessary faculties to enable him to
enrol members and to bless beads. But as it must often
happen, from one cause or another, that the Director
himself cannot be always present when persons wish to get
1 We have great pleasure in inviting the attention of our readers to an
association recently founded in connection with the Confraternity of tho
Rosary, and known as the " llosary Crusade for the Souls in Purgatory."
The following extracts from a leaflet issued by this association sufficiently
explain its objects, and the conditions of membership, and give all the
information necessary for those who may wish to become members : —
" To be a member of the " Rosary Crusade for the Souls in Purgatory,"
it is necessary — 1st, to be a registered member of the Rosary Confra-
ternity ; 2nd, to use a chaplet, to which the Dominican and Bridgettine
Indulgences have been attached ; 3rd, to say the fifteen Mysteries each week,
for the deceased members of the Rosary Confraternity, their deceased'friends
and relations, and for priests and religious, not forgetting the holy souls in
1030 Liturgical Notes.
enrolled, or cannot by himself, on particular occasions,
discharge all the duties of Director, it will be advisable to
request the Father General to grant to the Director powers
to appoint another priest as substitute or assistant, who
will eo ipso have for that occasion all the faculties which the
Director himself possesses. This request will be readily
granted.
In this petition to the Father General it will be well
to inform him who has been designated Director of the
Confraternity by the bishop; whether, namely, it be the
parish priest or rector of the church, himself or one of the
curates attached to the church. Arid if it be inconvenient
to have a member of the Dominican Order present on the
day on which the confraternity is to be solemnly erected, it
will be necessary also to request the Father General to grant
faculties to the petitioner himself or to some other priest
whom he will mention to solemnly erect the confraternity.
This precaution is necessary, as it is generally to a member
of the Dominican Order, selected by the Provincial, that
the duty of erecting the confraternity is entrusted by the
Father General. A form which may be used in addressing
the Father General will also be found further on.
Generally speaking two confraternities having the same
name and object cannot be erected in two neighbouring
churches which are not separated by a distance of at least
three miles, although the two churches may be in distinct
parishes. For good reasons a dispensation in this condition
can be obtained from the Holy See, and in point of fact a
general dispensation in it has been granted in the case of
general. The association has been blessed and approved by his Holiness
Pope Leo XIII.
•' At present hundreds of Masses are said each year for the members.
" Deceased persons can be registered for the prayers and Masses of
our association. Subscription. Is. yearly.
" For the convenience of members, rosary beads, blessed and
indulgenced, are given on the day of enrolment, and when renewing
subscription if required ; but inasmuch as the association cannot undertake
to pay postage, a few extra stamps should be added towards the postal
expenses. Members are earnestly invited to become Zelators for this great
workjfor the relief of the holy souls.
" Names and subscriptions to be sent to Superioress, Svon Abbey?
Chudleigh, Devon."
The Confraternity of the Holij Rosary, 1031
several confraternities which the Holy See specially wishes
to have widely extended among the faithfcl. Up to the
year 1863, no such dispensation had been granted in favour
of the Confraternity of the Kosary ; hence previous to that
year the condition regarding distance had to be strictly
observed when erecting this confraternity. But according
to a declaration published on March 5, in the above-
mentioned year, by the Very Eev. Father Spada, Procurator-
General of the Order of St. Dominic, Pius IX. on the pre-
ceding 28th January, gave a verbal or viva voce dispensation
in this condition. Acting on this dispensation the Father
General is in the habit of sanctioning the erection of
confraternities of the Rosary in churches separated by a
distance of less than three miles from another church in
which the confraternity already exists. Nevertheless, it is
necessary to mention in the petition to the Father General,
that the church in which the confraternity is to be erected
is not dependant on any other church, and that it is the
church of an independent community, and to state how far
the church in question is from the nearest church in which
a confraternity of the Eosary exists.
3. The next step is to forward to the bishop of the
diocese the diploma of erection received from the General
of the Dominicans, together with the summary of the
indulgences of the confraternity which usualty accom-
panies the diploma. This summary of indulgences must be
submitted to the bishop before the indulgences can be
promulgated ; hence the necessity for this second approval
by the bishop of the erection of the confraternity.
4. For the actual erection of the confraternity, the only
ceremony prescribed de rigore, is the inscription of the names
of those who wish to become members in a book or register
provided for this purpose. From the nature of the case,
however, it is necessary that those who wish to be received
into the confraternity should manifest their desire by some
external act, and that the person having power to receive
them should also, in some way, manifest his consent to their
reception. These two conditions are sufficiently fulfilled by
those desiring to be received requesting the director, or other
1032 Liturgical Notes.
person having power to receive them, to inscribe their
names in the register, and by his consenting to do this.
Nevertheless, it is not absolutely necessary, in the case of
receptions into the Confraternity of the Kosary, that the
Director himself, or other priest possessing the same powers
as the Director, should actually write the names. In the
year 1877 (July 7) the Cardinal Prefect of the Congregation
of Indulgences, at the request of the Procurator-General of
the Order of St. Dominic, declared that Directors of Rosary
confraternities might employ one or more persons to write
the names of the members, provided the Director himself
(or other priest having the same faculties) put his signature
to the foot of each page.
5. But though this is all that is necessary for the valid
erection of the confraternity, and for valid membership of
it, it would be desirable, in order to impress the people, and
to excite their desire to share in the advantages of the
confraternity, to surround the simple act of inscribing the
names by as great religious solemnity as circumstances will
permit. Hence, it is usual to solemnly erect the confra-
ternity on a Sunday or feast of obligation, and at such an
hour as will render it convenient for the people to assemble
in the church. The day and hour selected should be
announced to the people sometime beforehand, and all who
wish to become members should be exhorted to prepare
themselves by a good confession and communion, received,
if possible, on the day itself on which the confraternity is to
be erected ; because, as will be seen,* a plenary indulgence
may be gained on the day of reception on the usual condi-
tions of having confessed and communicated. It is also
usual for the Dominican Father, or other priest empowered
to erect the confraternity, to deliver an instruction to the
people before the ceremony of reception begins ; and it is
hardly necessary to point out that the most suitable subject
for this instruction is the confraternity, of which the people
are to be exhorted to become members. Benediction of the
Most Holy Sacrament, and such other ceremonies as the
resources of the church may admit, or the piety of the
Director suggest, should follow the reception of the
members.
The Confraternity of the Holy Eosary. 1033
6. The Director of the confraternity must be appointed
by the bishop of the place. If there is only one priest attached
to the church in which a confraternity of the Rosary is
about to be erected ; and if the bishop, at the request of this
priest, grant the necessary permission for the erection of
the confraternity without making any mention of a Director,
it would seem to follow that he implicitly appoints him 1
Director. But if more than one priest be attached to the
church, the rector or priest who communicates with the
bishop cannot take it for granted that he is appointed
Director, unless the bishop expressly names him for the
office. Hence, practically speaking, the bishop should name
the Director.
As late as 1842,2 the Congregation of Indulgences
declared that bishops could appoint the Director of a
confraternity or sodality only from year to year, so that at
the end of each year, either the former Director should be
reappointed, or a new one appointed in his place. But this
declaration has been considerably modified by more recent
legislation.3 A bishop may now appoint a priest Director of
a confraternity for the whole period during which he remains
attached to the church in which the confraternity is erected.
Moreover, he may appoint as Director the parish priest for
the time being (parochus pro tempore], and by this manner
of appointment, he not only constitutes the parish priest
Director until he is removed from the parish by death or
otherwise, but also constitute? his successor in the parish his
successor, also in the office of Director. Notwithstanding
this concession, a bishop may still appoint as Director a
priest other than the parish priest or rector of the church in
which the confraternity is established, and he may appoint
him for a longer or shorter period, according to his pleasure.
7. When a confraternity of the Rosary is being erected
in a church, it is necessary to assign a chapel, or at least
an altar, to the confraternity, which is to be styled "the
1 Deer. Auth.,n. 304, ad 1.
2 Deer. AutL, n. 304, ad 3.
3 S. C. Indulg. Junii 25, 1887. Ada S. Sedis. vol. Xx., page 108.
Beringer. torn ii., page 20.
1034 Liturgical Notes.
chapel " or " the altar of the Holy Kosary." This chapel
or altar is not strictly required for the valid erection of the
confraternity ; but it is required in order that the members
may gain all the indulgences of the confraternity. Indeed,
deprived of such chapel or altar, they will be deprived of
many important indulgences. If there is not a chapel in
the church which can be dedicated to the Holy Rosary, and
if there is no other altar in the church save the high altar,
then this altar will serve the purpose ; and the entire chapel
will become a "chapel of the Holy Rosary." This, however,
does not change the titular or patron of the church, nor in
any way modify the commemorations, &c., of the titular or
patron in the Mass or in the Divine Office. The selection of
the chapel or altar for this purpose must be made by the
bishop, or by the parish priest, with the consent of the
bishop.
8. Finally, in parishes where, for any reason, it is impos-
sible or inconvenient to establish a confraternity of the
Rosary, a priest — either parish priest or curate — can obtain
faculties from the General of the Order of St. Dominic,
enabling him to receive the faithful into the confraternity,
to bless beads, and to give to the members of the confrater-
nity a plenary indulgence at the hour of death. Priests who
have received, and who exercise these powers should, from
time to time, forward the names of the members they have
admitted, to be inscribed in a register of the confraternity
kept in a Dominican monastery, or in some secular church
in which the confraternity has been canonically erected.
Application for the faculties here mentioned may be made
direct to the General of the Order in Rome, or, better,
through the Provincial of the Order in the country from
which the application comes.
9. For valid membership of the Confraternity of the Rosary
the one essential condition is, to have one's name inscribed
in the register of a canonically- erected confraternity ; but to
entitle one to share in all the indulgences and privileges of
the confraternity, it is necessary to fulfil the conditions to
which such indulgences and privileges are attached. In the
list of indulgences, the conditions for gaining each one are
Confraternity of our Lady of Mount Carmel. 1035
given in detail. The members are, however, expected to
have beads blessed by a Dominican Father, or other priest
having faculties from the General of the Order, and to recite
the fifteen decades of the Rosary once during the course of
each week. To the devout performance of this exercise,
and even to the carrying of properly-indulgenced beads
about one, are attached numerous indulgences ; but beads
blessed by a priest having the ordinary faculties granted by
Propaganda do not, it must be borne in mind, entitle the
person using them, or carrying them, though he be a member
of the confraternity, to these special indulgences. The beads
must be blessed by a priest having faculties from the General
of the Dominican Order. For persons not members of the
Confraternity of the Eosary it is necessary, in order to gain
the indulgence attached to the recital of the Rosary, to say
a third part of the Rosary, that is, five decades, without
interruption ; but members of this confraternity gain all
the numerous indulgences attached to ths weekly recital of
the fifteen decades, though they interrupt the recital at the
end of each decade.1 A convenient method, therefore, of
performing this weekly devotion would be to say two decades
each day, and add a third on Sundays, or some other conve-
nient day during the week. But again we beg to remind
our readers, that the recital of these fifteen decades each
week is not an essential condition of membership of the
confraternity ; consequently, members neglecting or omitting
this exercise deprive themselves merely of the indulgences
attached to it — a sufficiently great privation, however —
while retaining a full right to all the other indulgences of
the confraternity, provided they fulfil the conditions for
gaining each.
(To be continued.)
INVALIDATION OF INVALID EECEPTIONS INTO THE CON-
FBATEENITY OF OUR LADY OF MOUNT CAEMEL.
We have more than once stated in these pages, that
for valid membership of any recognised confraternity, it is
essential that the names of the members be entered in a
1 Deer., Pius IX., Jan. 22, 1858.
1036 Liturgical Notes.
register kept for this purpose, either in the church in which
the confraternity has been canonically erected, or in a house
of the Religious Order to which the confraternity pertains.
We have also stated that to gain the indulgences attached
to the wearing of the brown scapular it is necessary to become
a member of the Confraternity of our Lady of Mount Carmel ;
and, consequently, that all who wear the brown scapular should
have their names inscribed in the register of a confraternity
of this name, or in a register kept in a Carmelite monastery.
We have reason to know, however, that this condition of
entering the names of those who receive the brown scapular,
though essential for gaining the indulgence, is not always
fulfilled, and that, as a consequence, many who wear this
scapular are deprived of the indulgences. The reason of
this neglect is not far to seek, and it is a reason that palliates,
though it cannot altogether excuse, the negligence of the
older priests ; for the negligence of the younger generation
of priests it offers neither excuse nor palliation. The
reason is this : from the year 1838 (April 30th), until the
year 1887 (March 26th), the inscription in a confraternity
register of the names of those who received the brown
scapular was not necessary. In the former of these years
Gregory XVI. dispensed in this condition, and this dispen-
sation was in force until the latter year, when it was formally
withdrawn by Leo XIII. Hence priests who were accustomed
to invest their people with the brown scapular previous to
the year 1887, and who had never, up to that time, heard of
the necessity of inscribing their names, may be somewhat
excused for refusing to accept, unless on the clearest
evidence, this innovation. But whatever palliation may
exist for past neglect of this condition, there can be none
for any future neglect of it; and we would, therefore, strongly
impress on our readers that the fulfilment of the condition
of having the names of those who received the brown
scapular inscribed in a regularly kept register of a Confra-
ternity of our Lady of Mount Carmel, or forwarded to a
Carmelite monastery is absolutely essential for gaining the
indulgences attached to the wearing of this scapular. For
past negligence of this condition, and for every other
Confraternity of our Lady of Mount CarmeL 1037
informality of whatsoever kind that may have occurred in
investing persons with the brown scapular provision has
been recently made by our Holy Father in the following
document.1 The document is dated June 20th, 1894;
consequently all invalid receptions into the Confraternity
of our Lady of Mount Carmel, made before that date, no
matter from what causes the invalidity arose, are now valid ;
and — if this has not been already stated with sufficient
clearness — consequently, it is no longer necessary to have
inscribed, in the register of a confraternity of our Lady of
Mount Carmel, or forwarded to a Carmelite monastery, the
names of those who received the brown scapular before the
20th of last June, and in whose case this condition had not
been complied with. The following is the document : —
BEATISSIME PATEE,
P. Vicarius Generalis Carmelitarum Discalceatorum ad
Sacrorum pedum osculum provolutus exponit non raro contin-
gere ut Christifideles, qui ad Confraternitatem B. M. Virginis de
Monte Carmelo admitti postulant, invalide recipiantur sive ob
omissam nominum inscriptionem, sive ob aliam causam.
Ne itaque praefati Christifideles gratiis et privilegiis memo-
ratae Confraternitate concessis priventur, Orator S. V. humiliter
supplicat quatenus receptiones ad eandem Confraternitatem,
quacunque ex causa, usque ad hanc diem, invalide peractas,
benigne sanare dignetur.
Vigore specialium facultatum a Ssmo. Dno. Nostro Leone, P.P.,
XIII., tributarum S. C. Indulgentiis Sacrisque Iteliquiis praepo-
sita petitam sanationem benigne concessit. Contraries non
obstantilus quibuscunque.
Datum Eomae ex Secretaria ejusdem S. Congreg. die 20
Junii, 1894.
FE. IGNATIUS CAED. PEESICO, Praefectus.
»5« A. AECHIEP. NICOPOL, Secretaries.
FE. BEENAEDINUS A S. VEEENA, Procurator Generalis, C.D.
1 For a copy of this document we are indebted to the Very Rev.
P. T. Burke, O.D.C., St. Mary's, MoreJiampton-road, Dublin.
1038 Liturgical Notes.
ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS
QUESTIONS KEGAKDING INDULGENCES
EEV. DEAK Sm-, — I shall feel very grateful if you kindly
enlighten me on the following questions :—
1st. Can the faithful gain the indulgence granted for saying
the prayer of St. Joseph during this month by joining mentally
with the priest in saying the words ?
2nd. Can a wsekly penitent who goes to confession on the
first day of the week and the last day of the following week gain
the indulgences that occur between these two confessions ; or
should there be only seven days between the confessions in order
to gain the indulgences ?
3rd. When confession, communion, a visit to a church, and
prayers according to the Pope's intention are prescribed for
gaining an indulgence on a certain day, say the first Sunday of
the month, can a person who goes to confession, and receives
communion the day before, fulfil the condition of a visit, and
gain this indulgence by going to the church and praying for the
Pope's intention on the day the indulgence can be gained — to
hear Mass of obligation ? Delicate people sometimes go to
confession and receive communion on Saturday morning and on
vigils, who cannot fast till the community Mass on the following
day. Although a person who goes to a church, to hear Mass
of obligation, and receives Holy Communion at that Mass, and
prays for the Pope's intention, fulfils the obligation of communion,
a visit, and the prayers, the above case seems to be somewhat
different.
4th. When or on what occasion was the plenary indulgence
granted on the first Sunday of the month to the faithful of
Ireland? It seems to be a special privilege granted to this
country. PAROCHUS.
1. We are of opinion that the reply to our corres-
pondent's first question should be in the affirmative. For
when the Holy Father orders an indulgenced prayer to be
recited publicly, it would seem to be his intention that all
who assist at this public recitation should gain the indul-
gence ; but he never, we think, intends or expects that while
the priest reads the prayer aloud all present should also read
it or repeat it from memory. All that is intended is that
Answers to Correspondents. 1039
those present should join with the priest in offering the
prayer ; and they can join with the priest either by repeating
along with him the words of the prayer, or by raising their
hearts to God and offering the prayer mentally with
him.
2. For gaining plenary indulgences, for which confession
and communion are prescribed, weekly confession is required
and is sufficient — qui assolejit confiteri semel saltem in hebdo-
mada, are the words of the Congregation of Indulgences.
Our correspondent, then, wants to know what is meant by
a week in this context ; whether, namely, it means a space of
seven consecutive days beginning with the day of confession —
whatever day of the week that may be — or, whether it means
the week in the ecclesiastical sense which always begins
with Sunday and ends with the following Saturday. We
think the latter is the true meaning ; and from this we infer
that, if a person goes to confession on any day of one week,
and on any day of the following, he fulfils the condition of
weekly confession. Hence in the case proposed by our
correspondent, this condition, would be fulfilled. This is not
our own opinion merely, but the opinion of many eminent
authors, among whom may be mentioned Lehmkuhl,1 and
Melata.2
3. To fulfil the condition of confession and communion
scribed for gaining a plenary indulgence on a given day,
both sacraments may be^received on the previous day ; or,
when there is question of persons who confess every week,
communion alone may be received on the previous day, the
weekly confession, as we have just seen, being sufficient for
the fulfilment of the other part of the condition. It should,
however, be borne in mind, that all the other conditions,
such as visiting a church, praying for the Pope's intentions,
&c., must be fulfilled on the day itself for which the indul-
gence has been granted.
That communion received on the day preceding that for
which the indulgence has been granted suffices for gaining
1 Vol. ii., n. 539, and note.
2 Manuak dc Indidyentiis, Romae, 1892, pp. 50, 57.
1040 Liturgical Notes.
the indulgence, is clear from the following decree of
October 6, 1870 :—
" SSmus D. N. Pius P.P. IX. in Audientia habita ab infra-
scripta Cardinal! Praefecto ejusdem Sacrae Congregationis, die
6 Octobris, 1870, ad removendam omnem dubitandi rationem et
ad commodius reddendum confessionis et communionis adimple-
mentum, benigne declarari et decerni mandavit, prout hoc decreto
declaratur et decernitur, turn confessionem dumtaxat, turn con-
fessionem et communionem peragi posse die, qui immediate
praecedit sequentem pro quo concessa fuerit indulgentia quaelibet
non solum ratione festivitatis occurentis juxta allata decreta,
verum etiam quaecunque alia ex causa, vel devotionis, vel pii
exercitii, ut solemnitatis, uti esset pro memoratis et ceteris
hujusmodi diebus, pro quibus indulgentia cum conditions con-
fessionis et communionis concessa jam fuerit, vel in posterum
concedatur."
This concession does not extend to the indulgence of a
Jubilee ; to gain this indulgence all the conditions, even
that of confession and communion, must be fulfilled within
the time over which the Jubilee extends.
4. A plenary indulgence on the first Sunday of each
month was granted on the usual conditions to the faithful
of the Diocese of Dublin, by Pius VI., on January 12, 1783,
at the request, probably, of Dr, Carpenter, then Archbishop
of this see. The same indulgence, together with several
other special indulgences, previously granted to the faithful
of the diocese, as well as of the province of Dublin, was
extended to the faithful of the whole country by Gregory XVI,
on March 18, 1832, at the request of the archbishops and
bishops of the other provinces.
D. O'LiOAN.
[ 1041 J
•
Cotrespon&ence,
THE ASSOCIATION OF PBIESTS-ADOBERS
ST. JOSEPH'S COLLEGE, WILTON, COEK,
October IQth, 1894.
EEV. DEAR SIR, — In the July number of the I. E. RECORD the
Eev. P. A. Sheehan, C.C., ^Mallow, wrote an eloquent article on
the Association of Priests-Adorers, of which I am the humble
Director-General for Ireland. I am highly pleased with the
article and again publicly express my heartfelt thanks to the
zealous Apostle of the Blessed Sacrament, for his article was read
by many priests with great interest and many joined the Association.
Now it appears from a letter written by an English priest,
the Eev. Father Smith, Mortomley, near Sheffield, and published
in the September number of the I. E. EECORD, that some words
of Father Sheehan's article gave rise to doubts as to the existence
of a branch of Lay Adorers, connected with the Association of
Priests-Adorers and endowed with indulgences. I received a
letter from the Eev. Father Sheehan calling upon me as Director-
General " to decide this point of controversy." I enclose Father
Sheehan's letter, and I would be most thankful to you, Eev. Dear
Sir, if you would kindly reproduce it in its full extent, if you have
space enough,
"MALLOW, October ±th, 1894,
" DEAR FATHER SPIESER, — I presume you have seen in the
September number of the I. E. EECORD a letter from Father
Smith, impugning some statement that I made in the July
EECORD, in the article " Priests- Adorers." As you are more
thoroughly conversant with the rules of this world-wide Associa-
tion than I am, I appeal to you for an opinion on the subject
under controversy. The main object of my brief article was to
bring under the notice of the Irish priesthood this admirable
association of priests, banded together to form a Guard of Honour
around our Blessed Lord in the Adorable Sacrament of the Altar.
Quite incidentally, I mentioned that some zealous priests had
formed in their parishes lay associations with a similar object,
affiliated to the central confraternity in Paris, dowered with
numerous indulgences, and under the obligation of making
occasionally (every month) an hour's adoration before the Holy
Sacrament: As far as I can understand Father Smith's letter,
he contends that there is no lay-association of the kind ; and that
it would be quite a mistake to leave pious lay people under the
VOL. XV, 3 u
1042 Correspondence.
misapprehension that they could be affiliated to the Confraternity
of the Blesssed Sacrament, or become partakers in its privileges.-
Would you kindly intervene, as Director of the Association in
Ireland, to decide this point of controversy ? I am rather sorry
that a mere passing allusion to the matter in my paper, should
have raised an issue which may have the tendency to throw into
the background the main purport of my article ; namely, the vast
importance and grandeur of this work of priestly adoration,
which has now been taken up by the priesthood in all countries,
and in which prophetic eyes are willing to discern one of those
sudden Providential inspirations, which, if accepted, will eventuate
in one of those grand -religious upheavals that will break up the
tepidity and indifference which are characteristic of our times. —
I am, Dear Fr. Spieser, yours very sincerely.
" P. A. SHEEHAN."
I am deeply indebted to the Rev. Father Smith, and thank
him for his great zeal and the interest he takes in our Associa-
tion, but he evidently was not aware of the real existence of a
branch of Lay Adorers, and consequently did not understand the
passage of Father Sheehan's article alluding to it. Father
Sheehan's intention was to speak especially of the Association
of Priests-Adorers.
Now in order to prevent any further doubt or discussion on
the subject, it suffices to lay before the eyes of the rev. clergy the
rules of the branch, or as it is called in France, the Aggregation
of Lay- Adorers. Therefore, Eev. Dear Sir, do please kindly
publish the notice on the Lay Aggregation here enclosed.
Thanking you for all your kindness, and hoping that now and
then you will give a place of honour to the Most Holy Sacrament
in the I. E. RECOED.— I remain, yours most humbly,
CHARLES SPIESEB, S.A.M.
LAY AGGREGATION TO THE CONGREGATION OF THE MOST
HOLY SACRAMENT
I. ITS NATURE
This Aggregation is a spiritual affiliation to the Congregation
of the Most Holy Sacrament, founded at Paris by the Very Rev.
Pore Eymard, of venerable memory, in order to permit the faithful
to share in his Adorations, his zeal for the glory of our Lord
Jesus Christ in the divine Sacrament of the Altar, and to participate
in the merits, spiritual favours, and indulgences.
II. CONDITIONS OF ADMISSION
Every Catholic, no matter of what age, can be a member of
the Aggregation. For that he must (1) promise to spend each
Correspondence. 1043
month a continuous hour of Adoration before the Most Holy
Sacrament exposed or shut up in the Tabernacle. The day, the
hour, and the church are left to the choice or convenience of the
members. He can change them each month if he wishes. How-
ever, in parishes where the Devotion of the Monthly Exposition
is established, the members are invited to make their hour of
Adoration on the day when, and in the church where the Most
Holy Sacrament is exposed. (2) To have themselves inscribed,
surname and Christian name are required. (3) To consecrate
themselves to the service of the Most Holy Sacrament by the
formula indicated farther on, or any other similar formula.
III. INDULGENCES
(1) A Plenary Indulgence can be gained on the day of their
admission into the Aggregation, provided they receive the Holy
Sacraments of Penance and Communion, and visit during the day
a Church of the Congregation of the Most Holy Sacrament or
their Parish Church, and there pray awhile for the intentions of
our Holy Father the Pope. (2) Every day they can gain a
Plenary Indulgence if after Confession and Communion they
spend an hour of Adoration during that day before the Most Holy
Sacrament exposed or shut up in the Tabernacle.1 (3) Seven
years and seven quarantines when with a contrite heart they
adore during one full hour the Most Holy Sacrament exposed or
shut up in the Tabernacle. (4) A Plenary Indulgence on the
Eeast of the Epiphany and Corpus Christi, if having been at
Confession and received Holy Communion they adore devoutly
(even for a few minutes) the Most Holy Sacrament in one of the
Churches of the Congregation, or in their Parish Church, and
pray also for the intentions of the Sovereign Pontiff. (5) A
Plenary Indulgence at the hour of death by invoking the holy
name of Jesus.
IV. REMARKS
(1) All these Indulgences are applicable to the souls in
Purgatory. (2} None of these Indulgences can be gained if there
is no lamp burning before" the Blessed Sacrament. (3) Besides
all the favours and Indulgences mentioned, the Aggregates share
also in the merits and good works, not only of fheir Association,
but also in those of all the Fathers and Brothers of the Congre-
gation of the Most Holy Sacrament, and of all the numerous
members of their divers Associations.
N.B. — Persons desirous of becoming members of this Aggre-
gation are requested to communicate with the Director- General.
Address:— Kev. CHARLES SPIESER, S.A.M., St. Joseph's
Apostolic College, Wilton, Cork
1 Remark. — Everyone who is in the habit of confessing every fortnight
or every week, according to the rules of his diocese, can gain a Plenary
Indulgence each time he makes an hour of Adoration on the Communion day.
[ 1044 ]
Documents
LEO XIII. AND SACEED PEEACHING
[THE following Circular Letter ou Sacred Preaching has been
issued by order of his Holiness Pope Leo XIII. by the Sacred
Congregation of Bishops and Kegulars, and addressed to all the
Ordinaries of Italy, and to the Superiors of the Religious Orders
and Congregations.]
" His Holiness Pope Leo XIII., who has so much at heart the
apostolic ministry of preaching, so necessary, especially in these
days, for the right guidance of the Christian people, has learned
with much pain that grave abuses, rendering modern preaching
either contemptible or barren and unfruitful, have for some time
back crept into the manner of announcing the divine word. He,
therefore, following in the footsteps of his predecessors,1 has
ordered this holy Congregation of Bishops and Regulars to address
themselves to the Ordinaries of Italy, and to the Superiors-General
of the Religious Orders, in order to stimulate their vigilance and
zeal, that they may, as far as in their power, remedy these dis-
orders and effect their complete removal. In obedience, there-
fore, to the commands of the Holy Father this Sacred Congregation
puts before the eyes of the Most Reverend Ordinaries and Heads
of Regular Orders and pious Ecclesiastical Institutions the follow-
ing rules, that they may with all diligence and zeal look to their
observation.
1. And in the first place let them beware of ever entrusting so
sacred an office to one not endowed with sincere Christian piety
and great love of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, without
which he would never be more than acs sonans et cymbalum
tinniens ;2 and cpuld never have that true zeal for the glory of
God and the salvation of souls which should be the sole end and
motive of the preaching of the Gospel. And this Christian piety,
so necessary to Christian teachers, should shine also in their
external conduct, which, should never be in contradiction with
1 Amongst others, Clement X., Innocent XL, Innocent . XII. ,
Benedict XIII. . sometimes in Pontifical Acts, sometimes by means of
the Sacred Congregation of the Council, or of that of the Bishops and
Kegulars, issued, according to the wants of the times, wise prescription as
to sacred preaching.
2 1 Cor. xxii. 1.
Documents. 1045
their teaching, nor have any worldly or mundane character, but
be always such as to show them to be truly ministros Christi
et dispensatores mysteriorum Dei;1 otherwise, as the Angelic
St. Thomas observes, si doctrina est bona et praedicator mains,
ipse est occasio blaspJiemiae Dei.2 With piety and Christian
virtue must also be combined knowledge, since it is manifest and
proved by continual experience that sound, well ordered and
fruitful preaching would be vainly looked for from those who,
unfurnished with solid studies, principally theological, and con-
fiding in their own natural loquacity, should rashly ascend the
pulpit with little or no preparation. Such as these in general are
only beating the air, and, without perceiving it, bringing the divine
word into contempt and derision ; hence to them it is clearly
said : Quia tu scicntiam rcpulisti, cyo rcpdlam te ne sacerdotio
fungaris mihi?
2. Wherefore, after, arid not before the priest has provided
himself with the aforesaid qualifications, the Most Rev, the
Ordinaries, and Heads of the Eegular Orders, may confide to him
the great ministry of the divine word, watching, however, to see
that he restricts himself to matter proper for sacred preaching.
Such matter is indicated by the Divine Eedeemer where He
says : Predicate evangelium.* Dicentes eos servare omnia quaecum-
que mandavi vobisS Conformably to which words the Angelic
Doctor wrote : Praedicatores dcbent illuminarc in credendis,
dirigere in operandis, vitanda manifestare, et modo comminando,
modo exhortando, hominibus praedicare" And the Holy Council
of Trent : Annunciantes eis vitia quae eos decimetre et virtutesquas
sectari oportet ut poenam eternam evadere et coelestem gloriam
conzequi valeantJ But this was still more amply explained by
the Supreme Pontiff Pius IX. of holy memory in the following
words : ' ' Non semetipsos sed Christum crucifixum praedicantes,
sanctissima religionis nostrae dogmata et precepta, juxta
Catholicae Ecclesiae et Patrum doctrinam, gravi ac splendido
orationis genere, populo clare aperteque annuncient, omnesque a
flagitiis deterreant, ad pietatem inflamment, quo fideles, Dei
verbo salubriter refecti, vitia omnia declinent, virtutes sectentur,
atque ita aeternas poenas evaders et coelestem gloriam consequi
valeant." 8 Hence it clearly appears that the Creed and Decalogue,
1 1 Cor. iv. 1. 5 Matt, xxxiii. 20.
2 Comment, in Matt. v. 6 Loco cit.
3 Os. iv. C. 7 Sess. V., c. 2, de Reform.
4 Mark xvi. 15. 8 Enc., Nov. 9, 184G!
1040 Documents.
the precepts of the Church and the Sacraments, virtues and vices,
the duties proper to different classes of people, the Last Day and
such eternal truths should form the ordinary material of sacred
oratory.1
3. But these grave themes are at the present day unworthily
neglected by many preachers, who, quaerentes quae sua sunt, non
quae Jesu Christ i - and knowing well that these are not the
themes best suited to gain them that popular vogue that they
ambition, leave them completely on one side, especially in Lent,
and on other solemn occasions : and changing the name as well
as the thing described, substitute for the old-fashioned sermons
an ambiguous kind of conferences, adapted rather to attracting
the mind and fancy than to moving the will and reforming the
morals. Nor do they reflect that while moral sermons were
improving for all, these conferences are generally adapted only to
the few ; and that even those few, if they were better looked
after in their morals ; that is to say, if better assisted to become
more chaste, more humble, more obedient to the authority of the
Church, would by those means alone have had their minds cleared
of endless prejudices against the faith, and more disposed to
receive the light of truth; because religious errors, especially among
Catholic people, generally have their root in the passions of the
heart, rather than in the aberrations of the mind, according to
what is written, De corde exeunt cogitationes malae, blasphemiae, &c.3
Hence on what was said by the Psalmist, Dixit insipiens in corde
suo ; non estDeus,*- St. Augustine wisely reflects, in corde sno, non
in mente sua.
4. It is not, however, intended hereby absolutely to condemn
the use of conferences, which may indeed in some cases, when
well conducted, be most useful and necessary among the many
errors diffused in reference to religion. But it is desired to banish
utterly from the pulpit those pompous discourses that treat of
arguments more speculative than practical, more civil than
religious, more showy than fruitful, which are perhaps adapted to
the journalistic arena, and to the academic halls, but are certainly
out of place in a sacred edifice. With regard then to conferences
that aim at the defence of religion from the attacks of its enemies,
they are occasionally necessary ; but this argument is of a weight
• not suited to all shoulders, but only to the most robust. Even the
1 1 Cor. xiii. 5. » Matt, xv., 19.
2 1 Cor. xiii. 5. . 4 Ps. xiii. 1.
Documents. 1047
best orators must treat it cautiously, for such apologies should only
be made in such places, such churches, and to such audiences as
really require them, and amongst whom real profit may be hoped
for from them, as to which it is manifest the ordinaries are the
best judges ; they should be so arranged that the demonstration
should have its basis deep in the sacred doctrines much more than
in human and natural arguments ; and they should be framed
with such solidity and clearness as to avoid the danger that on
certain minds the error should remain more forcibly impressed
than the opposite truths, and the objections carry more weight
than their refutation. Above all the danger must be carefully
guarded against, that the excessive use of conferences may make
moral sermons fall into disesteem and disuse, as though they
were matters of a secondary order and of less importance than
polemics, and, therefore, to be left to vulgar preachers and their
audiences ; whilst the truth is, that moral preaching is the more
necessary to the bulk of the faithful, and no less lofty than
polemics, for which reason the most able and distinguished
orators, before however select and numerous an audience, should
at least occasionally treat it with lively zeal.
5. But if many abuses are noted in the choice of themes,
others not less grave are to be deplored in the form of treatment.
In reference to which St. Thomas Aquinas teaches truly, that in
order to be really lux mundi, tria debet Jiabere praedicato.r verbi
divini : primum est stabilitas, ut non deviet a veritate ; secundum
est claritas, ut non doceat cum obscuritate ; tertium est utilitas ut
quaerat Dei laudem et non suam.1 But unfortunately the form of
many modern sermons is not only far removed from the clearness
and evangelical simplicity that ought to characterize them, but
involved in nebulous circumlocutions and obstruse matters above
the comprehension of the generality of the people, calling to the
lips the piteous complaint : Parvuli petierunt panem, et non erat
quifrangeret eis.2 But the worst defect is the frequent want of
that sacred impress, that breath of Christian piety, that unction
of the Holy Spirit, in virtue of which the evangelic messenger
ought always to be able to say of himself : Sermo meus et predi-
cat-io mea non in persuasibilibus -liumanae sapientiae verbis, sed in
ostensione spiritus et virtutis.3 They, on the contrary, resting
almost entirely on persuasibilibus humanae sapientiae verbis, care
little or nothing for the divine word of the Sacred Scripture
1 Loco cit. 2-Thren. iv. 4. 3 1 Cor. ii. 4.
1048 Documents.
which should be the well-spring of sacred eloquence. " Haec
propria et singularis scripturarum virtus, a divino afflatu Spiritus
Sancti profecta, ea est quae oratori sacro auctoritatem aduit,
apostolicam praebet dicendi libertatein, nervosam victricemque
tribuit eloquentiam. Quisquis enim divini verbi spiritum et robur
eloquendo refert, ille non loquitur in sermone tantum, sed et in
rirtute, et Spiritu Sancto ct in plenitudine multa.1 Quamobrem
ii dicendi sunt praepostere improvideque facere, qui ita conciones
de religione habent, et praecepta divina enunciant, nihil ut fere
afferant nisi humanae -scientiae et prudentiae verba, suis magis
argumentis quam divinus innixi. Istorum scilicet orationem,
quamtumvis nitentem luminibus, languescere et frigere necesse
est utpote quae igne careat sermonis Dei, eamdemque longe
abesse ab ilia qua divinus sermo pollet virtute : Vivus est enim
scrmo Dai et efficax, et penetrabilior omni gladio ancipiti, et
pertingens usqiie, ad divisionem animae ac spiritus.2 Quamquam
hoc etiam prudentioribus assentiendum est, inesse in sacris
Litteris mire variam et uberem magnisque dignam rebus
eloquentiam : id quod Augustinus pervidit diserteque arguit,3 atque
res ipsa confirmat praestantissimorum in oratoribus sacris, qui
nomen suum assiduae Bibliorum consuetudini piaeque meditation}
se praecipue debere, grati Deo, affirmarunt."*
6. Here then is the principal fountain of sacred eloquence, the
Bible. But these modernized preachers, instead of drawing their
eloquence from the fountain of living water, turn, by an intoler-
able abuse, to the parched cisterns of human wisdom ; instead
of bringing forward the divinely inspired texts, or those of the
holy fathers and the councils, they quote to satiety profane
writers, modern and even living authors, authors and words
which lend themselves very frequently to most equivocal and
dangerous interpretations. It is also a great abuse of sacred
eloquence to treat religious subjects solely from the point of view
of the interests of this life, and not to speak of the future one ; to
enumerate the advantages conferred on society by the Christian
religion, while passing over the duties enjoined by it ; to depict
the Divine Eedeemer as all charity, and to be silent as to His
justice. Hence the little fruit of such preaching, from which the
man of the world comes away persuaded that without change of
1 Thess. i. 5. 2 Heb. iv. 12.
3 De Doctr. Christ., iv. 6, 7.
4 Enc. de Studiis Script., November 18, 1893.
Documents. 1049
life, provided he say, "I believe in Jesus Christ," he will be a
good Christian.1
But what matter the fruits to such as these ? That is not
what they principally seek, but to attract their auditors prurientes
auribus,2 and provided they see the churches full they do not
care if souls are left empty. Hence they never speak of sin,
never of the Day of Judgment, never of other grave truths which
might cause saving sorrow, but they only speak verba placentia?
and this with an eloquence more suited to the tribune than the
apostle, more profane than sacred, which earns for them hand-
clapping and applause long ago condemned by St. Jerome when
he wrote : docente in ecclesia te, non clamor popnli, sed cjemitus
suscitetur ; auditorum lacrimae laudes tuae sint.* Hence it is that
all their preaching seems surrounded, whether in the Church or
elsewhere, by a certain theatrical atmosphere, which deprives it
of all sacred character and all superhuman efficacy. Hence
again in the people, and we may say in a portion of the clergy,
the decline of taste for the divine word, the scandal of the good
and the little or no profit to evil-livers or unbelievers ; who,
though they sometimes throng in crowTds to listen to such verba
placentia, especially if attracted to it by the sonorous words
progress, country, and modern science, leave the church the same
as they entered it, after having loudly applauded the orator who
knows the right way of preaching ; mirabantur, sed non converte-
bantur/'
7. Desirous, then, in conformity with the venerated commands
of his Holiness, of applying a remedy to so many and such
destestable abuses, this Sacred Congregation addresses itself to
all the Most Eeverend Bishops and Superiors-General of the
Regular Orders, and pious Ecclesiastical Institutions, in order
that they may with apostolic firmness oppose themselves to them,
and direct all their efforts to their extirpation. Mindful, then,
that according to the prescription of the most holy Tridentine
Council, viros idoneos ad huiusmodi praedicationis officium
assumere tenenturflei them use in this business the greatest diligence
and caution. In the case of priests in their dioceses, let them
1 Card. Bausa, Archbishop of Florence, to his young clergy, 1893.
2 2 Tim. i. 3.
3 Is. xxx. 10.
4 Ad Nenotian.
r> Ex Aug. in Matt. xix. 25.
6 Sess. V., cap. 2, DC Reform.
1050 Documents.
be firm in not entrusting to them so august a ministry without
having first tried them, either by examination or in some other
suitable manner ; nisi prius de vita et scientia et moribus probati
fuerint.1 If it is a question of priests from other dioceses, let
them accept none to preach in theirs, especially on the more
solemn occasions, unless they present letters from their own
Bishops or their own Eegular Superiors, vouching for their good
conduct and fitness for the office. Let no Superior of Religious
of whatsoever Order, Society, or Congregation, permit any of his
subjects to preach, still less present him to Ordinaries with their
own letters of recommendation, unless they have first thoroughly
satisfied themselves both of his moral conduct and of his befitting
manner of announcing the divine message. And should
Ordinaries, after having accepted some preacher on the faith
of recommendations presented by him, see him in the practical
exercise of his ministry deviate from the rules and admonitions
conveyed in this letter, let them by means of opportune correction
recall him promptly to his duty ; but if this do not suffice, let
them straightway remove him from such office, applying even the
canonical penalties, should the nature of the case require it.
In conclusion, as this Sacred Congregation knows it can count
with certainty on the zeal of the Most Reverend Ordinaries
and Heads of Religious Orders, it trusts that principally through
their instrumentality, this modern fashion of announcing, or rather
adulterating the divine word, will be quickly reformed, and that
all worldly allurements being finally removed from sacred preach-
ing, it will regain its native and venerable majesty, and its
superhuman efficacy, to the glory of God, the salvation of souls,
and the universal advantage of the Church and of the world.
Rome, from the Segreteria of the Sacred Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars, July 31, 1894."
ISIDOEE CARD. VEEGA, Prefect.
LUIGI TKOMBETTA, Pro-Secretary.
1 Loco clt.
[ 1051 ]
IRotices of Boohs
PREELECTIONS s DOGMATICAE. Quas in Collegio Ditton-Hall
habebat Christianus Pesch. Tomus I.
NOT many months have passed since we had the pleasure of
notifying to our readers the appearance of a new " Cursus
Completus " of Dogmatic Theology, by Father Tepe, S.J. We have
now before us the first volume of still another " Cursus Com-
pletus " on the same subject by yet another Jesuit theologian,
Father Pesch. This exuberance of publication argues a whole-
some activity at present prevailing in our schools of theology ;
and reminds us once again of the marvellous fertility of
theological science, which, notwithstanding the world of literature
of which it has been already the theme, can still furnish matter
for new and important publications. Indeed theology, like the
ocean, would seem to be infinite. From Petrus Lombardus to the
present day the ablest minds of each succeeding age have drawn
upon it ; yet that noble science, " ancient but ever new," not
only retains undiminished its interest for the human mind, but
continues to supply new ground for the exercise of the genius
and industry of the latest explorer.
Father Pesch's book will when complete cover the whole
course of Dogmatic Theology. The author's design is to give us
a text-book which will be sufficiently exhaustive, and at the
same time of such proportions as can be compassed by students
within a four years' course of two hours' lecture each day.
The first volume, now in our hands, treats of de Christo Legato
Divino, de Ecclesia, de Locis Theologicis. We do not say that the
book contains anything strikingly new, or makes any substantial
addition to the information already obtainable on these subjects
in current hand-books. Still we can congratulate the author on
having given us a good book, and one which argues well for the
character of the volumes that are to follow. It is plainly the
production of a vigorous and scientific mind well versed in
theology. It is enriched with valuable quotations from the
fathers, and has the advantage of being written well up to date,
including even a quotation from the Papal Encyclical of last year
on Sacred Scripture. Every question of importance is raised
somewhere, and comes in for at least some discussion. We
observe that the author falls in with Franzelin's theory as to the
10/52 Notices of Books.
provisional teaching of the Pope, and is prepared to admit its
application in certain cases to Papal Encyclicals of a doctrinal
character. The author, too, keeps his eye on the infidel lines
across the border, and the latest movements in their ranks are
recorded and criticised.
Thus has this book many excellent features ; it has also to
our minds many serious drawbacks. In the first place it is a
serious want in any text-book to be weak and deficient in exposi-
tion. A precise and well-defined exposition of Catholic doctrine,
its meaning, significance, and the errors opposed to it, ought
invariably to precede the formal proof of the doctrine — otherwise
our notions must remain jejune or hazy, and our arguments, too
often mere beating the air. This volume, too, generally eschews
exposition. The author enunciates his proposition, and straight-
way, without any exposition at all, or with a very paltry one,
we are plunged in cold blood into an argument which very often
like the doctrine itself is insufficiently developed. Certainly the
Magisterium of the Church is amongst the most important
questions of the Church Tract. But it is a question which has
a history, and which requires to be explained, as against the
Protestant doctrine of private judgment. In this book we meet
it the first proposition in the treatise de Ecclesia, and it is set
down there, without one word of comment or explanation beyond
the mere enunciation of the proposition. So also for the great
question of Infallibility ; and, indeed, throughout the book we are
again and again set to prove doctrines without being clearly
informed as to what the nature and significance of these doctrines
may be.
Again, this volume has too great an aversion to objections
from Scripture. A vast number of these objections are raised by
Protestants in this department of theology, and a formal solution
of at least the principal of them cannot well be dispensed with.
A student of theology must be able to defend Catholic doctrine as
well as to prove it. It is certainly an original feature in this
volume that, as a rule, it either omits these difficulties, or gives
them at most only a cursory consideration. The author may have
had peculiar reasons for this mode of procedure, but omissions so
substantial as these must largely detract from the suitability of
his treatise as a general hand-book.
The section de Vera Religione, will, we fear, be considered
too jejune by many. The great question of miracles, questions
Notices of Books. 1053
concerning the nature, possibility, and necessity of revelation, are
left to be largely supplied from the philosophical course, and the
alleged contradictions in the Gospel narratives of the Eesurrection
are despatched in a few lines of general observations, in which,
with one exception, we are not even told what these alleged
contradictions are.
The Church Tract, it is true, lends itself to great variety as
to the order of treatment and arrangement of questions. It is
difficult, if not impossible, to find any order free from all objec-
tions. But we certainly do not approve of the order adopted in
this volume. It has the effect of breaking up that unity of
treatment which, is so desirable in great questions like the
Magisterium, the Infallibility, Primacy, Ac. For instance, in this
volume we find the Primacy of St. Peter at one end, the Primacy
of the Eoman Pontiff at the other end, of the treatise de Ecclesia ;
and thus we have two questions, which naturally are linked
together, violently torn asunder with the great body of the
treatise thrust in between them. Even on logical grounds it does
seem anomalous to formally and in detail discuss, as is done
here, the nature and extent of the Church's authority before
the existence of the Church as a society had been directly
established.
There are some particular questions the author's treatment of
which we had intended to animadvert upon, e.g., his countenancing
of— for he does seem to countenance — the opinion that the
Apostles were in doubt as to whether the end of the world was
not imminent in their own day ; but the author does not stand
alone in the position he has taken upon this and other questions ;
and any further fault-finding on our part might have the appear-
ance of unduly detracting from the merits of a book, which, when
all is said, we acknowledge to be a good one. If it is faulty, it is
faulty more in what it has not, than what it has.
THE POEMS OF EICHABD D' ALTON WILLIAMS. Edited with an
Introduction, by the author of the Life and Letters of
John Martin ; Life of John Mitchel. Dublin : James
Duffy & Co.
THE author of this work has collected and arranged, in a
handsome little volume, the scattered poems of Eichard D'Alton
Williams, and in a short introduction, of twenty-four small pages,
he gives us a sketch of the life of the poet. The signature at the
1054 Notices of Books.
end of this introduction, P. A. S., will be readily recognised. All
lovers of genuine Irish literature will thank the compiler for his
labour, and for the little banquet with which he thus conveniently
supplies them. The poems of D' Alton Williams are not wonders
of artistic excellence nor of poetic feeling. With the exception of
one or two, they are not likely to secure a lasting place in the
literary temple of fame which a nation so gratefully accords to the
songs of her sweetest singers and most faithful interpreters.
Though rigidly correct in metre, and faultless in their purity
of language, though they possess the tuneful cadence, the deep
note of pathos, and the rich fulness of harmony, they are not
distinguished by anything very original in thought or unusually
striking in expression. They have no very particular characteristic,
as far as form or feature is concerned. They are, moreover, -very
uneven. At one time reserved and graceful, they are often at the
next moment perfervid and common-place ; nevertheless they
deserve to be rescued from the oblivion to which they would
undoubtedly have been consigned, were it not for the interest
taken in their fortunes by the man who has given us this volume.
For they breathe the genuine spirit of patriotism, and are highly
characteristic of the period in which they were written, and of
the turn of mind and quality of emotion that swayed the party
of Irishmen to which their author belonged.
Whatever may be said of the fundamental ethical principles
that guided the footsteps and actuated the conduct of these men,
no doubt can be entertained as to the intensity, the sincerity, and
the generosity of their patriotism, nor as to the depth and purity
of the religious sentiments and convictions by which they were
moved, and which stood many of them in good stead in the
dark days of trouble and misfortune. It is in the poetry of the
'48 movement that the religious feature chiefly manifested itself.
It was the religious element in the history of the past that chiefly
inspired one of the truest poets of the period — DArcy M'Gee. It
was the same religious inspiration that gave strength and vitality
to the poems of John O'Hagan. It was to it that Duffy, McCarthy,
and even Davis yielded in their happiest mpments. Poor Clarence
Manganis at his best in rendering the " Eegina Misericordiae," of
Karl Simrock ; so is M. J. Barry in his imitation of Korner's
" Address to his Sword," or of Immerman's " Hymn of Freedom,"
or of Ludwig Uhland's "Forward March." D'Alton Williams
also frequently strikes the religious note, even in his professedly
Notices of Books. 1055
secular songs, and his rendering, as we find it in this volume, of
the "Adoro Te Devote," of the " Dies Irae," of the " Stabat
Mater," besides his poems entitled ''Before the Blessed
Sacrament," " To our Lady of Victory," " A Thought on Calvary,"
"A Hymn to St. Bridget," "In praise of St. Michael," prove
him to have been, not only a gifted master of verse, but
a highly accomplished and religious Catholic layman, such as
we fear are all too rare in the public life of later times.
We are sorry that a fuller and more adequate picture of the
life of the poet has not been supplied us here. But we
suppose it did not enter into the scope of the project which the
author proposed to himself, and we have only to be thankful for
all we have got, and to wish the handsome little volume the
widest circulation.
J.F.H.
LATIN VERSE TRANSLATIONS FROM BYRON'S " CHILDE
HAROLD." By the Kev. N. J. Brennan, C.S. Sp. B.A.
Dublin : Gill & Son.
FATHER BKENNAN'S brochure is as learned and interesting, as
it is unique. "Good wine needs no bush;" Blackrock College
needs no advertisement ; if its long and well-sustained efficiency
were questioned, it might well point to any and every part of
the English-speaking world, quoting the hackneyed challenge ;
Si monumentum quaeris circumspice. True — and on these well-
recognised grounds — it has ceased, wisely and considerately, for
some years past, to pursue the natural and too common practice
of trying to capture an abnormally large number of the highest
distinctions, under the Intermediate Board, very properly pre-
ferring the all-round splendid record it invariably attains. While
its many departments have been always manned and equipped, as
hardly any other college can afford, two names are specially
conspicuous, both for brilliancy and usefulness, on the roll of
its classical professors. These are Father Keffe, who has passed
over to the majority, to the intense and unfeigned regret of all his
pupils and friends, and the author of the marvellously clever and
neat translations under review. -
To render any portion of Childe Harold into Latin verse, might'
occur to a dozen, at the very utmost, of the best prepared and most
highly gifted of Intermediate candidates, should any examiner think
it right to set so difficult and intricate selections ; and with what
1056 Notices of Books.
result? Ehythm, caesura — nothing, but a feeble attempt at
securing the requisite number of feet.
" In clouded majesty here Dulness shone ;
Four guardian virtues, surround, support her throne.
Fierce champion Fortitude, that knows no fears
Of hisses, blows, or want, or loss of ears :
Calm Temperance whose blessings those partake
Who hunger and who thirst for scribbling sake :
Prudence, whose glass presents th' approching jail :
Poetic Justice with her lifted scale."
No want of such crude training, as is practicable in so few
years, nor "want of mental ability, is the cause ; the time for
preparation is quite incommensurate with the extravagant claims
made upon it, the time allowed at examination short, and the
marks fortunately not high.
But the master-hand, the genuine poetic vein, the varied
pauses, and the pleasing cadences, so manifest themselves
in almost every line of this most creditable little work, that one's
uppermost regret in closing it is, that more pressing demands
on its author's time and energies did not permit him to expand
it far beyond its present modest dimensions. "Fresh fields and
pastures new " are now opening up before him ; and it is to be hoped
that the present most attractive booklet is but a first and small
instalment of his valuable contributions to classical literature.
A few verses, chosen at random, may not be without interest
to many readers of the I. E. RECORD : —
" Far other scene is Thrasimene now ;
Her lake a sheet of silver, and her plain
Rent by no ravage save the gentle plough ; *
Her aged trees rise thick as once the slain
Lay where their roots are,"
And Father Brennan's lively reproduction runs : —
" Nunc alia longe radias, Trasimene, figura,
Argenti stagnum patuli nunc more renides,
Nulla strage lacer campus nisi mitis aratri,
Surgit et annosis arbor densissima truncis
Ut caesi quondam, radix ubi plexa, jacebant."
E. M.
THE IRISH
ECCLESIASTICAL RECORD
DECEMBER, 1894
THE CIVIL MAEEIAGE LAWS IN HUNGARY
THE events that have taken place in the kingdom of
Hungary during the past twelve months, disastrous
though they may seem to the interests of religion, are,
nevertheless, not without their features of comfort and
encouragement. In the land of the Magyars the Catholics
had been for a long time dormant. They never dreamt that
things would come to their present pass, or that there was
any urgent need for a distinctive Catholic organization^
They belong to a patriotic race, and had entered fully into the
political and social life around them, exercising their
influence in public and in private for the national welfare
in its widest sense, but now and again allowing certain
measures of an anti-Catholic nature to pass unnoticed, or to
go by default, convinced that the peace and prosperity of
their country outweighed many concessions, that Hungary
was still Catholic to the core, and that all the power and
machinations of their enemies could not make her other-
wise. Their confidence has now received a rude shock and
they seem thoroughly aroused. The eyes of the world are
upon them, and will watch their doings with interest. They
have learned a wholesome lesson from the intrigues and
manoeuvres of their enemies. They have been deceived and
betrayed by the bland assurances of statesmen and the
schemes of designing politicians. Their patriotism in not
creating division, or complicating existing difficulties in
VOL. XV. 3 X
1058 The Civil Marriage L/aws in Hungary.
times of trial and political anxiety for their country, has
been rewarded by the basest ingratitude, and by the worst
form of tyranny and insult. The effect of the whole cam-
paign will be, in all probability, a strong reaction against the
anti-Christian laws which have now passed through both
houses of Parliament, and only await the sanction of the
King. There is always a certain analogy between the
various modes of procedure adopted by the enemies of the
Church in different countries ; and we imagine that the
history of the Hungarian " Kulturkampf " cannot but prove
highly instructive to those who look on from a distance,
and study the problems in dispute, the character of the
combatants, and the methods employed by the parties
engaged in the struggle.
In reality the "Civil Marriage Bill" is but one item in
the whole programme of the so-called Liberal party in
Hungary. A regular "Kulturkampf" has been organized
and pursued against the old Christian organization of the
kingdom. The object of this movement has been well
described by an eminent Hungarian Protestant, Baron Ivor
Kaas, in a recent number of the Pesthi Naplo, one of the
principal Hungarian journals : —
"Obligatory civil marriage [he says] is but an instrument in
the hands of the Government to crush the Churches. In the
eyes of our ministers it is a matter of small importance to with-
draw the individual from some particular influence of religion.
What they desire is to suppress the influence of Christianity
altogether.' The state dreamt of by them is neither the denomi-
national state, nor the Christian state ; it is the pagan and atheistic
state, the state of the Eoman Caesars and of the French Bevolution .
If the Minister, Szilagyi, triumphed, the victory would be gained
against Christianity itself. The liberal state can be founded only
on the ruins of Christian civilization . Hence the religious policy
proclaimed by the Hungarian Government is a declaration of
war on Christianity — a Kulturkampf which is directed not alone
against the Catholic Church, but against all Christian Churches."
From this it will be seen that the Catholics are not the
.only opponents of the civil marriage code. They have
faithful allies in the Saxon Protestants of Transylvania, and
in the Roumanian and Servian schismatics. Indeed, the
The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary. 1659
most ardent supporters of the Catholic bishops in the debates
in the Chamber of Magnates were the Servian Patriarch,
the Koumanian Metropolitan, and Count Albert Zay, the
representative of the Lutheran section of the population.
When Weckerle, the Prime Minister, finally declared his
policy, in 1892, he was abandoned by about twenty Liberal
supporters of the Ministry, foremost amongst whom was a
former president of the Chamber, M. De Pechy, a zealous
Protestant, and curator of the Evangelical Church in
Hungary.
On the other hand, the promoters of the anti-Christian
movement belong either to the Freemasons, or the Jews, or
the Calvinists. The Freemasons have their lodges well
established in all the cities and towns of Hungary, and theii
ravages extend even into the remotest country districts.
The Jews, who are scarcely five per cent, of the whole popu-
lation, are said to possess at least half the soil of Hungary.
They exercise an influence altogether out of proportion
with their numbers on the Press, the universities, finance,
commerce, industry, and government.1 Like their kinsmen
in France, they are actuated by the most intolerant hostility
to Catholicism, and never miss an opportunity of dealing a
blow at the Church.
But the ablest, and, at the same time, the most ardent of
all the foes of Catholicism in Hungary, are undoubtedly the
Calvinists. Faithful to their origin, these adventurers are
bold and uncompromising. Unless they are kept rigidly under
1 " Les Juifs qui forment a peine 5 pour 100 de la population totale
de la Hongrie possedent au moins la moitie du sol hongrois. Sur 3192
grand proprietaires terriens que revele la statistique, il y a 1085 Juifs.
L'Etat hongrois possede d'immenses biens qu'il affenne a des particuliers :
67 pour 100 de ces fermiers sont des Juifs. La plupart des petites pro-
prietes appartiennent egalement au Juifs sous une forme ou sous une
autre. La haute finance, le commerce, I'industrie sont entre les mains des
Juifs ; de meme la presse. La Hongrie est la terre promise d'Jsrael. En
Sen d'annees le nombre des Juifs a plus que triple. Dans le diocese d'Erlau
e 1842 a 1888 les Juifs se sont multiplies dans la proportion de 147 pour
100. Us arrivent de toutes les regions du globe. Avec leur nombre s'est
accru leur puissance et leur insolence. Un rescrit du ministre Czaky
defend de les appeler par leur nom. In faut, de par la loi, les appeler
Israelites." — (See article in the Correspon'Jant of June 25th, by
M. Kannengieser.)
1060 The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary.
check, they stop at no limits. They have acquired consider-
able prestige, because some of the most prominent of the
Hungarian patriots belonged to their body ; but their number
is wretchedly small. The whole population of Hungary is
about thirteen millions. Of these, over ten millions are
Catholics in name, if not in reality. The Jews, Protestants,
and Greeks make up the remaining three millions ; and of
the Protestant section, the Calvinists, or militant party, are
only a fraction. If the Catholics could once be got to shake
off the trammels of the lodges and the yoke of the synagogues,
they might live in peace, as far as religion is concerned.
Meanwhile everything seems to be going against them.
The marriage question in Hungary is as old as the
Eeformation. At an early period in the great revolt a small
but determined band of Calvinists endeavoured to reverse
the laws of the Church in cases of mixed marriages, and to
exact that ah1 the children of such marriages should be
brought up as Protestants. In other words, they claimed
what was called the right of " reversalia," the popular term
employed to designate the solemn compact or promise
entered into by the non-Catholic party, on condition of
obtaining a dispensation from the Holy See, in virtue of
which all the children should be brought up as Catholics.
Calvinist bridegrooms often exacted a similar promise from
their brides in favour of their own Church, and the abuse
had reached such proportions in the days of Maria Theresa,
that this illustrious queen had to institute a special com-
mission to inquire into the truth of the complaints made
against them. Finding that these Protestant " reversalia "
were of frequent occurrence, and that they were absolutely
contrary to the laws of the Holy Catholic Church, she
decreed that in future mixed marriages should be authorized
only on condition that the Protestant party should enter
without equivocation or reserve into the engagements required,
and thus solemnly bind themselves to bring up their children
as Catholics.
Notwithstanding the protests and intrigues of the
Calvinists, this ordinance remained in force until Joseph II.
ascended the throne. The Sacristan-Emperor, as he is
The Civil Marriage Laivs in Hungary. 1061
appropriately called, set to work at once to undo all
ecclesiastical legislation, and to substitute his own whims
for the time-honoured regulations of the Canon Law. He
abolished the " reversalia " as a civil obligation, and decreed,
moreover, that, in the case of mixed marriages, where the
Catholic party was the wife, only the daughters should be
brought up as Catholics. But soon finding that this con-
cession was outrageously abused, that its terms were extended
to cases it was never meant to include, and that Protestant
fathers made a vigorous attempt to bring up their daughters
in hatred of Catholicism, he fulminated two other proclama-
tions, in which he reproached the Protestants with their
perfidious conduct, and threatened to withdraw the " Edict
of Toleration " he had issued a few years before. This threat
he partially carried out a short time afterwards.
The Church, in the meantime, took no notice of the
Imperial regulations, as far as its own procedure was
concerned. It continued to insist on the rights of the
"reversalia." The blessing of the marriage and solemnities
of the sacrament were consistently refused, unless the
usual undertaking was given. When the notorious Louis
Kossuth was getting married, in 1841, the principle was
insisted upon. He was a Protestant, and his bride a Catholic.
The priest refused to officiate unless Kossuth would bind
himself in writing to bring up all his children as Catholics.
This he declined to do, and the Church had no more to say
to him.
In connection with the marriage of Kossuth a great
agitation was raised in the country. Hitherto the law
acknowledged as valid only those mixed marriages that were
contracted belore a Catholic priest ; but now, through the
intervention of Canon Lonovitch, afterwards Bishop of
Czanad, who was sent to Borne for the purpose by Prince
Metternich, Pope Gregory XVI. published his celebrated
Decree, Quas Vestro, by which he acknowledged the validity
of all mixed marriages in Hungary, even of those contracted
in Protestant Churches ; and, of course, the civil law was
modified in the same sense.
It is scarcely necessary to add that the revolution of 1848
1062 The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary.
confirmed and extended all the conquests of the non-Catholic
sections of the population. They distinguish in Hungary
the denominations received or recognised by the State, and
those that are not received, but are simply tolerated. Up to
1848 there were three Churches received: the Catholic
Church, the Orthodox Greek Church, and the Protestant
Church. At that time the United Greek Church and the
Church of the Roumanian schismatics were added to the
number, so that all the great Christian denominations were
then received. Each denomination was allowed to make its
own regulations and follow its own practices on the marriage
question, the State holding aloof, merely acknowledging and
giving civil effect to the arrangements agreed upon by indivi-
duals and sanctioned by their Church. Although the Catholics
suffered somewhat by these civil regulations, still, for the sake
of peace, and in order not to increase the difficulties of the
Government at critical times, the clergy consented to let
things be, and watched as best they could the interests of
their flocks. Thus, for twenty years, the different denomi-
nations lived in perfect concord, and would have continued in
that happy state, if the Freemasons had not intervened for
their own nefarious purposes. The word accordingly went
forth from the lodges in 1867 that a campaign should ba
started to revive the ancient quarrels regarding the baptism
of the children of mixed marriages.
The result of this agitation was an act of the legislature
passed in the following year to the effect : — " That in future,
in order to regulate the religion of the children of mixed
marriages, sex should follow sex, the male children to be
brought up in the religious faith of their fathers, and the
females to be educated in the Church of which their mother
was a member." It was furthermore enacted: " That if a
priest should, in the absence of a non-Cathoiic clergyman,
baptize a child who, by the terms of the law, belongs to a
Church other than the Catholic Church, and if he should
make an entry in the registry, as he was bound to do, he
should likewise send an extract from that registry to the
clergyman to whose communion the child by law belonged,
in order that he might superintend its religious education."
The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary. 1063
This the Catholic clergy absolutely refused to do, rightly
contending that once they baptized a child they received it
into the communion of the Catholic Church ; and that if they
were to take any step calculated to remove the child from
that communion, directly or indirectly, they would be
betraying its interests, and playing the part not of shepherds
but of wolves. Their " non possumus " was as firm as that
of Pius IX, in the case of the little Jew Mortara. It was in
order to punish them for this adhesion to principle, that the
Calvinists then put forward for the first time their project of
obligatory civil marriage.
Opinion was not yet ripe, however, for so radical an
innovation. The lodges and the synagogues took upon
themselves to ripen it. The unholy cause was pushed
forward with such energy that it soon became a burning
question. The most cautious and the ablest of the Liberal
statesmen who took the matter in hands endeavoured to
represent that there was nothing hostile or offensive to the
Catholic Church in this new proposal. The " Sage of the
Nation," as the people were accustomed to call Francis Deak,
in the last speech of his life, delivered in the Chamber in
1870, declared : — " In my opinion, civil marriage is not at all
a religious question. It is a purely civil question. Of the two
methods proposed in reference to this matter, viz., voluntary
civil marriage and obligatory civil marriage, the first, as it
seems to me, is not only illogical and inadmissible, but far
more offensive to the Church than obligatory civil marriage.
For by it the State says to its citizens: 'If you wish to be
joined in wedlock, have recourse to your priests; but if they will
not join you, come to me, and I will join you in their stead,'
Obligatory civil marriage is altogether different. By it the
State proclaims that matrimony is not alone a religious
contract, but also a social obligation of the highest importance,
since it is the basis of legitimacy and succession. And that
is the reason why it should be contracted before the State.
Then, as to the religious part, that belongs to the priest.
Let him see to that as he wishes. It does not concern us
directly as citizens. There is nothing in this either offensive
or absurd."
1064 The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary.
Notwithstanding the support of so distinguished a
champion, the promoters of the new project were compelled
to bide their time. There was no use in passing anti-
Christian laws unless there were magistrates and judges to
apply them, an executive to give them administrative effect,
and a semblance of public opinion to back them up. The
Jews accordingly subsidized the Press and fomented the
strife as far as they could, whilst the Government took
upon itself to rig the courts and indoctrinate the schools.
The prophet of this new movement was Count Koloman
Tisza, a man who will long be remembered in the land of the
Magyars as the most cunning and relentless foe of Catholicity
that had appeared upon the scene since the Reformation.
For fifteen years Tisza held the reins of power, as Prime
Minister of Hungary, and beyond all doubt this was one of
the darkest periods, from a religious point of view, that the
kingdom ever passed through. Tisza's first proposal to the
Chambers was a bill to legitimatize the marriages of Jews
and Christians. The bill passed the lower chamber without
much difficulty, the franchise having been previously allotted
and the constituencies mapped out with a view to this
result, but it was rejected by the Magnates. The old
Christian aristocracy of Hungary were indignant at the idea
of Jewish blood being introduced into their families, and all
the pressure of the Government and the devices resorted to
in order to ensure a majority were of no avail.
The result was hailed as a great relief by all classes of
Catholics in the country. Their chief experience of Jews
was one of grinding exaction and financial oppression, and
now that there was question of family alliances with this
hardened race, they felt the greatest anxiety for the future
of their children and their country. They were willing that
Jews should be allowed to live in their midst without let or
hindrance, and enjoy all the civil liberties of citizens. But
they drew the line at intermarriage with them. The Magyars
were well versed in the history of the redemption; and the
memory of the terrible cry, " sanguis ejus super nos et super
filios nostros," hacl a vivid and disturbing echo in their hearts
and consciences,
The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary. 1065
Tisza's cry now became either the reformation or the
abolition of the upper house. It was intolerable that a
body of irresponsible legislators should stand between the
people and their will. Second chambers that refused to
register the voice of the sovereign people, whether it be
for good or ill, should be swept away. They were an
anachronism and an absurdity. A proposal for the reform
of the upper house was in due course submitted to Parlia-
ment. It was of a sweeping and alarming character. The
number of Catholic bishops sitting amongst the Magnates
was to be reduced from fifty-three to thirty. The number
of representatives of the other Churches was to be consider-
ably increased, and the Obergespaenn, or immovable prefects,
were to be withdrawn and replaced by removables who should
be willing to take their orders from the ministry. The consent
of the Magnates themselves was required, however, for their
self-destruction, and, as might be expected, they refused it.
Tisza succeeded all the same in persuading them to accept
a compromise, and thus attained the principal object he had
in view. Having now practically a free hand, as far as the
two chambers were concerned, he proceeded at once to his
work of secularization. He secularized the Catholic university
of Buda Pesth, and nominated free-thinkers to almost every
chair in its halls. He passed a law which gave into the hands
of the Freemasons the administration of ecclesiastical
property. He filled public offices of every description with
creatures of his propaganda; and now, when the time was
ripe, he returned to the vexed question of the civil marriage.
The plan that he conceived for carrying his views into
effect was so to harrass the Catholic clergy by petty perse-
cution, that they would ultimately cry out for the civil
code themselves and welcome it as a relief. The clergy
were bound according to the law of 1868 when they baptized
such a child of a mixed marriage as did not belong to the
Catholic Church in the eyes of the law, which declared that
sex should follow sex, to send an extract of the registry to
the clergyman to whose denomination the child was by law
apportioned. The clergy refused to carry out this law, and
there was hitherto no means of compelling them to carry it
1066 The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary.
out. Tisza now had a supplementary bill passed through
parliament which decreed that: "Whoever should receive
into another communion or denomination a minor of less
than eighteen years, contrary to the dispositions of the law
of 1868, should be liable to a fine of three hundred florins
and to two months' imprisonment." By this threat he
thought he could crush the Catholic clergy and reduce them
to absolute submission. He counted, however, without his
host. The Catholic clergy would not allow themselves to
be intimidated. They held meetings and conferences all
over the country, and everywhere protested that they were
willing to face poverty and prison rather than shirk their
duty. They continued, as in the past, to follow the regula-
tions of the Church and not those of the State in the matter
in dispute. But now the Calvinist pastors, the lodges, and
the Jews, were on the alert ; and the spectacle was witnessed
in a Catholic country of priests being dragged before civil
tribunals, and accused of doing what their duty and their
conscience alike directed them to do.
At this period the magistracy of Hungary and the Courts
of justice had not been " purified," as they call it in France.
Tisza, no doubt, had made a beginning; but these things
take time, and a transformation cannot be effected as in the
scenes of a drama. To their honour, therefore, be it said,
both judges and magistrates declined to make themselves
the tools of this vile campaign. After all, they belonged to
the people, and had the old faith of the people in their hearts.
Why should they lend themselves to an onslaught on their
clergy and their faith ? They regularly acquitted the Catholic
priests, declaring that in the terms of the law of 1879 the case
of baptism was not mentioned at all ; that that law spoke of
receiving a minor from one denomination into another; and
that, in the case of baptism this did not take place, as before
the baptism the child did not belong to any denomination.
After this check there v/as a lull in the storm for a short
time. But Tisza was not to be outwitted. It was dangerous
to have recourse to a new law ; for the people were beginning
to be tired of these interminable squabbles, and did not want
to be paraded before the world as persecutors of the Church.
The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary. 1067
There was, however, another means of compassing his ends,
if only he could get a man with sufficient energy of character,
and sufficient hatred of the Church, to employ them. Such
a man he found, in the year 1888, in the person of Count
Albin Czaky, a worthy associate for such a task. Czaky was
himself the fruit of a mixed marriage, and, although a Catholic
in name, had imbibed from his Protestant mother a most
extravagant hatred of the Church and its inflexible dogmas.
On the 15th of September, 1889, he wrote to the illustrious
Cardinal Simor, Primate of Hungary, to say that as the magis-
trates refused to apply the law voted by Parliament in 1879,
he was going to settle the matter by a ministerial rescript.
The Cardinal replied that any such step would raise a great
storm in the country, excite hatred and war between people
who were satisfied, if allowed, to live in peace, and have as
an undoubted effect that in future the bishops would refuse
to grant any dispensations whatsoever in the case of mixed
marriages. The minister replied in an offensive letter, full
of dry cynicism and sarcasm ; and on the 22nd of February,
1890, his famous rescript was issued to all the prefects of the
kingdom and to all inspectors of police. A copy of it was
also despatched to each of the bishops.
By this rescript the minister decreed : " That any priest
who should refuse to give over to the Protestant pastor a
copy of the baptismal register of a child of a mixed marriage
baptized by him should be liable to a fine of three hundred
florins, and that any contravention of this order should be tried
and punished, not by the ordinary judges and magistrates,
but by the removable stipendiaries of the Government, and
by the inspectors and prefects of police." The latter were
authorized to have recourse to distress in order to recover
the fines, and any priest who refused to comply with their
orders was to be liable to two months' imprisonment. To
realize the full import of this decree, it must be borne in mind
that;the"child thus handed over became officially a Protestant,
and was obliged by law, no matter what the wish of the
parents might be, to go to the Protestant school and receive
Protestant religious instruction.
During all this agitation the bishops of Hungary played
1068- The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary.
a moderate and conciliating part ; indeed, far too moderate
and far too conciliatory in the opinion of many. They, how-
ever, were the best judges; and although some of them were
denounced on public platforms by the more ardent spirits
among the clergy, who did not hesitate to accuse individuals
amongst them of lukewarmness, avarice, and simony, and of
truckling to Jews, and courts, and free-thinking ministers,
with selfish aims and greedy purposes, still they held on the
even tenor of their way, always counselling moderation and
forbearance in spite of all provocation.
But now things were beginning to assume an alarming
aspect. The law of 1868 which decreed that sex should
follow sex, was opposed to the natural law, for it took away
from the parents their natural God-given right to direct as
they wished the education of their children. Owing to the
resistance of the clergy and the common sense of officials, it
had hitherto practically remained a dead letter. But now
Czaky was determined to go to all extremes, and the bishops
could hesitate no longer. Cardinal Simor accordingly sum-
moned his colleagues to deliberate on a common plan of resist-
ance, and a conference of all the bishops of Hungary took place
in his primatial palace at Ofeu on the 12th of April, 1890.
It has since transpired that the Cardinal Primate was in
favour, at this meeting, of issuing a joint letter or manifesto
to the Catholic people of Hungary, telling them that some of
their most cherished rights and liberties were being menaced
by the Government, and asking them to rally round their
clergy at this grave crisis, and strike a blow for the faith of
their forefathers and the ancient Church of St. Stephen. It
is said that the people would have responded with alacrity to
such a call. They only wanted the word of command, or
even of permission. Until orders came irom above their
hands were tied. Notwithstanding this, other councils
prevailed. An archbishop in the confidence of the Govern-
ment recommended that an appeal should be made to the
Holy See to sanction the laws and regulations of the Govern-
ment, and that until an answer should be obtained ministers
would undertake not to enforce the directions of the rescript.
Cardinal Sirnor was willing to exhaust all the means of
The Civil Marriage Laws in Itungary. 1069
securing peace on conditions of honour and respect for the
usages of the Church, but he declined to petition the Holy
See for a decision contrary to its teaching and well-known
practice. He agreed, however, to put a question to the Holy
Father in the ordinary form, knowing well that the answer
could only be a confirmation of the usual practice, and
hoping this might have some effect upon the Government.
The question was therefore forwarded to the Holy Father,
on the '20th of May, 1890, by Cardinal Sirnor, Primate of
Hungary, in the name of all the bishops, asking — 1. Whether
parish priests could comply with the orders of the Govern-
ment to transfer an extract of the register to Protestant
clergymen, under the conditions mentioned above? 2. In
case the answer were in the affirmative, whether the
Hungarian bishops could avail themselves of the faculties
hitherto conferred on them by the Holy See to grant dispen-
sations in the impediment " inixta religionis ? " A special
commission of cardinals was appointed by the Pope to
examine these two questions, and all the circumstances
pertaining to them. The reply of this commission was con-
firmed by the Pope, and despatched to Cardinal Simor, on
the 7th of July of the same year. As might be expected,
the answer to the first question is in the negative. With
regard to the second, the answer is, that the bishops may
continue to dispense in the case of mixed marriages, but
under condition that the parties would bind themselves
solernni}7 to bring up their children as Catholics. Cardinal
Simor, foreseeing the possibility that these requirements
might be regarded as mere formalities by contracting parties,
asked for some further elucidations regarding the second
answer. The whole question was examined anew at Borne,
and the formal decision, given below,1 was forwarded to the
1 " In re tarn gravi Suinmus Pontifex raandavit ut praedicta dubia judicio
subjicerentur peculiaris Congregationis Emorum Cardinalium qui, conside-
rate perpeusa utraquc quaestione, ad prim urn negative responderunt : quod
ad alteruin pertinet, item negative deJderunt rcsponsum nisi hae duae siraul
conditiones existant. Prima in eo est ut tain pars Catholica quam acatho-
lica formatter omnes praestab cautiones quae a natural! et diviuo jure in
mixtis matrimoniis exiguutur. Altera est ut moraliter certi sint Episcopi
de sponsionum sinceritate earumque iinplemento, non obstantibus litteris
circularibus a gubernio datis. Has Patrum Emorum responsiones Summis
Pontifex probavit et ratas habtiit."
1070 The Civil Marriage Laws in
Cardinal Primate. This decision, as will be seen, insists
not only that the bishops should require the solemn declara-
tion, as heretofore, that the children be brought up as
Catholics, but that they should also have some guarantee
that this declaration was a bona fide one, and that the pro-
mise would be carried into effect, in spite of the Government
circular.
Czaky got word at an early date of the Roman decision,
and his action regarding it connot but be considered both
mean and treacherous. He had special reasons, at that
particular time, for endeavouring to secure the favour of
the Emperor-King; and, knowing that the clergy would
take action against him, he feared the bishops might use
all their power and influence with his Majesty to ensure
his disfavour. But a short time before the astute old
Tisza, with all his wiles and schemes, was hurled from
power, owing to economic and administrative complica-
tions; and Czaky became the Freemason candidate for the
premiership. The appointment, however, depended on the
Emperor, who had his choice between several individuals.
Czaky, to ingratiate himself with the bishops and the
Emperor, sent word to his Majesty that he understood a
decision adverse to the Government on the marriage ques-
tion had reached the Cardinal Primate from Rome, and that,
in the interests of a settlement of the whole affair, he hoped
it would not be published. Meantime he himself would see
what could be done. This looked as if the Minister were
about to climb down ; but it only looked it. In reality it was
only one of the misleading devices to which he was so well
accustomed. Cardinal Simor was tsummoned to Vienna,
and asked to delay the publication of the Roman decision.
The Cardinal was devotedly attached to the Crown, and to
the Emperor personally, on account of his piety, his excellent
example to all his court and people. He had the deepest
sympathy with him in the midst of his many cares and
difficulties. On his account he consented, although much
against his will, to postpone the publication.
Czaky, however, did not succeed in his plan of self-
advancement. The Emperor sent for Count Joseph Szapary
The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary. 1071
to form a cabinet, after the fall of Tisza. Szapary was per-
sonally a good man, a gentleman of pure Hungarian blood ;
in his private life a fervent Catholic, but in politics a Liberal
of the Liberals. He accepted office only in the hope of being
able to stem the tide of anti- clerical prejudice and hatred ;
but the real result was, that he was carried away by the
current, till he scarcely recognised his principles or his
surroundings. He was obliged, for the purposes of concen-
tration, and in order to satisfy a large group of Liberals, to
retain the services of Czaky in the Ministry of Worship.
It is unnecessary to say that Czaky returned to the charge
with a fresh supply of venom. To the Clericals he attri-
buted the failure of his project to attain the premiership,
and on the Clericals he determined to have his revenge. He
had now, after the reconstruction of the Cabinet, a stronger
majority than ever at his back. Szapary, if he were to remain
in power at all, was obliged to leave him a free hand. One
of his first acts was to get his majority to adopt a motion
declaring that the law of 1868 should be firmly maintained,
and that the rescript of February should be strictly
enforced.
The Cardinal now called another meeting of the bishops,
and was fully determined to publish the Papal decision and
to exhort the people to stand by it and defend it. But before
the bishops assembled, the influence of the Emperor and the
court was again brought to bear upon him. This, however,
was too much for the brave-hearted Cardinal. He had been
devoted to the empire all his life. He had received almost
innumerable marks of regard and affection from the Emperor
and from almost every member of his family. Was he now
to discard imperial advice in this matter? Would it be his
duty to ignore it, and act as if it had never come ? The
Emperor had many enemies already : was he to side with
them and strengthen their position ? We live in democratic
days, when the misdeeds of rulers are often magnified, and
when a cry can be easily got up not only against their
authority, but against their crowns. Francis Joseph was one
of the only survivors of the old race of kings and emperors
who had weathered all the storms of heresv and revolution,
1072 The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary.
and remained, personally at all events, still devoted to the
See of Peter, After all, he deserved some consideration.
On the other hand, there was the white banner of St. Stephen,
that had been handed down to him without rent or stain :
was he to bequeath it to his successors tarnished and
dishonoured ? There were behind him nine centuries of
unbroken allegiance to the Catholic creed of St. Stephen
and to the mother and mistress of all the Churches in the
world : was it ever to be said that he had faltered for a
moment regarding the slightest injunction from the one or
from the other ? Nobody who knew the Cardinal's past
record could doubt for a moment what course he would take.
It would be moderate, dignified, patient ; but it would be firm,
and it would be on the side of faith and of Rome. The
necessity for such alternatives preyed, however, on the mind
and on the health of the illustrious prince of the Church.
Such unexpected troubles embittered his last days and
hastened his death.
" On the 23rd of January, 1891," writes a distinguished
Continental priest,1 "the Primate breathed his last in his
palace at Gran, and carried with him to the tomb the heart-
felt affection and unspeakable regret of the whole Catholic
nation. For the Church of Hungary his loss was irreparable.
Simor had all through been the soul of Catholic resistance.
In him were personified all the religious characteristics of
the strong Magyar race. In the midst of many desertions
he was always at his post, vigilant and firm. Whilst other
guardians of the temple faltered or slept, Simor Watched and
struggled, and grouped around him men of good will. From
the frail appearance of this prelate no one would mark him
out as a leader of the people. There was nothing particularly
striking in his presence, but his eyes were full of light and
intelligence. He was deeply versed in every ecclesiastical
branch of learning, and it was on account of his talents and
his varied gifts, that he, the son of a poor shoemaker of
Stuhlweisenburg, had reached the highest position that a
man can occupy in Hungary. Starting from the lowest
1 A. Kaunengieser, in the Corraspondant, June 10, 1894.
The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary. 1073
rungs of the social ladder, he had become Archbishop of
Gran, Primate of Hungary, Legate of the Holy See, and
Prince of the Church. Such splendour and so many honours
did not change in the least the character of the humble
prelate. He was as modest, as affable, as genial, under
the purple or the scarlet as he had been in the simple
cassock of the student. In a country in which nepotism
is not unknown he was beyond the breath of suspicion.
Although he had immense revenues, he did not use
them to enrich his relatives. He often returned to visit
his humble parents ; but, whilst seeing that they never wanted
for anything, he required that they should not change in any
respect their way of life. He consecrated his great wealth
to works of charity and to undertakings of general public
utility. " Ecclesiastical benefices," he used to say, " belong
to God and the poor." Simorwas a Maecenas, in the fullest
and best acceptation of the word. He completed and
decorated at his own expense the Cathedral of Gran,
spending two million florins on the work. He built a
primatial palace, and established in it a vast library and
picture gallery. He erected schools and colleges all over his
diocese. The number of orphanages that he established
gained for him the title which he valued most, " The father
of Hungarian orphans." It was in the midst of cares and
works like these that he became involved in the troubles of
public life, and that death came upon him. Catholic Hungary
wept over his grave, and prayed for a successor worthy to
take up the crozier he had laid aside for ever."
It is one of the anomalies to which the Church is obliged
to submit in those days in certain countries of Europe, that
Freemasons, Calvinists, atheistic cabinets and ministers
should have a voice in choosing her own rulers; and in
Hungary this anomaly prevails with every circumstance
that can add to its unpleasantness. Cardinal Simor was
scarcely laid in his final resting-place when the minister
Czaky appointed a friend and favourite of his own,,
Monsignor Samassa, Archbishop of Erlau, to administer the
diocese of Gran until a primate should be appointed. Great
anxiety was felt in Hungary about the succession to Simor.
VOL. xv. . 3 Y
1074 Thd Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary.
The names of many prominent bishops were canvassed by
public rumour and the newspapers. But the Holy See and
its advisers had their own counsels, and no small astonish-
ment was created when it was one day authentically
announced that the new Prince-Bishop of Gran and Primate
of Hungary bore the unknown name of Nicholas Vasary.
Monsignor Vasary, who had been prior of a Benedictine
monastery, was duly installed in the primatial see, and took
the word " Pax " as his motto. This was a programme in
itself. He recommended moderation to all concerned, and
told his followers ,that strength of character is manifested as
much in patience as in action. In every movement, religious
or otherwise, there are sure to be extremists, arid amongst
the Hungarian clergy the class was pretty largely represented.
Carried away by their ardour in a good cause, they some-
times allowed themselves to be betrayed into ill-considered
and fiery language, which, in the opinion of people of sounder
judgment and greater experience, did not serve the interests
they intended to promote. It was these alone that Monsignor
Vasary wished to restrain. He was otherwise convinced of
the necessity for firm as well as moderate action.
By this time the ministerial rescript of Czaky was in full
force. Several members of the clergy had been tried and
condemned. The people were beginning to realize that
clerical persecution was no mockery, and that something
should be done. They got their first opportunity of doing
it at the general elections of 1892.
These elections were held under circumstances never
known before in Hungary. Hitherto the bishops and clergy
had never taken up an open attitude of hostility at the elections
to the Government candidates. But now all was changed.
Several bishops wrote pastoral letters warning their people
of the danger they incurred in voting for the supporters of the
Government. The priests headed the campaign in nearly
every electoral division in the country. They confined
themselves, however, to the organization of societies and
clubs, leaving for the most part to the Catholic laity, who
were, if anything, more ardent than themselves, the task of
platform speaking, canvassing, and bringing voters to the
poll. In more than eighty districts the candidates were
The Civil Marriage Laws in Hungary. 1075
required to sign a declaration that they would defend the
interests of the Catholic Church, and vote against the anti-
Christian laws suggested by the programme of Tisza, Czaky,
and their friends. Through want of proper organization,
and the people being unaccustomed to anything of the kind,
not much impression was made on the strength of the
ministerialists. There wras a slight falling off, however, and
the comparative success of the Catholics was attributed to
Szapary, who declined to apply repressive measures, and
insisted on the freedom of election. This was enough to
settle Szapary's future. On the return of the Liberals to
office they were determined that he should adopt the
whole programme of anti-Christian legislation, or take the
consequence. They issued to him the ultimatum of Gambetta,
"se soumettre ou se demettre;" and, like MacMahon,
he withdrew from the band, and left them to carry on
their miserable freemason war against his Church and
faith. With the new Prime Minister, Weckerle, the eternal
question of obligatory civil marriage was brought to the
front once more, and now entered the acute stage, where we
must, unfortunately, leave it for the present.
We had hoped to condense into a single paper a full
account of this whole question, but we were drawn along
by the sequence, and what to us, at all events, appeared the
absorbing interest of the events. Even as it is, we could
only trace the outlines of the struggle. The picture could
be filled in by innumerable details of minor importance,
of local petty tyrants imitating the tactics of their chiefs, of
aspiring politicians earning promotion by their anti-clerical
zeal, of spirited action and patient endurance manifested by
individual priests. But all that would fill a volume, and is
not necessary for our purposes. In a future number we
shall give a brief account of the last stages of the fight and
of the hated provisions and details of the Civil Marriage Bill,
such as it passed the Houses of Parliament. We are happy to
say that it has not, so far, become the law of Hungary, as the
Emperor, Francis Joseph, has not given it his sanction It is
supposed, however, that this will be only a matter of time.
J. F. HOGAN,
Editor L K R.
t 1676
ADAM AND EVE BEFOKE THE FALL
IN a previous paper,1 treating of the question of the
salvation of children who die without Baptism, it was
laid down that a state of pure nature was possible ; and
that, therefore, the original elevation of our first parents to
a supernatural state, together with the glorious attributes
with which they were equipped, was due entirely to an
act of the Divine generosity to which as human beings they
could never establish a title- Such a state .was not only
possible, but it was the very state in which, apart from the
teaching of revelation, we should expect man to have been
created. "Nemo novit Filium nisi Pater, neque Patrem
quis novit nisi Filius et cui vult Filius revelare," and
deprived of the light of faith, man could never conceive
that he was to be elevated to the dignity of sonship of God,
and made a participator in the immediate vision of the Deity.
God, indeed, when He decreed to create man, was bound,
so far as it is lawful to speak of an obligation in connection
\vith the Supreme Being, to satisfy the requirements of his
nature, and to sustain him in a position in keeping with his
dignity. Having given him an immortal soul capable of
eliciting acts of intelligence and volition, He was called on
to make such provision for him in a future state as would
satisfy the various lawful desires implanted in his soul.
All, however, would have been in the natural order. There
would be no such thing as grace to elevate the powers of
the soul and enable it to elicit acts worthy of a supernatural
reward. There would be no such thing as the "lumen
gloriae." whereby seeing God, the souls of the just become
like unto Him. Man himself would have been a purely
natural being struggling with the temptations which from
time to time would assail him, guided as to what would be
right and wrong by the " lex scripta in corde suo," and
aided, as, no doubt, he would be in its observance, by the
liberal helps with which, as occasion required, the Creator
would enrich his soul.
1 J. E. RECORD, July, 1894.
. Adam and Eve before the Fall. 1077
These helps would have been all of the natural order,
and just as man, by using them according to the designs of
the Creator, would have been recompensed after death with
a perpetual happiness in accordance with his state, so by
abusing them, and standing out in opposition to God, he
would be punished with suffering in proportion to his guilt.
Since there would be no grace in this life, there would be no
immediate vision of God in the next ; and however ennobling
the faculties with which the creature would have been
endowed, however rich and varied the special helps he
would receive, as long as the supernaturalizing influence of
the " donurn Dei " wTas absent, he could never aspire even
to the lowest grade of a supernatural reward. "Nihil
potest," writes St. Thomas, " ad altiorem operationem
elevari, nisi per hoc quod ejus virtus fortificatur . . . Virtus
autem intellectus creatus non sufficit ad divinam substantiam
videndam . . . operet igitur quod fiat augmentum virtutis
intellectivae per alicujus novae dispositionis adeptionem." l
While such a state of pure nature was possible, it is the
teaching of Catholic theology that our first parents were
raised to a supernatural state; that they received, body as well
as soul, certain privileges which entirely transformed their
natural faculties, and placed them on a pinnacle far above
the possible state in which they might have been created.
'* Si quis," says the Council of Trent, "non confitetur
primum hominem Adam, cum mandatum Dei in Paradiso
fuerit transgressus statim sanctitatem et justitiam in qua
constitus fuerat amisisse . . . atque ideo mortem quam
antea illi comminatus fuerat Deus et cum morte captivitatem
sub ejus potestate, qui mortis deinde habuit imperiam, hoc
est, diaboli, totumque Adam per illam praevaricationis
offensam, secundum corpus et animam in deterius commu-
tatum fuisse ; anathema sit."
It is, indeed, a question about which theologians are
divided, whether our first parents received these various
gifts as they issued from the hands of the Creator, or
whether an interval of time elapsed between the fiat of
1 Con.tr a Gentes, i. 3, cap. 53.
1078 Adam and Eve before the Fall.
creation and the particular moment at which they became
so richly endowed. St. Bonaventure, Scotus, the Magister
Sententiarum, &c., are quoted as holding that our first
parents received indeed many privileges as they sprang into
existence, but that a time elapsed before they obtained the
special gift of sanctifying grace, whereby they acquired a
right to a supernatural reward. " Habuerunt quidem a
primo suae creationis instanti rectitudinem quamdam turn
animae turn corporis . . . sed nonnisi post aliquod tempus
obtinuerunt gratiam sanctificantem per quam recte dispone-
bantur in ordine ad finem supernaturalem." St. Thomas,
and theologians generally, hold the opposite opinion.
According to these, the orders of nature and grace, though
perfectly distinct, did, as a matter of fact, start together as
the one act of creation ; and until the fall there never was a
moment during which the souls of our first parents were
not under the supernaturalizing influence of grace. " Pro-
babilius est," writes St. Thomas, " ut cum homo creatus
fuit in naturalibus integris, quae otiosa esse non poterant,
quod in primo instanti creationis ad Deum conversus gratiam
consecutus sit." 1 This opinion harmonizes much better with
the " Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem
nostram ; " and, although not formally defined by the
Tridentine fathers, it is much more in keeping with the
words of the definition : " Sanctitatem et justitiam in qua
constitutus fuerat." It is quite certain, at all events, that
at some time before the fall, if not immediately on the
breathing of the breath of life, our first parents became
possessed of the aggregate of gifts which go to make up the
state of original justice. How long they continued in this
exalted state is, for the most part, if not entirely, a matter
of conjecture. There is a tradition — which, however, does
not appear to have very much authority — according to which
they were created on a Friday, and fell into sin on the
following Friday, when forthwith they forfeited all the
privileges of their state.
Now, amongst the gifts which our first parents received,
l2Dist. No. 29, q. l,a. 2.
Adam and Eve before the Fall. 1079
sanctifying grace must ever hold the first place. It was not
merely the greatest of all the Creator's gifts, and the reason
why the others were given, but it alone entirely transformed
their natural faculties, and gave them a right to a super-
natural reward, which only the ingress of sin to their souls
could destroy. It is impossible, indeed, to fully understand
the dignity they received by grace, or to realize the beauty
of their souls whilst they retained possession of it. Grace
is altogether a supernatural quality, to which no creature
can lay claim, and which belongs only to God Himself.
Nature bears a similar relation to grace to that which inani-
mate matter bears to life ; and just as matter which is
without life cannot infuse into itself the vital spark, but
must receive it from another, neither can any mere rational
creature, however richly endowed in the order of nature,
acquire grace by his own labour and merit. It is altogether
a gift of God ; and even the angels do not by nature possess
the dignity a soul receives by grace. So true is this, that
theologians generally maintain that God cannot produce a
created being that would already possess grace ; and that to
suppose such a thing in existence would be to suppose one
differing in nothing from the Creator Himself. By sanctify-
ing grace our first parents were not merely elevated above
their own natural condition, but they were made, in a certain
sense, participators in the divine nature. They assumed
a position so peculiar to the divine nature, and became so
similar to the Deity, that, in the language of the fathers and
theologians, they might be said to be deified. Grace, while
in no way destroying the natural faculties of the soul, pene-
trated them, and united itself, so closely with them, that it
communicated its own glorious prerogatives, and made them
the most glorious work of the Creator. Grace raised our
first parents from what would have been their natural condi-
tion of slaves to that of adopted children ; and hence we
find applied to souls in the. state of grace those words of
St. John: "Now we are sons of God, but it hath not yet
appeared what we shall be ; " and those other words of our
Blessed Saviour : " I have said you are gods, and all of you
sons of the Most High." In the possession of sanctifying
1080 Adam and Eve before the Fall.
grace our first parents had the root of their future glorifica-
tion in soul and body. The light of glory, by which the just
see God face to face, is nothing more than the full develop-
ment of grace ; and had our first parents preserved faithfully
the privileges of their exalted state, they would, when their
term of probation had ceased, have been transferred from
the terrestrial to the celestial paradise ; and the " visio per
speculum " would have been changed into the " visio facie
ad faciem."
Besides sanctifying grace, which was by far the greatest
of all their gifts, our first parents received many others.
Freedom from concupiscence, or the gift of integrity, as it
is called, would perhaps hold the next place. " Quod autem
ad animam pertinet," writes the Roman Catechism, " earn
Deus ad imaginem et similitudinem suam formavit, liber-
umque ei arbitrium tribuit : omnes praeterea motus animi
atque temperationes ita in eo temperavit, ut rationis
imperio nunquam non resist eret." " Non voluntatem," writes
St. Augustine, " cupiditas duxit, non praecessit voluntatem,
nonresistitvoluntati." Ever since the unhappy moment when
original sin destroyed the beauty of the human soul, there
has been a continued struggle between the various faculties
of which it is composed, and a constant effort on the part of
the inferior appetites to dethrone reason from the position
of authority which God and nature had assigned to it.
" Caro concupiscit adversus spiritum " tells the story, even
of those most under the influence of grace, and none perhaps
better than St. Paul has given expression to the lament-
able struggle for superiority that ever rages within the breast
of man : " I do not the good I would, but I do the evil I
would not. I see in my members another law repugnant
to the law of my mind which subjects me to the law of
concupiscence which is in my members."
This unhappy conflict is but one outcome of original sin.
In the state of primeval justice in which our first parents
were created, there was no disturbing element. No storm
of passion swept across the soul to ruffle the calm that
reigned within. The Creator so disposed the various faculties
that each exercised its functions within its own sphere, and
Adam and Eve before the Fall. < 1081
manifested no tendency to dispute the authority of a superior.
The senses rushed blindly to no forbidden objects, but like
so many willing handmaids ministered to the superior
faculties. Within the soul reason held queenly sway ; it
issued its commands, and they were freely obeyed. The will
now so prone to anticipate, and even to thwart the intellect
in its judgments, awaited its decisions and was guided by it
in all its desires. These harmonious relations were, no
doubt, largely due to the influence of grace and to the
perfect equanimity established in the soul by the Creator ;
but it is reasonable to suppose that, just as in the present
order of things God makes use of external objects to with-
draw men from sin and its occasions, He would in the state
of original justice have guarded the senses of our first parents
from dangerous objects, and kept their minds free of
distracting thoughts. "Poterat Deus," writes Suarez,
" partim providendo ne objecta pert urban tia hanc animi
pacem et tranquillitatem occurrerent, partim applicando et
excitando rationem et voluntatem atque etiam phantasiam,
partim per alios occultos modos providentiae suae hanc
subordinationem illaesam conservare."
To the gift of integrity, or freedom from concupiscence,
there was superadded the special gift of immortality. The
soul of its own nature is immortal ; it can never die, and
even in the possible state of pure nature God would have
made provision for it after its term of union with the body
had come to an end. The body, on the other hand, is
subject to death; it is composed of parts, and its downward
tendency under the corroding influence of age must ever be
to revert to the parts of which it is composed. When the
Apostle, therefore, says that the wages of sin is death, and
the Council of Trent defines that by sin Adam incurred
death, the meaning is, that our parents, besides incurring
by sin the eternal death of the soul, lost that special attribute
of their exalted nature by which their bodies were to be
preserved, for ever, from corruption and death.
The gift of immortality was, no doubt, a very extra-
ordinary one, and, apparently at least, very much opposed
to the nature of things. At the same time, to account for
1082 Adam and Eve before the Fall
its existence, it does not appear a necessity to assume a
constantly-recurring miracle or any suspension of the laws
of nature, or, indeed, to postulate the existence of any
inherent life-preserving quality which, while warding off
danger from without, would prevent the various members
of the body from lapsing into a state of decay. " Ad
praeservandum hominem," writes Mazzella, "a morte
vioienta, non erat necessaria in homine aliqua intrinseca
qualitas, ut nonnullis placuit ;" and a little further down the
same author adds: — "Ad praeservandum vero primum
hominem a morte naturali, uti fert communior Theologorum
sententia, Patrurn doctrinae conformior, nee ulla admittenda
est intrinseca qualitas;1 for, as Suarez, quoted by the same
author remarks, " Ilia qualitas (intrinseca) nimis esset
miraculosa et nullum habet fundamentum." Death, as now,
might occur in one of two ways. It might be the result of
some unforeseen accident, or the gradual outcome of such a
wasting away of the powers of the body as would render it
unfit to be the companion of an immortal soul. God could
easily — humanly speaking— have preserved our first parents
from a sudden death. The forces of nature and the irrational
objects of creation were perfectly under their control, and it
is only reasonable to suppose that, in their blissful state,
those ministering spirits would exercise special vigilance over
them, and guard them " in all their ways." In the present
order God oftentimes protects men from danger, and in ways
unknown withdraws them from unforeseen accidents. How
much more easily could He have done so in the case of our
first parents, whose minds were filled with a knowledge of
everything that might imperil their safety, and fortified with
a prudence in all their actions to which even the most highly-
gifted of their posterity cannot aspire ?
"Corpus," writes St. Thomas, "hominis poterat prae-
servari . . . partim quidem per propriarn rationem, per
quam poterat nociva vitare, partim etiam per divinam
providentiam quae sic ipsum tuebatur ut nihil ei occurreret
ex improvise a quo laederetur."2
1 De Deo Creante. Dlsp. iv., Art. v.
2 Mazzella, Disp. iv.t Art, v.
Adam and Eve before the Fall. 1083
The peculiar nature of their being, the happy circum-
stances in which they were placed, together with the
ordinary helps at hand, would, it is believed, have the effect
of warding off death arising from natural causes, and pre-
serving unimpaired the members of their bodies. In the
state of original justice, with all its glorious prerogatives,
there would not have been that tendency to decay which is
now so marked a characteristic of the human body. The
Garden of Eden was an abode of peace and happiness within
whose hallowed precincts sickness, disease, or those other
ills of life which so depress the energy of man and so quickly
weaken the robustness of his frame, had no existence.
" Sicnt in Paradiso," writes St. Augustine, " nulla aestas
aut frigus sic in ejus habitatore nulla ex cupiditate vel timore
accedebat bonae voluntatis offensio, nihil omnino triste . . .
non lassitude fatigabat otiosum, non somnus premebat
invitum." " Nuilus intrinsecus morbus, nullus ictus metue-
batur extrinsecus, summa in carne sanitas."1 The earth
spontaneously yielded fruits of the most agreeable and
nutritious kind, so that our first parents were not obliged to
undergo the weariness of toil and labour to secure the
means of subsistence. For, as St. Augustine says, " Gibus
aderat ne esuriret, potus ne sitiret." They were strangers,
furthermore, to that perpetual warfare that ever goes on
between the two natures of man, and which, no doubt
hastens on decay and death. Within their souls there
reigned a glorious calm. There were no violent passions to
subdue, no useless regrets for the past, no gloomy fore-
bodings for the future, while the natural beauties of Paradise
must have been a constant subject of admiration for their
newly-created minds. Besides that perfect tranquillity of
mind and body, and those harmonious relations between the
various appetites — all of which must have contributed largely
to prolong the lives of our first parents — there was placed in
the midst of the garden the tree of life, the fruit of which
was specially designed to secure the immortality of their
bodies. " Quamdiu," writes St. Augustine, "in Creatoris
1 7* Civ. Dei,, i 14, e. 20.
1084 Adam and Eve before the Fall
lege duravit, dignus fuit edere de arbore vitae ut mori non
posset."1 This fruit possessed a wondrous efficacy. It not
merely supported our first parents in the ordinary way by
satisfying the claims of nature, and becoming assimilated to
their substance, but by special inherent properties of its own
it had the effect of warding off the natural debility of old age
and counteracting every tendency to decay. How long its
efficacy would have lasted, whether for a time or "in
perpetuum ;" whether it would be necessary to partake of it
only once or several times during the probationary period,
these are questions v/hich are open to controversy and about
which there exists a diversity of opinion. This much, at all
events, is certain, that had our first parents preserved faith-
fully the privileges of their state, they would never have been
subjected to the violent pangs of death. They would have
passed their days pleasantly in the garden of delights ; their
souls, under the influence of grace, would live in constant
communion with God; their bodies, nurtured with the fruit
of the tree of life, would preserve their pristine vigour to the
last, and, when the term of probation had expired, they
would have been transferred, body and soul, from earth to
heaven.
Keference has been already made to the absence of the
" aerumnae vitae," or the ills of life from the garden of
delights. Our first parents were not subject to sickness or
disease ; they suffered neither from excessive heat nor intense
cold ; and, while as thuman beings they possessed animal
natures, whose claims they should satisfy by the use of food
and drink, they experienced none of the inconveniences
arising fiom hunger and thirst. " Gibus," writes St.
Thomas, quoted byMazzella,2 " sumebaturadrestaurationem
deperditi et ad augmentum corporis in quantitate perfect a ;"
and Suarez, quoted by the same author, adds : — " Imo
futura etiam erat in statu innocentiae fames et sitis non
quidem [quatenus important aliquam molestiam, sed prout
important nudum appetitum edendi et bibendi." God
placed Adam in a garden of pleasure, telling him that he was
1 Ibid. 2 Digp. iv., Art. 6.
Adam and Eve before the FalL 1085
to dress and guard it (Gen. ii. 15). The labour imposed
must have been of the mildest kind. It was labour
unaccompanied with languor or fatigue, which, while
affording gentle and pleasing exercise to the body, and
dispelling every tendency to idleness, brought joy to his
active mind,
As lord of creation, Adam possessed authority over all
things created. The various inferior living organisms were
called into existence to minister to his wants, and all gladly
acknowledged his gentle sway. The beautiful harmony
existing within himself — the result of the willing subjection
of the inferior appetites to the superior — had' its counterpart
in the world outside, when the entire brute creation
submitted without question to his rightful authority. " God
created man of the earth, and made him after His own
image. . . . He put the fear of him upon all flesh, and
he had dominion over beasts and fowl" (Ecc. cxvii. 1-5).
We can have no better idea of the complete authority
possessed by Adam over all living things than that supplied
by the facts narrated in the book of Genesis : — God called
alFthe beasts of the earth and all the fowls of the air to Adam,
that he might give them a name. All willingly obeyed the
summons; they crouched around the king of creation, who
called all by their names, and "whatsoever Adam called any
living thing the same is its name " (Gen. ii. 19, 20).
Not the least remarkable amongst the gifts bestowed on
our first parents, was that of knowledge. As father and
preceptor of the human family, it was fitting that the Creator
should endow Adam with a perfect science, both of natural
and supernatural things ; and such, there is reason to believe,
he possessed. " Primus homo," writes St. Thomas, quoted
by Mazzella, " ita etiam institutus est in statu perfecto
quantum ad animan ut statim posset alios instruere et
gubernare. ... Et ideo primus homo sic institutus est a
Deo ut haberet omnium scientiam in quibus homo natus est
instrui." 1 The very duty assigned to him of naming the
beasts of the field and the fowls of the air, and the fidelity
1 Disp. iv., Art 6.
1086 Adam and Eve before the Fall
with which it was discharged, show how thoroughly he must
have understood the various species of living organisms that
go to make up the animal creation. " Quod magna sapientia,"
says St. John Chrysostom, " praeditus fuerit, disce ex-iis
quae nunc fiunt." " Et adduxit ilia."1 The knowledge
possessed by Adam was, no doubt, infused from the very
beginning, and therefore the result of no mental exertion on
his part ; bat even as a mere human inquirer his mind was
peculiarly fitted to grapple with the intellectual problems
that lay around him. No distracting thoughts arose within
his mind to thwart it in its pursuit of knowledge. * There
were no rebellious appetites to subdue, no lassitude of spirit
to combat ; and hence, even as a natural philosopher viewing
the wonders of creation from its very threshold, he was
better fitted than any other mere human being ever created
to solve the problems it presented, and to understand the
laws that regulate matter in its varied forms.
His knowledge of supernatural truths was no less
profound, " He created in them the science of the spirit,
he filled their hearts with wisdom, and he showed them
both good arid evil " (Ecc. xvii. 6). There can be no doubt
but from the beginning Adam understood the privileges of
his exalted state, and the glorious end for which he was
created. That he was conversant with the mysteries of
faith, and had an extensive knowledge of the divine truths —
such as was befitting one whose duty it would be to instruct
those who came after him — is equally certain. As yet,
indeed, he was not privileged to see God face to face, and to
read in the Divine Essence itself the " species omnium
veritatum ;" nevertheless, his constant communing with
God, together with the preternatural enlightenment of his
soul, must have led him into a knowledge of God, and of
his relations with man, to which even the most profound
theologian could not aspire.
To knowledge of the intellect there was superadded
rectitude of the will, and not only was the father of the
human race free from every trace of sin, but his soul was,
1 MazzeUa, Di*p. iv.. Art. 6.
Adam and Eve before the Fall. 1087
furthermore, fortified with all the moral virtues appropriate
to his state. That he could sin, and cast aside the glorious
prerogatives he received, subsequent events only too clearly
proved. It is, however, a question about which theologians
are divided, whether venial sin is consistent with the state
of original justice. Some are inclined to think that there is
nothing in it to exclude the possibility of venial sin ; and
that, therefore, our first parents might lapse into one of those
venial faults without in any way forfeiting the attributes of
their exalted state. Theologians generally hold the opposite
opinion. " Communiter ponitur," writes St. Thomas,
" quod homo in statu innocentiae non potuit vemaliter
peccare." l " In anima," writes St. Augustine, " tota tran-
quillitas ;" and nothing can give us a better idea of the
bliss of our first parents, and of the perfect reign of concord
in their souls, than that they enjoyed a perfect immunity
from every, even venial, fault. So completely were their
wills under the control of reason, and so intimate was their
intercourse with God, that the slightest venial fault would
not be permitted to mar their happiness, or to disturb the
peaceful reign of the Holy Spirit within their souls.
As a fitting climax to all their happiness, our first
parents were destined to a supernatural reward which was
nothing less than the immediate vision of God in heaven.
In the meantime there was assigned to them for an abode
an earthly Paradise carefully embellished by the hands of
the Creator, and supplying in its varied beauties and striking
harmonies manifest proofs of His power and love. The days
of th6 sojourn of our first parents in the earthly Paradise
might have been few or many ; but few or many, they would
have been days of joy unmixed with sorrow, days spent in
marvelling at the wonders of creation, and worshipping
and praising the God who made them. Living under the
influence of sanctifying grace, breathing the very air of
sanctity, all their works would have been stamped with a
supernatural character, and all the aspirations of their souls
directed towards the supernatural end for which they were
1 Mazzella, Dwp, iv,, Art. vi.
1088 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
destined. The glories of the Beatific Vision have been
made the subject of the most sublime discussions by our
Catholic theologians. They tell us it is so far above the
natural powers of man or anything of which he could be
conceived capable, that it would exceed even the limits of
Divine omnipotence to create a creature to whom it would
be a natural reward. They tell us that seeing God face to
face, all the longings of the human soul and all the yearnings
of the human heart are fully satisfied. They raise, further-
more, many profound questions regarding the lumen gloriae,
that mysterious medium which deifies the soul and brings
it into closest union with God. And when they have
exhausted the riches of theological literature, and gone as
far as, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, the teaching
of revelation can lead them, they must admit that they
have but reached the brink of an abyss the depths of which
can only be sounded by the saints in heaven. " Oculus,"
writes St. Paul, " non vidit, nee auris audivit nee in cor
hominis ascendit, quae praeparavit Deus iis, qui diligunt
ilium" (1 Cor. ii. 9).
D. FLYNN, C.C.
PALESTEINA AND OKLANDO DI LASSO
THE year which is drawing to a close has witnessed the
celebration, in a large part, at least, of the civilised
world, of the tercentenary of the death of two of the greatest
musicians that ever lived. Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso
were called Principes Musicae during their lifetime ; and,
though it cannot be said that their names are familiar to
every musician of the present day, still they are considered
as musical stars of the first rank by those in a position to
judge. But their principal importance lies not in this, that
they, in their time, advanced musical art a considerable step,
and that their works continue to be a worthy object of study
and imitation for the earnest student of music, but in the
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1089
fact that, as Church musicians, they have created works
which have never been surpassed, and which must still be
regarded as the ideal and model of all Church music written
in parts.
It needs no apology, then, that we should devote to them
a few pages of the I. E. RECOKD. It rather requires an
explanation why we have withheld this paper until this
last month of the tercentenary year. 7'he reason is, that
we had hoped to be able to avail ourselves, for this study, of
Dr. Haberl's Biography of Palestrina, which was promised
for this year. It now appears that we shall have to wait a
little longer for this long-expected biography. The learned
Ratisbon priest, we understand, is going once more to Rome,
to try and clear up, by a last examination of the archives,
some points that are still obscure in the life of Palestrina.
In the meantime, the principal sources of information on
the Roman composer, besides what, from Baini's famous
biography, has found its way into all the ordinary text
books, are those articles which Dr. Haberl has published,
from time to time, in his CaecilienJcalender and Kirchenmusi-
k&lisches Jahrbuch.1 To these we have to refer the student
on all those points where our conclusions will diverge from
the generally accepted opinions.
About Orlando di Lasso, the tercentenary year has
produced three books, by Sandberger, Destouches, and
Decleve, of which the first named is the most important.2
i Both published by Pustet in Ratisbon. The principal articles
referring to our subject are : — Nach Palestrina wegen Palestrina, Caecilien-
Kalender, 1879 ; Notizen uber Giovanni Pierluiyi da Palestrina. C. K., 1882 ;
Das Arcliiv der Gonzaga in Mantua, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 1886 :
Die Cardiiialskomnmsion von 1564, und Palestrina's Missa Papae Marcelli,
Jahrbuch, 1892 ; Si/nchronistische Tabelle iiber den Lebexsgany und die
Werke von Giov. Pierluigi da Palestrina und Orlando di Lasso, Jahrbach,
1894.
a The titles are : — 1. Beitrage mr Geschichte der bayer. Hofkapelle
unter Orlando di Lasso. In 3 Buchern. 1. Buch init drei Abbildungen.
Voii Dr. Adolf Sandberger. Leipzig, "Breitkopf and Hartel, 1894, 119 pp.
Price 3m. 2. Orlando di Lasso. Ein Lebensbitd von Ernst von Destouches.
Mit 5 Abbildungen. Miinchen, Lentner'sche Buchhandlung, 1894. 76 pp.
Price 1.50 m. 3. Roland de Lassns. Sa vie et setozuvres par Jules Decleve.
Illustration de Louis Greuse. Mons, Typographic de Leop. Loret, 1894.
244 pp. Price 10 fr.
VOL. XV. 3 Z
1090 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
In addition to these, some articles in Haberl's Jahrbuch are
of importance.1
Short biographical sketches of the two composers have
been given in abundance in various periodicals. One of
unusual merit, by Th. Schmid, S.J., appeared in the Stimmen
aus Maria-Laach, Nos. 7 and 8.
The great Eoman composer, best known by the name of
Palestrina, was bom in 1526.2 His father was called Sante
Pierluigi, Sante being the Christian name, Pierluigi the family
name. The distinguished composer received in baptism the
name of Giovanni. From his native place, Palestrina, a little
town at the foot of the Sabine mountains, the see of a Kornan
cardinal, he received the name by which he is generally known.
Palestrina being identical with the old Preneste, the latinised
form of his full name, Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, is
Joannes Petraloysius Prenestinus. But as people of that
time were not over particular about names, the most fanciful
combinations and alterations are to be found both in his own
signatures and in printed books giving his name. Pierluigi's
father was a well-to-do citizen, possessing houses and landed
property both in Palestrina and in Rome. Hence the tales
of the extreme poverty of young Giovanni must be received
with a good amount of doubt, though it is possible, of course,
that the cares of life may have made themselves felt, at some
period of his early life, in Giovanni's family.
His early musical training Giovanni probably received
in Eome, and, according to an account of Antino Liberati
(1685), he had a Netherlander, called Gaudio Mell, as his
teacher. The Netherlands, at this time, held supremacy
in musical matters. Not only the best composers, but also
the best singers, came from that country. Netherlanders
held the posts of choirmasters at nearly all the courts of
art-loving princes. Their compositions adorned the services
of the Church, as well as gave splendour and grace to banquets
and feasts. During the fifteenth and for the first half of
*" Aus der Correspondent von Orlando di Lasso mit Wilhelm V., von
Bayern," 1891; tk Archival- Excerpte iiber Orlando de Lasso und seine
Nachkommen," 1892 ; and the SyncJironistische Tahelle, 1894, mentioned
«Jbove
* See K. 4/. Mrburt, 1886, pp. 42-44,
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1091
the sixteenth century, the Netherlander principally had
developed musical art to a high degree of perfection. They
had raised the technique of contrapuntal and imitative
writing to such a degree that it excites the astonishment of
our present-day musicians. That architectonic character
which attaches to the fugal and canonical treatment of parts,
that mastery in the combinations of melodies which enabled
the mediaeval composer to reduce his musical ideas to the
strictest law and order, had been brought about mainly by
the endeavours of the Netherlanders. But it was not only
mastery over the technique of musical composition, not only
a perfect control over the forms of music that they
possessed* Their works were not mere mathematical
calculations that might be interesting to the reason,
but leave the heart cold. Their compositions possessed
also great aesthetic value, and were full of emotional
life. How could we otherwise explain the fact, for in-
stance, that the Italians of that period, who certainly
were more fond of the enjoyments of life than of abstract
speculations, preferred Netherlandish music and Nether-
landish musicians to the music and the musicians of
their own country? Nor is there wanting contemporary
evidence that this aesthetic aspect of the compositions was
appreciated at that time. Thus Glareanus, in his Dodeca-
chordon, 1547, gives special praise to Josquin de Pres, who
died in 1521, because " no other one knew in the same
measure to express the emotions;" and Johannes Otto,
in the preface to his Secundus tomus novi operls musici, 1538,
referring to a motet of the same master, asks : " Has ever
a painter expressed so graphically the face of the suffering
Saviour, as Josquin has done intones?" That Palestrina
received instructions from a master of this Netherlandish
school, even apart from the quoted statement of Liberati,
can be inferred from his earliest compositions, which show
clearly the influence of that school.1
1 Baini, the famous choirmaster of the Sistine Chapel, and biographer
of Palestrina, was the first to identify the above-named Gaudio Mell
with the French composer Goudimel, who died in 1572, a victim of
St. Bartholemew's Night. For this supposition there is no evidence, while
there is plenty of evidence to the contrary. See Jahrbnch, 1891, page 89.
1092 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
In the year 1544, at the age of eighteen, Palestrina was
appointed organist of the cathedral of his native town.
The interesting document of his appointment is preserved
to us.1 It shows the zeal of the canons of Palestrina for
Church music. They not only gave their organist a salary
equal to the income of one of themselves, but they were
prepared to receive lessons in singing from him. Palestrina's
duties were to play the organ on feast days; to assist daily at
Mass, Vespers, and Compline; and to teach the canons or a
corresponding number of boys, as the chapter might decide.
In 1547 he married Lucretia de Goris, who, on the
5th November of that year, received as her patrimony a
house with a tannery, as well as several fields, meadows,
and vineyards.2
During this time— from 1543 to 1550 — the Cardinal
Bishop of Palestrina was Giovanni Maria del Monte, who,
in 1550, ascended the Papal throne as Julius III. It was un-
doubtedly through his influence that Palestrina was called to
Rome, in 1551, as Choirmaster of St. Peter's and teacher of the
so-called Capella Julia.3 This Capella Julia was founded
in 1480, by Pope Sixtus IV., who ordered the chapter of
St. Peter's to pay ten singers as the choir of that basilica.
Julius II., in 1513, gave larger revenues to the institution,
and, in consequence, it was called after him. He arranged
that it should contain twelve singers and twelve boys, in
order that from it singers for the Papal choir might be
taken, for which at that time singers from France and
Spain had to be procured, because in Rome hardly any were
educated so as to be fit for that institution. Under
Paul III., in 1547, a special house, the Gimnasium Capellae
Juliae, was erected, in which the boys and their teachers,
one for music and one for grammar, were to live. Although
intended for twelve boys, this Capella Julia, at the time
Palestrina was appointed to it, had only three boys, the
revenues being insufficient. These boys sang the soprano
part of the compositions, the alto being taken by men, just
1 Caecilienkalender, 1879, page 11.
2 CaeciUenkaknder, 1879, page 11-12.
8 Qatcilwikaknderi 1882. page 84-86-
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1093
as is done, even at the present day, in the English Protestant
cathedrals. In the month of October, 1551, he got a fourth
boy under his tuition, and in 1584 he had as many as six,
against four altos, four tenors, and four basses. This number
appears very small, according to modern ideas of a choir-
But when we learn that these sixteen or eighteen singers
sometimes performed twelve-part compositions, we must
infer that they were extremely well trained.
In 1554 Palestrina published his first work, a volume of
Masses, which he dedicated to Pope Julius III., stating in
the preface that he composed these Masses with " more
exquisite rhythms." Palestrina, therefore, was twenty-eight
years of age before he published any of his compositions.
He did not bring before the world his first attempts at
writing music, but those works which he considered of
a higher standard. But when he appeared, he produced
something of great value, and his " opus 1," which contains
four Masses for four parts, two for five, and one for six parts,
is such as any composer might be proud of.
Living in Rome at this period must have been of the
gi^atest and most beneficial influence on a gifted musician
who had devoted his life to the service of the Church. The
work of reformation which was being carried on so success-
fully at the Council of Trent, occupied the minds of the
best men, and in Koine a man like Palestrina had ample
opportunity to come in contact with the most eminent
promoters of the reform movement. Amongst the subjects
that required reformation, Church music, too, was mentioned.
There has hardly been any period in the Church's history
when there were not complaints about the deplorable state
of Church music. But in the fifteenth and the first half of
the sixteenth century these complaints were particularly
numerous. Looking at the compositions which have been
transmitted to us from that period, we must say that they by
no means deserve the strictures passed on them, and we are
compelled to believe that these complaints were due partly
either to the ignorance of the writers, who were incapable of
appreciating polyphonic music, or to the rigorism of some
who, on principle, were opposed to any music except Plain
1094 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
Chant, partly to the incompetency or levity of the per-
formers, who were not able, or did not care, to sing the
compositions properly. Still we must admit that there
was some room for improvement in Church music ; and we
may take it for granted that Palestrina was most anxious
to listen to the advice of able men, and to try and carry out
their ideas.
Amongst those who were practically engaged in the work
of restoration, one of the most prominent was Cardinal
Marcello Cervino. He was a friend of scholars and artists,
and it is more than likely that he was a special friend of
Palestrina. Probably on the suggestion of this cardinal,
Palestrina, while choirmaster of St. Peter's, wrote that Mass
which is so famous under the name of Missa Papae Marcelli,1
and which appears to have evoked the approval of the
Cardinal.
In 1555, Palestrina, by special order of Julius III., was
appointed singer of the Papal Choir. This institution, in its
first beginnings, dates back to the time before Gregory the
Great. Of this Pope we know that he re-organized the Scola
Cantor um, and ever since nearly all the Popes have
shown their interest in this, their own private choir. Since
the Popes returned from Avignon this choir is also called
capclla pontificia, or palatina, and when Sixtus IV., in 1473,
had erected the chapel in the Vatican, called after him, the
Papal Choir, too, received the name of Capella Sixtina.
Before the Capella Julia was founded, the Papal Choir used
to sing whenever the Pope was pontificating. Afterwards,
however, whenever the Pope went to St. Peter's, the Papal
Choir used to sing during the Mass only, while the chants
during his solemn entrance were executed by the capella
Julia. Since 1870 the Papal Choir has ceased singing
altogether, and its few remaining members, as Dr. Haberl
strongly expresses it, are barely vegetating. Originally the
members of the Papal Choir were all clerics, or even priests.
But under Paul III. this rule had been broken. So there
The oldest MS. of this Mass is in S. Maria Maggiore, and was written
about 1562. The title was given to the Mass first in the printed edition
of Io67. See Jahrbuch, 1892, p. 82, »c.fjq.
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso, 1095
Was no objection to Palestrina being appointed a Papal
singer, although he was married. But, unfortunately for
him, Julius III. died early in 1555, and Marcello Cervino,
who succeeded him under the name of Marcellus II. , reigned
only a few days. Paul IV., then, reinstituting the former
discipline, dismissed Palestrina and two other married singers,
granting them, however, a good pension. Palestrina was so
much grieved by this blow, that he fell sick. But in October
of the same year he accepted the post of choirmaster in the
Church of St. John Lateran, which he occupied till 1561.
During this time he composed his celebrated Improperia,
which, on account of their extreme simplicity of structure,
create such a great impression on listeners of every class, and
a book of Lamentations. In the year mentioned he left his
post at St. John's, on account of the small salary, and became
choirmaster of St. Mary Major, where he remained till 1571.
This is the most interesting period of Palestrina's life,
because during it occurred the closing of the Council of
Trent, in 1563, and the appointment of the famous Com-
mission of Cardinals of 1564.
^ At the Council of Trent, Church music received a fair
share of attention. The most important law of the Council
on this matter is probably that in which it commands that
the boys in clerical seminaries should be taught music.
Unfortunately this decree is not observed in many of our
seminaria parva or the schools that occupy their place. As
to the kind of music to be performed in the churches, there
were not wanting some who advocated that all music should
be excluded, except Gregorian Chant. But others objected
to this; and Emperor Ferdinand I. deserved well of musical
art, when he requested, through his legates, that no such
decree should be passed. The Council, then, in its twenty-
third session, merely decreed in general terms that the
bishops should exclude from the churches all music which is
in any way lascivious or impure.
After the conclusion of the Council of Trent, in August,
1564, Pius IV. appointed a commission of eight cardinals for
the execution and observance of the Decrees of the Council
in the various ecclesiastical bodies of the City of Eome, such
1096 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
as the Poenitentiaria, Camera Apostolica, Curia Capitolina,
&c. This commission appointed a sub-commission, con-
sisting of the Cardinals Charles Borrhomaeo and Vitellozi
Vitellio ; not, indeed, to reform Church music in general, but
to reform the discipline of the Papal Choir. The two
Cardinals accomplished their task by excluding, in August,
1565, fourteen singers from the Papal Choir. But during
that time also the question of Church music generally seems
to have turned up ; for we know that, on the 28th April,
1565, the Papal singers were assembled, by order of Cardinal
Vitellozi, in his house, to sing a few Masses in order that it
might be seen whether the words could be understood as
the cardinals desired it. What Masses were sung on this day
we do not know.1 But it may be taken for granted that
Palestrina was among the masters from whose works
selections were performed. Very likely his Missa Papae
Marcelli, which already had won the approval of competent
judges, was chosen for this trial. "What the judgment of the
cardinals was, has not been transmitted to us ; but perhaps
we may infer that it was favourable, from another fact
which occurred shortly afterwards. .On the 6fch June, 1565,
by order of His Holiness, the monthly pension which
Palestrina drew from the Sixtine Chapel was raised by 3 sc.
13 baj., so as to amount to 9 scudi, which was the salary
of the real Papal singers. The reason given for the increase
is : " On account of various compositions which he had
edited and was to edit for the benefit of the chapel." The
compositions that Palestrina had edited by that time were
the first book of Masses, mentioned above, and the first book
of four-part motets, published in 1563. A book of four-part
madrigals, published in 1555, does not belong, of course, to
the category of works alluded to. The expression, " Com-
positions that he was to edit," may have referred, in the first
instance, to those works that were sung on the 28th April.
It is remarkable that in the preface to his second book of
Masses, which appeared in 1567, and which contains the
2 Baini's assertion, that Palestrina composed three Masses for the
occasion, is void of aJl foundation and untenable. See Jahrbuch, 1892, 1. c.
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1097
Missa Papae Marcelli, Palestrina says that, li following the
advice of eminent and religious men, he had tried to adorn
the holy Sacrifice of Mass with a new kind of music." What
this " new kind of music " was, we may, perhaps, infer from
the preface of Animuccia to a volume of Masses which was
brought out the same year by the same publisher. Pie says
that " influenced by the judgment of the Canons of St. Peter
(to whom the work was dedicated), he had sought to adorn
the praises of God with such music as would not disturb the
hearing of the words." Animuccia adds, however, that in
doing so he tried also to satisfy the requirements of art and
to give pleasure to the ears of the listeners.
In the year 1571, Giovanni Animuccia, who had occupied
the post of choirmaster of St. Peter's since Palestrina
resigned, died, and Palestrina was appointed a second time
to this position, which he held till his death. I may remark
here that Palestrina was not organist at St. Peter's, as he
had been in his native town. But there were special organ-
ists, who, having nothing to do but to play before and
after the singing, got only a miserable salary. In 1580,
Ealestrina's wife, Lucretia, died, and in the following year
he married a rich widow, Virginia Dormuli, who owned
a flourishing fur business. Afterwards his compositions
appeared in quick succession, this marriage having enabled
him to defray the expenses of publishing, which composers of
that time had themselves to bear. Still, in the preface to the
first book of four-part Lamentations, which appeared in 1588,
he complains of the bitterness of poverty. The various refer-
ences which I have made to his pecuniary circumstances, and
which might easily be multiplied, sufficiently indicate that he
was by no means a poor man. The key, then, to his complaint
must be found in the fact that the enormous expenses of
publication prevented him from editing all the compositions
he had written. Thus he says, in the preface referred to :
" Much have I composed and edited ; much more have I
with me; and from editing it I am constrained by my
poverty." Probably, too, he was envying his Spanish con-
temporary, Vittoria, whose compositions were published, at
the expense of the Spanish Government, in splendid folio
1098 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso^
editions ; while Palestrina had to be content with small notes
and unpretentious-looking volumes.
About the year 1576, Palestrina got a commission of a
very honourable character. The zeal of the Popes, after the
Council of Trent, for a reform of all branches of ecclesias-
tical life, extended itself also to a matter which always had
been of great concern to the Church, namely, to Gregorian
Chant. It is a disputed question whether Gregorian Chant
had really degenerated during the course of the Middle
Ages, or whether the complaints about this principal form
of Church music were due mainly to the fact that the proper
method of rendering it had been lost. However this may
be, a reform of the Plain Chant .melodies, especially of the
Gradual, was thought necessary in the sixteenth century ;
and it was Gregory XIII. who first set about getting this
task accomplished. It was a very high tribute to the emi-
nence of Palestrina as a musician, that he was selected by
the Pope to perform a work of such importance. Palestrina
undertook the work with great eagerness ; but it appears
that at the time of his death he had not finished the revision
of the whole Gradual, but only the first part of it— the
Proprium de Tempore. About his manuscript a dispute
afterwards arose between his son, Hyginius, and the pub-
lisher to whom Hyginius had tried to sell it. Only about the
year 1611 the manuscript was taken up again, and got a final
revision from two pupils of Palestrina, Felice Anerio and
Franc. Suriano. Finally, in 1614 and 1615, the work was
published by the stamperia medicea. It is known that this
Editio Medicaea is the foundation of the present authentic
edition of the Eoman Gradual. How far the changes intro-
duced in this edition are to be attributed to Palestrina, and
how far to his disciples, it is impossible to determine.1
Another branch of Palestrina's activity we have to
mention yet, namely, his connection with the Confraternity
of St. Cecilia, and the music school founded by Giovanni
Maria Nanino. It appears that in 1583 a society of
" Giovanni Pierluiai da Palestrina und das officielle Graduate Romanum
tier ed'itlo Medicaea von 1614."— (Supplement to No. 2 of Musica Sacra,
1894. Ratisbon, Ptistet.)
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1099
musicians was founded in Eome, in order to carry out the
decisions of the Council of Trent on Church music, to
establish a school for the proper teaching of young musicians,
and to see that nobody be appointed choirmaster or singer
at any of the Roman churches unless he had proved his
fitness by an examination before a commission appointed for
the purpose. Gregory XIII. approved of the Society, and
gave it a cardinal as protector. The Papal Choir first were
opposed to this Society, and forbade their members to join it.
But in 1589 we find Palestrina and Nanino, and two other
members of the Papal Choir, as members of this Society.
In connection with this Society, Nanino established a school,
at which, we are told, Palestrina frequently visited ; and,
being recognised as a superior master, often had to decide
differences of opinion that arose between the numerous
professors and students of the establishment.1
In 1594, on the 2nd February, Palestrina died in the
arms of St. Philip Neri, his friend and spiritual adviser.
He was buried in the old Basilica of St. Peter's, at the
altar of SS. Simon and Jude, and on his tombstone the
words were engraved, " Princeps Musicae."
11 Prince of music": these words expressed the general
feeling of the sixteenth century. As a musician of the highest
merits, he was honoured by Popes and princes ; as a superior
master, he was revered by his younger colleagues. The
Spaniards had their Vittoria ; the Germans, their Orlando
di Lasso ; but in Italy there was nobody to contest his full
supremacy. A prince of music we have to call him now, in
the nineteenth century, when we look at the number and
excellence of his compositions. Messrs. Breitkopf and
Hartel's splendid edition of his works, which is now com-
plete, comprises thirty-two folio volumes. The number of
those that contain Masses, namely, fifteen, at once shows in
what direction Palestrina's predilection lay. The number
of his Masses is ninety -five — forty for four parts, twenty-
nine for five, twenty-two for six, and four for eight parts—
certainly a great proof of his inventive power, that could
1 Jahrbuch, 189 1, page 86 and foil.
1100 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
clothe the same • words in ever-new and interesting
harmonies.
Palestrina is generally known only by his Improperia,
his Missa Papae Marcelli, and his eight-part Stabat Mater.
These are very fine compositions, no doubt ; but it would be
very wrong to form one's opinion of Palestrina on these alone
The Improperia and the Stabat Mater cannot even give
an idea of his proper style, because in them the life elements
of the music of the sixteenth century — polyphony and
imitation — are almost totally absent. The Missa Papae
Marc.elli can be regarded as a fair specimen of the general
type of Palestrina's composition. But it must not be
forgotten that there are several other five or six-part coin
positions of equal, if noli higher value. Neither must we
overlook that the majority of his Masses are in four
parts. The beauty and elegance of his melodies, the freedom
and natural flow of all the parts, the facility and variety of
the combinations of voices, the ease and ingenious simplicity
with which the finest gradations are brought about — all
these characteristics of Palestrina's style can best be studied
and enjoyed in such Masses as Missa Brevis, Iste Confessor,
Aeterna Chris ti munera. Then we have his motets, filling
seven volumes, and representing a different side of his style,
in as far as in them each phrase of the text is clothed in a
different melody, and consequently the expression of the
varying moods receives great attention ; while in the Mass
the varying expressions of the different sentences of the text
are rather like light undulations on the surface of the general
sentiment. Space forbids us to go into details, and we
must content ourselves with barely mentioning his five-part
Offertories, and his four books of Lamentations, as some
of the sublimest productions that musical art ever has
achieved.
Palestrina's secular compositions are very few in number,
though by no means contemptible in quality. We have
mentioned one book of Madrigals. He edited another one
in 1586, which he justly describes as "matured fruits;"
and Dr. Haberl has gathered a third book from various
collections to which Palestrina contributed. All three are
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1101
in the twenty-eighth volume of the complete edition. The
next volume contains two books of Spiritual Madrigals, a
sort of religious songs in the Italian language, composed
probably on the suggestion of St. Philip Neri and for his
oratory ; therefore the germ of the modern musical form of
oratorio.
Viewing Palestrina's moral character, we cannot help
noticing the piety of the man. This we can infer even
from his compositions. It is quite possible, indeed,
that a man of little piety, in a fit of religious ardour, pro-
vided he be a good musician, might produce a real piece of
good Church music. But to spend a whole life composing
works expressive of profound piety without possessing this
virtue, is a thing we find it impossible to imagine. But we
have ample evidence besides that Palestrina was a practical
Christian. A proof of his tenderness of conscience is to
be found in the preface to the fourth book of his five-
part motets, where he says that he is ashamed and pained
at having composed, at some earlier period of his life, poems
that are foreign to the Christian profession and name. In
reality there is nothing really bad in his Madrigals. They
are sentimental, indeed, but not obscene, as, unfortunately,
many of the madrigals of the sixteenth century are. We
may take it for granted that Palestrina was quite justified
when, in the preface to the first book of five-part motets, he
assures us that even as a youth he had abhorred the custom
of setting to music words which could incite people to lust
and wickedness, and had taken great care that nothing
should proceed from him, by which anyone could become
worse and more impious. We have to consider, therefore, the
self-accusation, quoted above, as the outcome of a great piety
to which even a slight levity appeared as a serious fault.
Palestrina was also a sober and prudent man. In
documents preserved for us, we see him managing his pecu-
niary affairs and providing for his children, selling farms
and houses when a favourable opportunity arose, but soon
investing his money again, like a good business man, in
that security which is safest at all times, in landed
property. From the esteem in which he was held by his
1102 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
contemporaries, we may also infer that he was a humble,
unpretending man; and thus the whole picture we get of
him is of a very sympathetic character, and we may easily
overlook the slight stain which the bitter complaint of poverty
in the first book of four-part Lamentations throws on him.
Palestrina's whole life was confined to his native town
and the City of Home. The quiet, contemplative character
of his compositions is well in accordance with this outward
quietness and peacefulness of his life. Quite different is the
aspect of the life and the works of his great contemporary,
Orlando di Lasso. In accordance with the multiformity of
the events of his life, his mind was lively and mobile, and
his works bold in expression and cosmopolitan in character.
Proske writes of him, in his preface to the Musica
Divina : " Lassus had received into himself the national
in all European music of his time in such a manner that
it was expressed in him as a characteristic whole, and that
the specially Italian, Flemish, German, or French, could not
any longer be pointed out."
Orlando was born in Mons in Belgium. His family
name appears to have been Lassus, or, as some say, Lattre.
Later on, probably during his travels in Italy, he assumed
the Italian form, Lasso. The year of his birth cannot be
ascertained with absolute certainty. Habeii decides in
favour of 1532, on account of the inscription of a picture of
Orlando, " Aetatis suae LXIL A" 1594 ; " and his epitaph
which says, "post lustra ac hiemes sena bis acta duas,"
according to which Orlando lived sixty-two years ; and, as he
died in 1594, was born in 1532. Sandberger, however,
thinks that there is so much evidence for 1530 as to justify
the supposition that Lasso, towards the end of his life, when
his mind became obscured, forgot the exact date of his birth,
and thought himself two years younger than he really was.
The early history of Lasso is surrounded with myths,
and we must hope for future investigations to clear up the
time of his youth. He is said to have been choir boy at
St. Nicolaus in Mons, and, on account of his beautiful voice,
to have been stolen as many as three times, a thing not
unheard-of in those ages. According to another version,
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1108
his father was sentenced to carry a chain of false coin round
his neck, and thus to walk three times around the gallows, on
account of his being a coiner ; and Orlando in consequence
changed his name and left his country.
In 1544, we find him with Ferdinand I. Gonzaga, the
General of Charles I. and Vice-King of Sicily, who was then
besieging the town of St. Didier. With this Ferdinand,
then, Orlando travelled about a good deal. They first visited
the court of Franz I., King of France, where Orlando had a
first opportunity of acquiring that facility and ease in his
intercourse with persons of high position which he displayed
in his after life. Ferdinand then returned to Sicily, but
soon afterwards left again for Milan. On this journey, his
fleet, consisting of ten ships, was attacked by a band of
pirates, having about thirty ships. Orlando, therefore,
had ample opportunities to witness all sides of human life.
In Milan, Orlando remained a few years ; and, perhaps,
continued his musical studies under Mathias Hermann
Werrecorensis, the Cathedral choirmaster, a musician who
occupies a high place amongst his contemporaries. In Milan
Orlando is said to have left Ferdinand, and to have gone to
Naples with Constantin Castrioto, a Neapolitan nobleman.
There he .came in contact with all the festivities and
enjoyments of Neapolitan life. Being himself of a genial
character, he became a universal favourite, and we can
easily imagine how heartily he enjoyed the amusements of
the merry Neapolitans.
It is historically certain that he was in Kome before the
year 1555, although Baini's statement that he was, in 1541,
choirmaster of St. John Lateran, is no longer tenable.1
Whether he was so at a later date is, at least, very doubtful.
In 1555 Orlando was in Antwerp, where he finished a
book of four-part Madrigals, and got it published. In the
same year a book of five-part -Madrigals appeared in Venice,
where he seems to have left "the manuscript on 'his way to
the Netherlands. The reason of this journey, we are told,
was the news of sickness of his parents, whom, however, he
1 JaJirlwcJi, 1894, page 87.
1104 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
did not find living on bis arrival. In Antwerp Orlando
remained about two years, enjoying again tbe intercourse
with, and tbe intimate friendship of, eminent and famous
men, especially that of the Bishop of Arras, who afterwards
became prominent in history as Cardinal Granvella. To tbe
latter he dedicated his first book of five-part motets,
published in Antwerp in 1556. With the three works
mentioned, Orlando had shown himself to the world as a
master of the first rank, and with all the characteristics of
his own style. Of one of the motets contained in the
publication referred to, an entertaining story is told, which
proves at once the esteem in which his compositions were
held, and the popularity which they enjoyed.
It was in 1584, on the feast of Corpus Christi. The
procession with the Blessed Sacrament was to be held with
special solemnity in Munich on account of the Bishop of
Eichsttitt, who happened to be present, taking part in it.
But early in the morning a great thunderstorm arose, and
the rain fell in torrents, so that great doubts were enter-
tained whether the procession could take place. The Duke
of Bavaria sent a messenger to the wardens of the tower to
inquire what was the prospect of the weather, but they gave
very little hope. Still the Duke was not satisfied, and he called
the master of ceremonies to his seat in the church, and
inquired from him what was to be done. The master of
ceremonies answered that the rain would do great damage,
indeed ; but, inasmuch as the Lord of the weather Himself
was to be carried in the procession, and to Him, as the
Almighty God, this honour was to be done, they might well
trust that He would stop the rain, if that devotion was
pleasing to Him. The Duke agreed to this? view, and tbe
procession was consequently formed, although to all appear-
ance a violent shower of rain was on the point of breaking
down. But behold, when the Blessed Sacrament was being
carried over the threshold of the cathedral, and " Master
Orlando began the chant, Gustate et videte" suddenly the
sun burst through the clouds ; and the master of ceremonies,
in great delight, walked up to the Duke, and pointed out to
him how beautifully the verse of Holy Scripture had been
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1105
verified: " Taste and see how sweet the Lord is to them
that fear and trust Him." The nobility, too, who were pre-
sent, remarking that the sun grew brighter and brighter
whenever the Gustate et videte was sung by the choir, during
the procession, sent to the master of ceremonies to call his
attention to that wondrous fact. As soon, however, as the
procession was over, the rain that had been threatening
came down in terrible floods. In consequence of this fact,
Orlando's composition came to be sung afterwards at all
processions held for the purpose of obtaining good weather.
With this story we have anticipated the last stage of
Orlando's life, namely, his stay in Munich. Towards the
end of 1556, or early in 1557, he carne there, invited by
Duke Albert II., who was influenced in his choice, no doubt,
by the name Lasso had made for himself by his publica-
tions ; but, perhaps, also by the fame of his witty and
humorous disposition. How much he very soon felt at
home in the art-loving city on the Isar, we may infer
from the fact, that in 1558 he married one of the ladies
at court, "the honourable and virtuous" Kegina Weckinger,
with whom he lived in happy marriage for thirty-six
years. In the following year he began, by order of the
Duke, the composition of the seven penitential psalms — a
work which secured him the greatest fame. In 1562 he
became head master of the ducal " Kapelle." As such
he enjoyed as agreeable a position as he possibly could
desire for himself. He had under his direction the best
choir and orchestra existing in Europe. The choir consisted
of sixteen boy sopranos, thirteen altos, fourteen tenors,
and twelve basses ; the orchestra of about thirty instru-
mentalists, all perfect musicians. The choir sang daily
at High Mass, on Saturdays and feast-days also at Vespers,
On Sundays and feast-days, at Mass and Vespers, also
the wind instruments were employed ; while the stringed
instruments were used, it appears, only for profane festivities.
Whenever, at the ducal banquets, the fruit was served,
Orlando, with his musicians, had to perform his new com-
positions, " which he wrote daily."
Orlando was on the best of terms with Duke Albert, as
VOL. xv. 4 A
1106 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
ma)'' be inferred from the fact that most of his compositions
were printed, in splendid folio editions, at the expense of the
Pake, Still more familiar was he with Prince William, who
succeeded Albert, in 1579, as William V. His letters to this
prince, of which Haberl published extracts in his JaJirbuch,
1891, prove an intimate friendship between the two men.
They also show his ready wit and humour, and a certain
carelessness, allowable in a man of great genius, in the
way in which he mixes up four languages — Latin, Italian,
French, and German^ Lasso was also on very good terms
with his colleagues — a thing not easily to be accomplished.
They were irresistibly attracted by his genial nature and
superior gifts . He was honoured beyond measure by the people,
and was fond of the life inJMunich, which he calls " Minichen
ia jolie." We cannot wonder, then, that he remained
there permanently till his death, although he got several
tempting offers to accept other positions. He left Munich
only a few times for some journeys, for which he frealy got
permission, and even pecuniary subsidy, from the Duke.
Thus, in 1571, he travelled to Paris, on an invitation from
the musician and publisher, Adrian le Eoy. He was intro-
duced on this occasion to King Charles IX., who honoured
him highly, and gave him rich presents. Orlando, in return,
dedicated to the King a book of five-part Chansons. In 1574
he travelled to Borne, and presented to Pope Gregory XIII.
a copy of the second volume of his Patrocinium Musicae,
which had been published and dedicated to the Pope in
January of that year. Gregory made him Knight of the
Golden Spur. A similar distinction he had received, in
1570, from the German Emperor, Maximilian I., who raised
him to the nobility of the empire, granting him an escutcheon
representative of his mastery in music.
In 1585 he went to Loretto, to satisfy his pious desire of
seeing the Holy House, as he long had wished to do. Soon
after, in consequence of his incessant labours in composing
music, Orlando became subject to a nervous disease. The
Duke sent him his own court physician, who restored his
health after a few days ; but his mind remained weak and
gloomy. He even asked for his dismissal, which, however,
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1107
on the interference of his wife, the Duke refused to give. It
appears that the privations of his early youth were con-
jured up again before his mind, and heavy cares about his
livelihood and the fate of his children tortured his soul.
Towards the end of his life, however, he seems to have
recovered his former vigour ; for his last work, the Lagryme
di S. Pietro, which he dedicated to Pope Clement VIII., on
24th May, 1594, is considered as one of his finest produc-
tions. He died on the 14th June, 1594, and was interred in
the churchyard of the Franciscan monastery in Munich.
" Hie est ille Lassus, lassum qui recreat orbem," are the
words written under a picture of the year 1593, and in a
magnificent edition of his Magnificat of 1581 it is said : —
" Qid noverit artem,novit et nomen simul tuum." These
statements hardly hold at the present time. The tercen-
tenary of his death was celebrated this year by a concert in
the town where he spent most of his life, but the " recrea-
tion " of the audience took place only when the first part of
the concert, containing works of his, was over — we dare say
because of the character of the performance. In his native
tOwn, too, a celebration was held in his honour ; but it is said
to have been a farce. But there is hope that a time is
coming again, when not only his name, but also his composi-
tions, will be known by a considerable fraction of the musical
world. The best possible monument is being erected to
his memory by the complete edition of his works, which
has been begun by that enterprising firm of Messrs.
Breitkopf and Hartel. It is anticipated that this edition will
comprise about sixty volumes, about forty of which will be
devoted to his sacred, twenty to his secular compositions.
From this we see at once the enormous extent of his
productivity and industry, and also the relatively large
number of his secular works. We may believe him, indeed,
whenjhe says, in a letter of 1573, "tant travaille monpauvre
et debil esprit nuict et jour." "His secular works are some of
the best of that period. In all forms of compositions of that
class which were used in his time he excelled. Particular
praise is given to his drinking songs, which are full of
humour and merriment. Whether these compositions
1108 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
will ever again have more than historical interest, is a
matter of great doubt. Unfortunately, we must state that
many of his texts are very reproachable on moral grounds.
This is all the more surprising, as we know that Orlando
was a really religious man. We mentioned already his pious
desire to visit the sanctuary of the Blessed Virgin at Loretto.
This love for Mary he also expressed by his frequent
composition of the Magnificat. No less than one hundred
and eighty settings of this canticle by him have been
published. In the preface to an edition of the " lubilusB.
Mariae Virginis," his son Rudolf says : — " I am convinced
that my father composed these songs in order to incite, by
their lovely and pious harmonies, as many people as possible
to veneration and love of the Blessed Virgin Mary."
If we compare Orlando and Palestrina, one thing strikes
us at the outset : the difference in the number of their Mass
compositions. Orlando, although his sacred works on the
whole are more numerous than those of his great contem-
porary, has only fifty-one Masses against ninety-five of the
Roman master. A close examination of their respective
characteristics of musical writing shows that this is not by
accident, or from some outward cause, but rather is founded
on the diversity of their gifts. I shall try to explain this
somewhat, though the matter is one that rather withdraws
itself from description in words. First of all, Orlando had
not so much of that contemplative spirit which seems to be
necessary for the composition of a Mass. He was of a very
lively disposition, and ever desirous to be occupied with
something new. This may be the reason, too, that he some-
times is led away to use rhythmical formations which must
be called bizarre. Then the Mass is the more perfect form
of Church composition, and it is the perfection of the formal,
the full and consistent development of the musical idea that
is characteristic of Palestrina's style. Orlando's1 strength,
on the other hand, lay principally in the power of direct and
vigorous expression, in the invention of striking and
characteristic musical ideas. And for this he had more scope
in the form ot the motet, in which, as I explained already,
each phrase of the text was to receive a new musical
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1109
formation suitable to express the peculiar mood suggested
by the words. In a word, Orlando possessed what we now
call dramatic power, and he would have been greatest at the
musical drama had that form existed in his time.
Haberl compares Palestrina with Raphael, Orlando with
Albrecht Diirer. I should feel inclined to compare their
relation to that of Bach and Handel. Lasso and Handel are
both masters of the polyphonic style ; they are able to move
in the contrapuntal forms with the greatest ease ; but they
use them with a sort of liberty, they employ them to gain
the most telling effects, but they do not care so much for
logical development, and are always prone to follow the
unrestricted flight of their imagination, rather than by long
reflection to deepen their work. Like giants they proceed,
and, in a few bold outlines, draw a picture overpowering us
by the grandeur of its conception and the strikingness of its
expression ; but they do not stay to work out the details or
minutely to balance the shadings of colours. Palestrina and
Bach, on the other hand, no less fertile in invention or
powerful in expression, constantly, like Gothic architects, try
ts give their conception a strictly logical form ; they glory
in carrying out a musical idea to its extreme consequences ;
they strive to explain the full meaning of their thoughts by
following them out into their most profound depth ; and, by
carefully balanced gradations, to raise the expression to the
most sublime heights, and widen it to the utmost capacity
of human comprehension. The difference between the two
is, that the Italian has more sunshine in his compositions,
and that the lines of his design resemble more the round and
gentle features of the olive tree, than the characteristic, but
severe, forms of the German oak.
If we wish to ask the question whether Palestrina or
Orlando is greater, we find a serious difficulty in the fact that
Orlando's works are not alL easily accessible. Judging
from those which have been published recently in various
collections, Father Nekes, choirmaster of Aix-la-Chapelle
minster, pronounces his opinion in this way.1 In the Mass,
1 In a paper read at a meeting of the Cologne Diocesan Society of
St. Cecilia in August, 1894:.
1110 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
he says, Palestrina is unquestionably superior. In the
motet, many of Orlando's compositions are quite equal to
the very best of Palestrina's ; but, on the whole, also here
Palestrina carries the palm. There is one branch of musical
representation, however, where Orlando is unequalled. That
is, in the expression of the affects of repentance and
compunction. It is a very remarkable fact that the gay
Orlando should have expressed these sentiments, in his
Penitential Psalms, in such a way as no other composer,
before or after him, has done.
Let us look, in conclusion, a little more closely at the
question : Of what importance are Palestrina's and Lasso's
works for the present day ? Are they worth resuscitating,
and can we promise ourselves any advantage from their
being performed again ? A large number of musicians will
answer, No. There are some that maintain the ground
pillars of our modern music are Bach and Handel, while all
that Jies before them belongs merely to the domain of history.
Others may be found to say that real music was composed
only in the nineteenth century. I stated already, and
repeat emphatically, that their sacred compositions, at least,
are not only worthy of being performed again, but are, if we
abstract from the Gregorian Chant, the very best Church
music extant, models that we must imitate if Church
music is to recover that excellence of style which it ought to
possess. No doubt music has progressed during the last
three hundred years. The laws of harmonic relations, of
tonality, as it is called now, have come to be much more
clearly understood than they were in the sixteenth century.
Our rhythmical sense, too, has been developed; while, three
centuries ago, the semibreve note, as the unit of three or
four pulses, was, theoretically at least, the largest measure
of the rhythm, we now take the eight-bar period as the
standard of our rhythmical judgment. Nor do I close my
eyes to the fact that in the modern forms of music, in
niceties of expression, in the development of the orchestra,
we have factors which enhance the effect of music very
considerably. But I hold that the harmony of the sixteenth
century is sufficiently clear to satisfy even modern ears ;
Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso. 1111
the fundamental principles of harmonic relation that hold
even at the present day, were fully understood by those
masters, if not theoretically, at least practically. And where
their compositions deviate from the accepted ways of modern
tonality, they produce peculiar aesthetic effects of great
value. Take, for instance, the Mixolydian mode (the seventh
and eighth Church modes), the peculiarity of which, accord-
ing to modern ideas, is the resting on the Dominant. It is
expressive of the feeling that we have no perfect rest in this
world, of a longing for a future life. Palestrina often
produces the most beautiful effects by the cadence Tonic-
Dominant ; it is like lifting one's eyes to heaven. The
rhythm, too, of those masters, though free, shows great
evenness and balance, like the cadences of a good prose
writer. In addition to this, the best composers of that
period, foremost amongst them being the two we are
treating of, have aesthetic merits which render them unsur-
passed models of Church music. I shall say a few words
on these, barely pointing out the leading considerations,
un'der three headings : their polyphony, their vocal character,
and their religious spirit.
Polyphony, the melodic treatment of all the parts, has
its fundamental justification in the essence of harmonic
progression itself. Chord successions are produced by, and
understood as, the simultaneous progression of several parts.
Clearly, then, it is a higher form of art when all these
parts are imbued with melodic interest, than when one part
absorbs it all, and leaves the rest devoid of it. It is a
necessary consequence, for the highest forms of art, that all
the real parts should be treated equally, that all should
participate in the rendering of the principal melody. This is
particularly true of vocal composition. A part that is sung by
a human voice, that appears as the direct expression of an
intelligent being, ought to possess independence, and, to
some extent, equality with the other parts. Moreover, by
contrapuntal devices, such as imitation and stretto, effects
are achieved, the absence of which cannot be compensated for
by any other means. Space forbids me to develop this very
important idea at greater length. I must confine myself to
1112 Palestrina and Orlando di Lasso.
stating that Palestrina and Lasso are supreme masters of
this art, that have not been surpassed even by Bach and
Handel.
The second reason why we should revive and imitate the
works of the sixteenth century, is their vocal character. The
development; of music during the last three centuries has
been influenced to an enormous extent by the practice of
instrumental music. Composers formed their style by
writing for instruments, and then subjected the voices to
almost the same treatment as the instruments. At the same
time it cannot be gainsaid that pure vocal music is the
highest form of musical art, and the best suited for the
services of the Church. Richard Wagner, who certainly
cannot be accused of any prejudice against the orchestra,
says : — " If Church music is to regain its former purity, it
must become purely vocal again/' The proper method of
writing for voices, then, we must acquire from the masters
of the sixteenth century. From them we can learn how to
write melodies suitable for voices and adapted to the proper
declamation of the words. From them we can learn, too,
how to produce purely vocal effects by a manifold combina-
tion of the different parts, and by efficient gradations.
Lastly, I mention the sublimity of thought and the
religious unction that permeates the works of these masters.
It is an undeniable fact that the music of the last three
centuries was mainly used for the expression of profane
sentiments, of secular enjoyments, and worldly passions.
Composers poured out in tones all the manifold feelings of
their heart, or illustrated dramatically the sentiments of
imaginary personages. Sexual love is the subject of a great
deal of our music, and dance music riot only increased to a
large amount, but also influenced considerably the develop-
ment of musical forms. Far be it from us to blame music
for the course it has taken. As a pure art it has achieved
great things, which we most gladly enjoy. But we cannot
. overlook the fact that the expression of religious sentiments
has been lost to a considerable extent ; and to recover it,
therefore, we must go back to a time when it was known ;
we must study the masters who wrote before it was lost.
The French Bishops before the Revolution. 1113
The main difficulty in the way of reviving the old
masters, however, does not arise from any doubts as to their
real value and suitability for our time, but from the sad defi-
ciency of our choirs. Were it not for that circumstance, we
could have far better performances than those which delighted
the listeners of the sixteenth century. With our splendidly
printed parts marked with all kinds of indications as to expres-
sion; with the modern scores, unknown to choirmasters three
centuries ago; and with the equally modern art of conducting,
we have great advantages over Palestrina and Lasso. Our
principal aim, then, if we wish to honour them, must be to
educate our choirs. Let us train them so as to enable them
to sing the works of these immortal composers, and they will
live again, more gloriously than they ever lived.
H. BEWEBUNGE,
THE FKENCH BISHOPS BEFOKE THE
KEVOLUTION1
rPHE Apostle lays it down that no one should take upon
JL himself the episcopal office but he that is called of God,
as Aaron was. This was hardly the view of the aspirants to
that dignity under the old regime ; or, perhaps, they would
have maintained that noble birth was ordained by God as a
sign of vocation, and that courtly influence was only a
secondary cause, working under divine agency. However,
it is a fact that not one of the hundred and thirty bishops at
the opening of the Revolution was a plebeian. It needed no
Voltaire to point out the scandal of a Church professing to
have been founded by a Carpenter and a few poor fishermen,
and yet admitting none/but nobles to her most sacred offices.
The great question, what to do with our sons, was not a
difficult one in those old days, if only a man happened to be
of good family. The eldest usually followed his father's
profession, whether in arms or administration ; the navy was
1 1. TJAncien Clerge de France : Les Eveques avant la Revolution, par
1'Abbc Sicard. '2. Les Originex de la France Contcmporaine: DAncicn
, par H. Taine. o. IS An 1789, par H. Gautier.
1114 The French Bishops before the Revolution.
open to the second son ; but it was often the youngest who
became the wealthiest and most distinguished member of the
family, for at his disposal were the dignities and riches of the
Church. True, this last career was not of so dashing a
character as the others, and it involved more outward
decency and self-restraint; but there was the chance of
obtaining some brilliant position at court or some high
administrative office ; and, on the other hand, the difference
between the life of a bishop and that of a lay nobleman need
not be great.
Thus the future prelate's career was marked out for him
from his very birth. His only education, such as it was, was
much the same as that of his brothers. Book-learning had
little to do with it. His mother's maid taught him to spell
his way through his Catechism and prayer-book. It was in
the drawing-room that he picked up most of what he knew.
There he learnt to enter a room with distinction, to make his
bow, to converse with ease and correctness. No amount
of learning, still less of piety, could atone for gaucherie.
St. Simon tells of one young levifce, the son of the Duke
of Beauvillier, who was brought up away from home, " like
a perfect seminarist. Never was anyone so clumsy, so
slow, so sanctimonious. I suggested to the Duke to get him
a dancing-master, to teach him at least how to make his bow
and enter a drawing-room." We read how the Abbe de
St. Paulet used to give his nephew lessons in politeness
while the child was in bed. He used to walk up and down
the room, repeating the compliments usual among persons of
good society ; he took care to put him on his guard against
blunders sometimes committed, and he showed him how to
come into a room, what place he should take, how he
should begin and continue a conversation. These accom-
plishments gave the young aspirant an air of distinction,
which remained with him through life, and contributed in
no small degree to his success. About the age of twelve or
thirteen, if not earlier, the youthful nobleman must be
tonsured, and a benefice must be procured for him. This was
not a difficult matter, when we remember the number of
abbeys, and priories, and canonries, and the influence
The French Bishops before the Eevolution. 1115
possessed by the family. Thus provided with a pension of
some thousands of livres, the little cleric entered on his
classical studies, and, it must be owned, pursued them with
considerable ardour. The college of Louis-le-Grand and that
of Plessis were favourite resorts of the scions of nobility.
In due course he would proceed to St. Sulpice for philosophy
and theology. Here, one might think, he would certainly
receive some training for his sacred office. But the St.
Sulpice of those days, though containing and producing
many excellent priests, was by no means famed for the austere
discipline which is now insisted on. A De Broglie or a
Kohan, a Lomenie de Brienne or a Talleyrand, could hardly
be expected to submit to drudgeries and restraints. The
superiors easily overlooked any little irregularities on the
part of such distinguished seminarists. Once again it should
be noted that these young nobles were often hard-working
and brilliant students. While at the seminary, indeed, they
were not seldom surpassed by their humbler competitors ;
but they were careful to go on to a higher course at the college
*of the Sorbonne, whereas their former victors usually had to
betake themselves at once to parochial duties. Without a
doctor's cap the young abbe's chance of promotion would
be small. But theology by no means occupied the whole
of his attention. Mindful of the important secular offices
attached to the sacred dignities to which he aspired,
he devoted much of his time to the study of philosophy,
law, political economy, and even medicine. Locke and Bay le,
Voltaire and Buffon, Leibnitz and Spinoza relieved Tournely
and St. Augustine. It was at St. Sulpice and the Sorbonne
that the great Turgot, then known as the Abbe de Laulne,
acquired those profound and benign principles of government
with which he long ruled the generality of Limousin, and
which he endeavoured, in vain, to extend to the whole of
France. There, too, he had. as companions of his studies
Lomenie de Brienne, his rival and successor ; while Louis de
Rohan, the dupe of the necklace scandal, Maury, the
champion of the royalist cause, Talleyrand, financier and
diplomat, Sieves, the pamphleteer and constitution-maker,
Vergniaud, the fervent orator of the Gironde, were all more
1116 The French Bishops before the Revolution.
renowned for their knowledge of politics than for their
ecclesiastical acquirements.
When the critical hour of ordination arrived there was
little hesitation on the part of the aristocratic young abbes
to take upon themselves the tremendous responsibilities of
the priesthood. Destined from birth to the ecclesiastical
state, knowing that their prospects entirely depended on
their entering it, seeing all around them without any scruples,
they did not trouble themselves on the subject. It is difficult,
indeed, to believe that free-thinkers like Mor'ellet and Sieyes,
dissolute worldlings like Lomenie de Brienne, Eohan, and
Talleyrand, could have been called of God as Aaron was.
When Turgot, finding his faith gone, decided to refuse orders
so as not to wear a mask all his life, his clerical friends
gravely remonstrated with him for his folly. It was only
with the greatest difficulty that the young abbe, Des Cars,
could persuade his family to allow him to refuse to enter a
calling for which he never had the smallest inclination.1
After having finished his studies and received the priest-
hood the newly- ordained nobleman had no thought of wasting
his time in the drudgeries of a parish. Such conduct would
infallibly wreck all his worldly prospects. Arrangements
had probably already been made with some relative or friend
on the episcopal bench to secure for him an appointment as
Vicar-General. This was much easier than we might now
think. Each of the hundred and thirty bishops had a
considerable number of these functionaries. No less than
twenty of them were at Cambrai, eighteen at Chalons,
eighteen at Bourges. The usual number was nine or ten.
The chief meaning of this large number was the presence
of a brilliant staff around the person of the bishop, to
relieve the monotony of provincial life, and to console him
for his enforced absence from the court and the capital.
Their duties were not very arduous. They assisted the
bishop, indeed, in the government of the diocese ; but the
prelate usually took care to nominate one or two able
plebeian clerics, to whom the largest share of the labour was
1 On the seminary life of fashionable young abbes, see the Memoirs of
lalleyrand, Morellet, and the Duke Des Cars.
The French Bishops before the Revolution. 1117
allotted. It was in this way that the Abbes Maury,
Boulogne, and even Sieyes, were raised to the office. The
worthy parochial clergy had much to sutler from the haughty
manners of the aristocratic officials. We have only to turn
over the list of grievances submitted to the National Assembly
by the lower clergy, to see how deeply this insolence was
resented.
It is but fair to quote here Edmund Burke's ex-
periences : —
" I spent a few days in a provincial town [Auxerre] where, in
the absence of the Bishop [Mgr. de Cice], I passed my evenings
with three clergymen, his vicars-general, persons who would have
done honour to any church. They were all well-informed, two of
them of deep, general, and extensive erudition, ancient and
modern, oriental and western, particularly in their own profession.
They had a more extensive knowledge of our English divines than
I expected ; and they entered into the genius of those writers
with a critical accuracy. One of these gentlemen is since dead,
the Abbe Morangis. I pay this tribute, without reluctance, to
tjie memory of that noble, reverend, learned, and excellent person,
and I should do the same, with equal cheerfulness, to the merits
of the others who, I believe are still living, if I did not fear to
hurt those whom I am unable to serve." l
Family influence and the young vicar-general's own
ability and energy would soon procure him a rich abbey, a
canonry, and perhaps a court chaplaincy. Then after some
eight or nine years the great promotion must be obtained.
Some of the great sees had come to be almost an appanage
of certain families. For more than a century none but a
Eohan had occupied the see of Strasburg. The usual course,
however, was to receive a nomination to some petty diocese
away down in Dauphine or Brittany, and then to be
translated to one richer or more accessible. Thus, Mgr. de
la Ferronnays passed from St. Brienne to Bayonne, and
thence to Lisieux ; Montmorency from Condom to Metz ;
his successor at Condom, Lomenie de Brienne, soon passed
on to Toulouse, and afterwards to Sens. One bishop, De la
Koche-Aymon, was appointed to Sarept in 1725, Tarbes in
1 Reflections on the Revolution in France, Works, vol. ii., p. 417.
(Bohn's edition.)
1118 The French Bishops before the Revolution.
1739, Toulouse in 1740, Narbonne in 1752, and finally to
Kheims in 1763 !
Since the reign of Louis XIV. Paris and Versailles had
absorbed the whole of the life of the nation. As the King
was the state, so was Paris France. To make a figure at
court a nobleman would sell his lands, let his ancestral
chateau, squander his revenues, and load himself with debts.
Ordination and consecration, while imprinting a sacred
character and imposing new duties, by no means changed
the disposition or destroyed the inclinations of the new
prelate. A nomination to the see of Kiez, or Acqs, or
Lombez, or St. Papoul, was not a source of unmixed
pleasure. However, there need be no hurry in taking
possession. The Council of Trent, indeed, had decreed that
the delay should not be longer than three months, or six
months at the most. But that was all ancient history.
Christophe de Beaumont, in many respects a model bishop,
waited for more than a year before betaking himself to his
good city of Bayonne. His predecessor also allowed a year
to pass, and one of his successors more than two years. The
chances were, that if the newly-appointed bishop stayed at
court and managed to curry fresh favour, he might be
translated, and so save himself a weary journey to the
extremities of the kingdom. Then, again, even if the
prelate so far did violence to himself as to tear himself away
from the attractions of the court, he would take the earliest
opportunity of making his way back ; and once there, how
could he resist the blandishments of his relatives and the
numberless gaieties of the capital ? As to loyalty towards
the person and authority of the King, none could surpass
the bishops. " The life of the King," Bossuet had written,
'•' is the joy and the greatest good of the state. A good
subject loves his prince as the commonweal, as the air that
he breathes, as the light of his eyes, as his life, and even
more than his life." On the occasion of the coronation of
Louis XVI., Mgr. de la Luzerne's mandement says : — " We
hold that our kings receive their authority immediately from
God, and not from the Church, and that the sacred unction
adds nothing to the power handed down to them by their
The French Bishops before the Revolution. 1119
august ancestors." According to Cardinal Bernis, " The
king is the master not only of the goods and the lives of his
subjects, but also of their very thoughts." When the Duke
of Normandy (afterwards the unhappy Louis XVII.) was
born, one bishop made the announcement to his flock in the
words of Holy Writ : — " I bring you good tidings of great
joy. . . . Let us venerate the august infant, the child of
our fafcherlanu, in this new Bethlehem. . . . Already has his
star summoned to his side the Wise Men of the East, that is
to say, the members of the court ; the incense has been
burnt, the hand of renowned artists has woven the gold of
his garments." The swaddling clothes and the manger are
mentioned in due course, and finally the faithful are exhorted
to cry out : — "Blessed is the womb that bore thee, and the
paps that gave thee suck I" This sort of king-worship was
difficult when the king was a monster like Louis XV. ; yet
the bishops were equal to the task. " I have two masters,"
said Cardinal Bernis ; " one is God, the other is the King. I
acknowledge no one else." Bourdeille calls Louis " the best
of princes." Conzie goes so far as to speak of him as " this
good king, this magnanimous monarch, whom the Lord in
His mercy gave us. . . .A prince so much according to the
heart of men must have been according to God's own heart !"
When Walpole visited the royal chapel in 1769, Madame
du Barri was present at the Mass. " An odd appearance,"
he writes, " as she was so conspicuous, close to the altar,
and amidst both court and people. In the tribune above,
surrounded by prelates, was the amorous and still handsome
king. One could not help smiling at the mixture of piety,
pomp, and carnality."
But it is time for us now, at last, to go down into the
provinces, and to see what sort of life the bishop led there.
And first we must be present at his solemn entry into his
cathedral city. As late as the seventeenth century this
event was accompanied with, feudal mummeries that would
have delighted the worthy Baron of Bradwardine. Although
most of these had fallen into disuse, there was still much pomp
left. The great bell of the cathedral tolled to the accompani-
ment of joyous peals from the belfries of the churches and
1120 Ike French Bishops be/ore the Revolution.
convents, the booming of the cannon, and the music of
numberless bands. Through streets lined with immense
crowds of the populace, through long files of soldiers, amidst
flags and banners and rich hangings, the Prelate, escorted by
the clergy, the nobility, and the consuls, all in their gayest
attire, made his way into the cathedral to take possession,
with the usual ceremonies. Not seldom the official account
relates that the new bishop, still young and of high birth,
charmed everyone by his graceful person, his distinguished
manners, and his amiable language. The townspeople had,
indeed, good reason to feel an interest in their bishop. For
many centuries he was the leading personage in the city
and surrounding country. His wealth and his domains,
his feudal and political rights, made him truly a high and
mighty seigneur. The see of Btrasburg had a revenue of
400,000 livres, Cambrai 200,000, Narbonne 160,000, Auch,
Albi, and Metz 120,000 each, Kouen 100,000. Paris
(including the duchy annexed to the see) was worth 600,000
livres a year. Besides the large sums derived from his
bishopric, the prelate usually drew a further revenue from
the abbeys which he held in commendam. Thus Bernis
received an additional 100,000 livres, De Brienne 106,000,
Dillon 120,000, Eochefoucauld 130,000. The Archbishop of
Bheims, the Bishops of Laon, Langres, Beauvais, Chalons,
and Noyau, were ecclesiastical peers, pares, of the King,
taking part in his coronation. The Bishop of Autun presided
over the States of Burgundy, the Archbishop of Aix over
those of Provence, the Archbishop of Narbonne over those of
Languedoc. The Archbishops of Besancon and Cambrai,
the Bishops of Strasburg, Metz, Toul, Verdun, and Belley,
were princes of the Holy Roman Empire. Many pages
might be filled with the list of the titles and dignities of the
hundred and thirty bishops.
Nothing is so striking in the clergy of France at the
present day as their total abstention from public life. Very
different was the conduct of their predecessors in the last
century. The clergy, being the most enlightened body in
the kingdom, were naturally at the head of the administration
of affairs. Many of the bishops, indeed, became so absorbed
The French Bishops before the Eevolution. 1121
in secular business as to have no time or inclination for
the sacred duties of their calling. These were popularly
styled " administrators of provinces," in contradistinction to
their brethren who were " administrators of the sacraments.'*
No doubt it must ever be a matter of regret that an
ecclesiastic should become a mere state official ; but surely
it is a great gain for the Church to be on the side of
progress, and for men to look upon her as having a care
for their welfare in this world as well as in the next.
Surely, it was better for France, as well as for the Church,
that, for example, the nary inhabitants of Provence should
deliberate at Lombesc under the wise and skilful presidency
of Mgr. de Boisgelin, than be left to the mercy of ignorant
and irresponsible demagogues. When there wrere no States
General the States of Languedoc admirably managed that
province. The nobles, the clergy, and the tiers ctat sat
together in one chamber and voted by head, while the
representatives of the people were equal in number to those
of the other two orders. The assembly thus embodied the
great reforms claimed in 1789. Its fame was celebrated
throughout Europe. For well-nigh thirty years it was
presided over by Dillon, Archbishop of Narbonne. Writers
of every party vie with each other in praising his profound
knowledge of affairs, his breadth of view, his eloquence,
his firm and dignified bearing in the chair. The great roads
and bridges constructed at his instigation, the joining of
the Mediterranean and Atlantic Canal with the Kobine, the
numberless encouragements given to agriculture, manu-
factures, and commerce, bear witness to his able and
enlightened rule. In honour of him Toulouse has given the
name, " Cours Dillon," to the finest of her promenades ; and
his successor's memory is still preserved by the <fc Canal de
Brienne." The "Canal Boisgelin" arid the magnificent
roads which traverse Provence, were the work of the famous
Archbishop of Aix. Bayonne owes to Mgr. de la Ferronays
the "Avenue de Mousserole," and the noble trees with which
it is still adorned. Mgr. Mongin constructed the bridge of
St. Martin at Bazas, and Mgr. Maupeou a bridge and a
splendid avenue at Lombez. Want of space alone prevents
VOL. xv. 4 B
1122 The French Bishops before the Revolution.
me from enumerating the long list of temporal benefits
conferred upon the various provinces by the lofty public
spirit and noble liberality of their bishops.1
Though the bishops spent so much of their time in secular
affairs and delegated the exercise of their spiritual jurisdiction
to their numerous vicars-general, yet there remained ample
scope for their energy in watching over the regulation of
public worship, the administration of the sacraments, the
education of the clergy, the management of religious orders
of men and women, the control of public instruction, the
defence of the faith, and the superintendence of works of
charity. One may well wonder how a young aristocrat, brought
up in the lap of luxury, with little or no real ecclesiastical
training, would perform these arduous and solemn duties.
What sort of an example could he be to the clergy and flock
committed to his charge ? Even if he wished it, how could
he stoop to understand the position of a poor congruiste,
whose tattered soutane and rustic manners would excite his
ridicule and disgust ? And, on the other hand, how could a
country cure feel at home with a high and mighty nobleman
visiting him in a gorgeous carriage, accompanied by scarcely
less distinguished ecclesiastics, and followed by a train of
lackeys in rich liveries ? It was by no means rare for -a
bishop to allow none of the priests to sit at his table.
Christophe de Beaumont, whose virtues are so universally
acknowledged, refrained from making pastoral visits for fear
of being obliged to associate with the cures. The audiences
granted to the clergy were few and brief, and were marked
by the haughty and overbearing manner of the bishops.2
We must, of course, be careful to guard against the
impression that such conduct was universal. Mgr. d'Uzes,
1 For further information see Abbe Sicard, liv. ler, chaps, viii.-xi.
2 It is related that Mgr. Camns, Bishop of Belley, one day met his
match. He had summoned a cure, who was reported to be too ignorant
for his position. When ordered by the Bishop to sit down, the poor priest
begged to be excused as his lordship was still standing. u Oh, don't mind
"me," said Camus, " I am at home, and can do as J please. But tell me,
where was God before the creation of the world V" " He existed in
Himself," was the reply. "Yes, but what did He do?" The cure
answered : " As he existed in Himself, He was at home, and so could
do a« He pleased."
The French Bishops before the Revolution. 1123
Mgr. Vaureal, Mgr. Dulau, and especially Mgr. Juigne, were
all renowned for their cordial and even affectionate relations
with their clergy. But the real grievance was the fact that
the parochial clergy were entirely debarred from the
episcopate. No amount of affability on the part of the
bishops could bridge over the hateful class-distinction
between themselves and their priests. The cahiers of 1789
are filled with bitter complaints against the whole system.
When the States General met, it was at once observed that,
while the noblesse and the tiers etat were each in their own
way practically unanimous, there was hopeless division
among the clergy. The bishops and dignitaries naturally
sided with the aristocratic class from which they sprang ;
while, on the other hand, the parish priests looked for redress
to their brethren among the tiers etat. Had the clergy
held together against the fusion of the three orders that
eventful measure could hardly have been brought about. It
is not too much to say that the action of the hundred
and forty-nine ecclesiastics who joined the tiers etat on
June 22nd, was the turning-point of the Eevolution.
In the momentous struggle against infidelity, the bishops
utterly failed to beat off the attacks of the philosophers. A
century earlier Bossuet had routed the sectaries with his
pitiless logic, and had lighted up many a field of literature
by the splendour of his genius ; Bourdaloue had set forth
the great truths of religion with equal reason and passion ;
Fenelon, appealing to the heart more than to the head, had
won many by his gentle and persuasive writings and
engaging manners. After them Massillon's brilliant rhetoric
had been received with unbounded admiration. The great
tragedies of Corneille and Racine, too, were eminently
religious. And even Boileau's satires and Moliere's
comedies, while justly denouncing ecclesiastical abuse?,
carefully refrained from attacks on religion itself. The court
and the people under Louis XIV. believed in the mysteries
of the faith, and fulfilled the precepts of the Church. But
at the dawn of the Revolution all this was changed. For
well-nigh seventy years everything that was sacred had been
exposed to the^withering sarcasms of Voltaire. Rousseau's
112-4 The French Bishops before the Revolution.
influence had been even more baneful, for he had led astray
many into the religion of " nature," and the practice of the
sickly sentimentali sm which he called "virtue." Besides
these two giants there were a whole host of assailants,
whose attacks were concentrated in the famous Encyclopedia.
On the side of the Church no champion was found fit to cope
with such foes. The truth was, that while the enemy was
thundering at her gates all was confusion within. The
number of downright infidels among the clergy was probably
small. Of the bishops, only some five or six openly favoured
Voltaire. But the influence of the infidel philosophy was
certainly very widespread. If the clergy had not entirely
lost the faith, they had, at any rate, lost its spirit. To
make the sign of the cross, to quote Scripture, to mention
even the name of God, were all considered out of place. At
the most, some allusion might be made to " le ciel," or "la
providence," or " 1' etre supreme." A simple cure, it was
said, must believe a little, or he would be thought a hypocrite ;
a vicar-general might smile at a smart saying against
religion; a bishop might laugh outright ; but a cardinal
might join in the joke. For more than a century Gallicans
and Ultramontanes had turned against each other the
weapons which should have been directed against their
common assailants. Though the bishops were all nominated
by the king, yet a large number of them were strenuous
defenders of the rights of the Holy See. The parochial
clergy were claiming a divine right to jurisdiction, and hence
the bishops had to fall back upon the authority of the Pope
to condemn these usurpations. But it was also during this
period that the Gallican liturgy was substituted for the
Roman in nearly all the dioceses ; and the prelates used to
address the Supreme Pontiffs in language which would not
be tolerated at the present day. These disputes, however,
were as nothing compared with the deadly feuds between the
Company of Jesus and the partisans of Jansenius. Amidst
the scornful derision of the unbelievers, the Jansenists were
condemned by the Pope, and the Jesuits expelled by the
King. Thus deprived of the services of their most able
defenders, and at variance among themselves, the bishops
The French Bishops before the Revolution. 1125
made a poor show in the conflict. When the most
distinguished of their number, Christophe de Beaumont,
Archbishop of Paris, attempted to refute the arguments of a
poor copier of music, he was ignominiously defeated ; when
the Church was attacked in the Assembly, the bishops
were obliged to crouch behind plain Abbe Maury, the son
of a Provencal shoemaker.
There was, however, another field in which the bishops'
labours were far more successful. It was once the fashion
to accuse the old French church of standing in the way of
the education of the people. But recent researches have
triumphantly refuted this charge. In those days there was
no budget or minister of public instruction ; the whole work
of superintending education was thrown on the bishops.
The decrees of provincial councils, the diocesan statutes, and
pastoral letters abundantly prove with what energy they
discharged this duty. " Elementary schools " (petites
ccole$), says M. Taine, *' were innumerable in Normandy,
Picardy, Artois, French Flanders, Alsace and Lorraine,
the Island of France, Burgundy, Franche-Comte, Doubs,
Danphiny, Lyonnais, Comtat, Ceveunes, and Beam ; that is
to say, in the best half of France. There were almost as
many of them as there were parishes. Out of thirty-
seven thousand parishes in France twenty-five thousand
possessed well-attended and efficient schools." As regards
secondary schools and colleges, it is well known that
M. Villemain's report showed that the number of students
was relatively greater in 1789 than in 1843 ; and it has lately
been proved that his statement fell short of the truth, for
at the earlier date the number of colleges was nine hundred,
and the students nearly one hundred thousand. The
activity of the bishops was especially displayed after the
expulsion of the Jesuits. By that unjust decree more than
a hundred of the largest colleges in the kingdom were
deprived of teachers. The bishops at once stepped in, and
by their wise and generous measures provided for the
resumption of the excellent work which had been interrupted.
To give a list of the benefactions of each bishop would weary
the reader, and would take up more space than is allotted to
1126 The French Bishops before the Revolution.
me. Let these instances suffice : — Mgr. de la Marche, the
last Bishop of St.-Pol-de-Leon, spent 400,000 francs on his
college ; the college of Auch endowed and supported by the
archbishops, had a revenue of 33,000 france ; 54,000 francs
were given by Mgr. de Caulet, Bishop of Belley, to found a
college and a seminary; his successor completed the
buildings and provided ample funds for the maintenance.
The teaching-staffs, even after the departure of the Jesuits,
almost entirely consisted of ecclesiastics. We can easily
understand that when these also were driven out by the
iniquitous laws against the clergy, the cause of education
suffered enormous injury. And we must remember, too, that
the Revolution robbed the colleges of revenues to the value
of 30,000,000 francs.
Another charge which lay upon the episcopate was
fulfilled with even greater zeal. For fourteen hundred years
the French Church had been building hospitals and other
charitable institutions of all sorts, and had assured the
gratuitous administration of them. In these good works
the bishops had ever been foremost. No doubt there were
some among the hundred and thirty who were deservedly
reproached with avarice. But the great majority gave with
a lavish hand out of the vast sums at their disposal. The
revenue of the Archbishop of Paris was, as we have seen,
enormous. So, too, were his charities. Out of his 600,000
francs a- year, 500,000 went to the poor ; and in his last year,
having gained a great lawsuit, he actually gave away
1,100,000 francs. During the winter of 1766 Cardinal de
Bernis, Archbishop of Albi, devoted the whole of his property
and incurred a debt of 150,000 francs for the succour of the
poor. These are by no means solitary examples. Long lists
of similar acts of benevolence may be found in Abbe Sicard's
book. Even bishops who were not famed for generosity
during their life-time made ample amends by their wills.
Brancas, Archbishop of Aix, and Langle, Bishop of St.
Papoul, were reproached for their wealth ; but when they
came to die it was found that the former had left everything
to his seminary, and the latter had left everything to the
hospital of his city. Such testamentary dispositions was
The French Bishops before the Revolution. 1127
quite common during the eighteenth century. Thus Menou
de Charnisary bequeathed his all to the hospitals at La
Eochelle ; so did Fumel at Lodeve, Beauteville at Alais,
Massillon at Clermont, Perouse at Gap, Eochebonne at
Carcassonne. Tilladet left them 800,000 francs ; La
Garlaye, Massillon's successor, 200,000 francs. Let the wills
of the Protestant bishops of England be compared with
these. But the old French prelates did not confine them-
selves to giving money. They maintained an admirable
system of insurance against loss by fire, and provided
gratuitous loans to those in temporary want. To check the
evils occasioned by the indiscriminate suppression of
begging, bureaux de charite were established everywhere at
the instigation of the bishops. Here is the programme of
one of these : —
" To succour those who are really poor, to support the aged and
the sick in comfort according to their station by providing them
with food, clothing, and lodging ; to take care of the sick who
cannot he admitted into the hospitals ; to dry the tears of desolate
widows, by procuring for them the means of keeping their
children and of gaining their own livelihood ; to put an end to
laziness and idleness, by accustoming children to labour from an
early age ... to reward those who distinguish themselves by
their industry and good conduct ; ... to continue privately to
the poor of a better class, ashamed to beg, the assistance lately
given by the parish priests ; to forbid, once for all, begging of
every kind, whether by those who are able-bodied or not, and to
lock up without mercy all who infringe the orders of the police
and the regulations made on the subject, but at the same time to
provide for their urgent wants, and to afford them no pretext for
opposing this necessary severity ; and to extend charity to
prisoners and travellers in need."
What charity-society in the present enlightened age has
a wiser or kinder programme than this?
The prolonged winter of 1788-89 brought intense misery
on the poor. In the preceding autumn the crops had been
destroyed by hailstorms. B.i?ead was sold at famine prices ;
work was at a standstill ; tens of thousands of families
were perishing of hunger'and cold. Nobly did the bishops
come to the aid of their unhappy flocks. Pius VI. sent
261,000 decalitres of corn to his starving subjects at
1128 The French Bishops before the Bevoluticn.
Avignon. Juigne, Archbishop of Paris, gave all that he had,
and tether incurred a debt of 400,000 livres. At Aries, at
Beziers, at Evreux, at Kheims, at Nevers, at Riez, and at
countless other places, the bishops headed the subscriptions
and devoted their energies to the judicious distribution of
the funds. Here again it is only by perusing a long list
that the extent of their benevolence can be realized. One
instance alone will here be given and with it this already
lengthy account of the old bishops shall be brought to a
close. Owing to the influence of Monsignor Boisgelin, free
trade in corn had been established at Aix some years before
1789, and had immediately relieved distress. But on the eve
of the Revolution Mirabeau had stirred up the citizens to open
revolt. The public granaries were plundered, the municipal
authorities insulted, and the archbishop's palace was threat-
ened. Then it was that the Archbishop's powerful and benefi-
cent influence was felt- Summoning the terrified magistrates
and merchants he revived their courage, reminded them of
their duties, and undertook himself to provide 100,000
francs towards making good the loss. Next he called
together the clergy, and bade them use their influence with
the rioters to restore the plundered corn. Wonderful to
relate, this restoration was actually made in a few hours.
As the populace were bringing back their ill-gotten booty,
the Archbishop happened to pass through their ranks.
Amidst enthusiastic acclamation he was conducted in
triumph to his palace, the crowd demanding that the event
of the day should be celebrated by a solemn religious
service. The request was immediately granted. A vast
crowd assembled in the cathedral to express their repentance,
and to return thanks to (lod for the restoration of order.
"When the great prelate ascended the pulpit, and referred in
touching language to the magnitude of their crime, the
whole multitude was transported with grief, and broke out
with loud sobs.
Here, then, on the eve of their downfall let us take leave
of. the bishops of the old regime. Many faults they had which
we may well deplore. But they did their duty to the poor and
the suffering ; and charity covereth a multitude of sins.
T. B, SCANNELL.
[ 1129 ]
XitutQical Ifootes
A NEW FEAST OF OUK BLESSED LADY
FORTY years ago, on the 8th of December, Pius IX., to
the joy of the entire Catholic world — universo plau&ente
orbe — proclaimed it a doctrine revealed by God, that by a
singular privilege the Blessed Virgin Mary was preserved
from the stain of original sin from the first moment of
her conception. This definition of faith, " the first," to
quote the words of Monseignor Dupariloup, " which was
preceded by no dissensions, and followed by no heresies ;
which crowned the expectation of past ages, blessed the
present century, called for the gratitude of future genera-
tions, g,nd left behind it an imperishable memory," has been
the source of countless blessings. Ah, who can say what
special graces the Church, the faithful, and the whole world
have received in return for the solemn recognition of this
singular prerogative of the Queen of Heaven ! The intelli-
gence of mere mortals is too weak and too circumscribed to
know their extent, or to understand their effect ; nay, per-
haps, even the blessed spirits who see God face to face, and
by the light of the Beatific Vision behold the mysterious
workings of His love for man, cannot fathom the source of
grace which this definition has opened up for the children of
Adam. But though we can neither reckon the number nor
measure the efficacy of these blessings, there is one which
stands out so prominently, that we can, at least, contem-
plate its nature, and realize, to some extent, the effect of its
operation on the human heart. This blessing consists in
the wonderful revival of devotion to our Blessed Lady
which has taken place during the past forty years, and
which is so evident and, at the same time, so astonishing,
that it cannot have escaped the notice of anyone who takes
even a passing interest in the internal development of the
Church, or in the devotional practices of the faithful. This
revival of devotion to the Blessed Virgin, though its rapid
development dates from the definition of the Immaculate
1130 Liturgical Notes.
Conception, can be traced to a time nearly a quarter of a
centnry more remote than that event ; and if, going back to
that more remote period, we seek to discover the means
which God employed to give form and life to this revival, we
shall find them in inseparable connection with this same
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, and inaugurating,
as it were, the immediate preparation for its reception as a
dogma of Catholic faith.
The beginning of this revival was announced by the
Blessed Virgin herself, when she appeared to Sister
Catharine Laboure, on the 27th November, 1830, and
told her to have a medal struck according to the pattern
which she showed her ; and this medal was the means by
which both devotion to our Blessed Lady was propagated,
and the time matured for the solemn definition of the
Immaculate Conception. For, like the apparition of our
Blessed Lady to little Bernadette Soubirous at Lourdes, in
1858, this apparition to Sister Catharine seems to us to be
intimately connected with the solemn act which took place
within the walls of the Vatican Basilica on the 8th December,
1854. The former, in which the Blessed Virgin, in reply to
the thrice-repeated request of the favoured Bernadette to
tell her " who she was, and what was her name," said, "7
am the Immaculate Conception" was at once a miraculous
confirmation of the definition, a gracious return for the
universal applause with which it had been hailed, and a
guerdon of countless favours to all who invoke the aid of the
Virgin conceived without sin. The latter awakened faith in
the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception ; and this faith,
strengthened and intensified by the wronders which every-
where attended the distribution of the miraculous medal,
not only prepared the way for the solemn definition of the
doctrine, but also convinced the Holy Pontiff, Pius IX.,
that the time had arrived when this solemn definition should
no longer be deferred. And as the apparition to Bernadette
Soubirous has received the solemn recognition of the Church
by the institution of a feast in honour of our Lady of
Lourdes, and by the granting of a special office and Mass
for this feast, so has the apparition to Sister Catharine
A New Feast of our Blessed Lady. 1131
Laboure received a similar recognition and similar favours,
as is testified by the decree which has called forth these
remarks, and which is printed further on. We will now
give a brief sketch of the history of this solemnly-authenti-
cated apparition, and of the miraculous medal, which was
its fruit.
Zoe Laboure was born in the year 1806, in the Depart-
ment of Cote d'Or, and though from her earliest years she
had an ardent desire to become a Sister of Charity, various
circumstances interfered to prevent the fulfilment of her
desire until her twenty-fourth year. At length, in the
spring of 1830, having overcome all obstacles, she was
received into the Mother House in the Kue du Bac, Paris,
and was henceforth known as Sister Catharine. While
yet in the world Sister Catharine had been favoured with
supernatural visions, and she had not long donned the
humble habit of a Sister of Charity when these visions were
renewed. Always tenderly devoted to the Blessed Virgin— •
whom, on the death of her mother, when she was scarcely
eight years of age, she had requested to be a mother to
her — she had an intense longing to be permitted to behold
her heavenly beauty ; and, in the confiding innocence of her
heart, she was accustomed to frequently beseech her angel
guardian to obtain this favour for her. Her prayer was at
length heard, her ardent longing gratified ; on the night
preceding the feast of St. Vincent, in 1830, she was awakened
from sleep by a voice softly calling her name, and on opening
her eyes she beheld a child — her angel guardian she
always believed — of more than mortal beauty, who told her
that the Blessed Virgin awaited her in the chapel. Sister
Catharine followed her heavenly guide to the chapel, knelt
at the rails of the sanctuary, and after a few moments was
favoured with the sight of her on whom she had so long
and so ardently desired to gaze, The Blessed Virgin seated
herself in a chair,1 and Catharine kneeling by her side
heard in an ecstacy of joy and love the prophetic words
1 This chair is still preserved with religious veneration in the chapel of
the Kue du Bac.
1132 Liturgical Notes.
which her heavenly Mother vouchsafed to speak to her.1
In this interview, however, no mention was made by the
Blessed Virgin of the miraculous medal, or of the commis-
sion with which she intended to honour Sister Catharine.
The object our Blessed Lady had in view in this visit
would seem to have been to satisfy Sister Catharine's desire,
to win her confidence, and to prepare her for the work for
which she was destined.
The second apparition of the Blessed Virgin to this
chosen soul took place on the evening of the 27th November
in the same year (1830). This is the apparition commemo-
rated by the new feast, which is to be celebrated each
year on the 27th November, the anniversary of its occurrence.
On the evening of that day, which was Saturday, and the
eve of the first Sunday of Advent, at half-past five o'clock,
she was, as usual, making her meditation in the chapel when
she heard on the right side of the sanctuary a noise like the
rustling of silk . . . and looking up she saw the Blessed
Virgin, standing near the picture of St. Joseph. Her height
was about the middle size, and her face indescribably
beautiful . . . The feet of the Apparition rested on a globe ;
and the hands which were on a level with the waist, held
another and smaller globe . . . Suddenly the fingers became
covered with brilliant rings in which were set most beautiful
precious stones. From these stones darted rays of dazzling
light, which enveloped the whole figure with such radiance
that the feet and the dress were no longer visible. "It is
beyond my power," said Sister Catharine in describing this
vision, " to give an idea of the splendour and loveliness of
those rays." The Blessed Virgin said : " They are a symbol
of the graces I will bestow on those who ask for them." . . .
After a while an oval frame seemed to surround the figure
of the Blessed Virgin, and on it were written these words :
' 0 Mary, conceived without sin, pray for us who have recourse
to thee' This prayer was in the form of a semi-circle
1 For a full account of this apparition, and of subsequent apparitions,
as well as of everything connected with the apparitions and with the
miraculous medal, see The Miraculous Medal, compiled by Lady Georgiana
Fullerton, and published in 1880 by Burns and Gates.
A New Feast of our Blessed Lady . 1133
beginning on a level with the right hand of our Lady, and
ending on a level with the left hand. Then it seemed as if
the oval frame turned round, and I could see on the back
the letter M surmounted by a cross, with a cross-bar beneath
it ; and under this monogram were the Hearts of Jesus and
Mary, the one surrounded by a crown of thorns, the other
transpierced with a sword. As I beheld these things I heard
a voice saying to me : " Have a medal struck according to
this pattern ; those who shall wear it round their necks when
it is indulgenced will receive great graces. Graces shall
abound to those who have confidence."1
Sister Catharine recounted this vision, as she had previous
ones, to her director, M. Aladel, of the Congregation of the
Mission, and told him of the commission she had received
regarding the medal. But though, as M. Aladel himself
afterwards testified, the vision was several times renewed
during the following months, and the commission to have a
medal struck each time repeated, it was not until nearly two
years had elapsed that this prudent priest, after consulting
Mgr. de Quelen, Archbishop of Paris, resolved to fulfil the
commission entrusted to him by the Blessed Virgin through
Sister Catharine. At length, in June, 1832, the first medals
were struck, and their distribution committed to the Sisters
of Charity, and to the Fathers of the Congregation of the
Mission.
These devoted children of St. Vincent were from the
first aware of the miraculous origin of this medal, though
neither then, nor until a short time before her death, were
they, or anyone except her director alone, aware that Sister
Catharine was the one so much favoured by our Lady. But,
notwithstanding their knowledge of the origin of the medal,
they were not prepared to behold the wonders which every-
where accompanied its distribution. Diseases that had
baffled the skill of the most renowned physicians were
instantly healed by the application of this little sign of our
Lady's power, and pledge of her love. The blind, the deaf,
and the dumb who received it in the spirit of faith, had their
1 Adapted from The Miraculous Medal, and from (he original French
work, La Medaille Miraculeuse, Paris, 1878.
1134 Liturgical Notes.
organs of sight, hearing, and speech perfectly restored ; and
the most obstinate sinners, who could not speak of religion
unless to blaspheme it, were converted by having it secretly
placed under their pillows, or attached to the clothes they
wore. But even the briefest account of the authentic
miracles wrought through the agency of the miraculous
medal, as it soon came to be called, would fill a large
volume. Hence we shall here confine ourselves to a brief
notice of the wonderful conversion of Alphonse Eatisbonne,
which has been thought worthy of special mention in the
new office, referring our readers for interesting accounts of
innumerable other miracles to the works already mentioned.
Alphonse Katisbonne belonged to a wealthy Jewish family
of Strasbourg, and while still a youth was, like St. Paul,
" abundantly zealous for the traditions of his fathers." His
hatred for the Catholic Church, which grew with his growth?
was intensified by the conversion of his brother, Theodore,
who became a priest. In the year 1841, Alphonse was
engaged to a young and beautiful Jewess ; bat before
settling down in life he determined to visit the East, and on
his way thither to see the chief cities of Italy. While in
Kome he made the acquaintance of M. de Bussiere, a fervent
convert from Protestantism, who induced him, much against
his will, to wear one of the miraculous medals, and to pro-
long his stay in the Eternal City a few days longer than he
had intended. But, though M. de Bussiere contrived to
meet him every day, and to press upon hisj attention argu-
ments in favour of the divine origin of ths Catholic Church,
no other effect was produced on his mind but to harden him
in his error. At length, on the 20th of January, 1842, the
two friends went together to the Church of St. Andrea delle
Fratte, where M. de Bussiere had to make arrangements for
the funeral of a deceased friend. Having occasion to speak
to the Eector of the church, M. de Bussiere stepped into the
presbytery, leaving his friend standing in one of the aisles,
gazing idly about ^him. But judge of his astonishment
and joy when, on returning to vthe church, about ten or
twelve minutes afterwards, he saw him on his knees in one
of the side chapels, tears streaming from his eyes, and his
A New Feast of our Blessed Lady. 1135
whole expression and attitude betokening the most intense
devotion. The account of what had happened in the mean-
time to produce this extraordinary change is best given in
the words of Alphonse Ratisbonne himself :—
" I had been but a short time in the church when I felt myself
suddenly seized with an extraordinary emotion. I looked up ; the
whole building seemed to have disappeared, and the light was con-
centrated in one chapel. In the midst of this radiance, standing on
the altar, appeared the Blessed Virgin, tall, bright, majestic, full
of sweetness, exactly as on my medal. An irresistible force drew
me towards her. She made a sign that I was to kneel down. It
seemed to me that she said, ' C'est bien.' She did not speak to
me, but I understood it all;"
This striking miracle was forthwith subjected to a most
rigid and searching canonical examination ; and on the
3rd June, 1842, Cardinal Patrizzi formally declared that it
had been duly proved and established.
These remarks, which were mainly intended as an intro-
duction to the decree establishing the new feast, have run to
a much greater length than was foreseen. It is hoped,
however, that they may contribute something to re-awaken
interest in the miraculous medal. The following is the
decree :—
" CONGREGATIONIS MISSIONIS.
" Brims D. Antonius Fiat, Superior Generalis Congregationis
Missionariorurn a S. Vincentio a Paulo Sanctissimum Dominum
nostrum Leonem Papam XIII: supplex exoravit ut;benigne reputans
mirabilem inter Christifideles propogationem Sacri Numismatis,
quod ab Immaculata Deiparae Conceptione nuncupatur, nee non
filialis pietatis augmenta et uberrimos sive temporalis, sive spiritu-
alis salutis fructus omnibus perspectissimos, qui in Christianam
Eempublicam exinde dimanarunt, dignaretur rem totam Sacra
Eituum Congregationis examini concredere, ut, legitimis, quae
iupernaturalem tanti eventus originem apprime comprobant,
documentis data opera perspectis, solemne festum cum Officio et
Missa propriis sub ritu duplici secundae classis in honorem
Beatae Mariae Virginis Imrnaeulatae a Sacro Numismate ab
universae Congregatione sibi commissa, de ipsius cultu et propa-
gatione praecipue merita, celebrari posset. Quum vero ejusmodi
preces, cum schemata Officii et Missae, a me infrascripto Cardinali
Sacrae Eituum Congregation! Praefecto et Causae Ponente in
Ordinariis Sacra ipsius Congregationis Comitiis subsignata1 die
ad Vaticanum habitis relatae fuerint, Emi et Emi Patres Sacrig
1186 Liturgical Notes.
tuendis Eitibus Praepositi, omnibus mature examine perpensis,
atque audito E.P.D. Augustino Caprara S. Fidei Promotore,
rescribendum censuerunt. Pro gratia, et quoad Officium et
Missam, ad Erhum Ponentem cum Promotore Fidei, Die 10 Julii,
1894.
" Quae ejusmodi Officiiet Missae a me ipso Subscripto Cardinal!
una cum eodem Promotore Fidei novo schemate confecto, prouti
heic praejacet Decreto, Sanctitas Sua, ad relationern mei ipsius
Cardinalis Praefecti, illud approbavit, simulque Festam sub
titulo Manifestationis Immaculatae Virginia Mariae a Sacro
Nwnismate quotannis, die 27 Novembris, ab Alumnis Congre-
gationis Missionis sub ritu duplici secundae classis, et ab
expetentibus locorum Ordinariis Eeligiosorumque Familiis sub
ritu duplici majori celebrandum indulsit Die 23 iisdem mense et
anno.
" «fc CAI. CARD. ALOISI-MASELLA, S.E.C., Praefectus.
" ALOISI TEIPEPI, Secretarius."
This decree, as it will be seen, confirms the reality of the
apparition, gives the sanction of the Church to the title
" miraculous," which popular devotion has for so many
years applied to the medal, institutes a new feast, with the
title of The Feast of the Manifestation of the Immaculate
Virgin Mary of the Miraculous Medal, to be celebrated
each year on the 27th November ; and, finally, grants a
special Office arid Mass for the feast. This feast has been
granted primarily to the two congregations founded by
St. Vincent de Paul, and by these is to be celebrated as a
double of the second class. But the same feast, with proper
Office and Mass, will also be granted to any diocese, at the
request of the bishop, and to any religious order or congre-
gation, at the request of the superior. By these, however,
it is to be celebrated as a double major, the usual rite of the
secondary feasts of the Blessed Virgin. We hope soon to
see it in the Irish Calendar, where it will displace the feast
of St. Virgil, for which, however, the 5th December will
serve as a dies fixa.
Since the publication of the above decree, various other
decrees concerning the new feast have been issued by the
Congregation of Kites. These supplementary decrees,
together with the translation of the Invito Sacro, which we
publish along with them, have been kindly forwarded to us
by one of the Fathers of the Congregation of the Mission
A New Feast of our Blessed Lady. 1137
The first decree grants a plenary indulgence, applicable to
the souls in purgatory, to all who, having confessed and
received Holy Communion, shall, 011 the '27th of November
(from first Vespers of the feast —that is, from the afternoon
of the 26th —until sunset on the 27th), visit any church,
chapel, or oratory annexed to or connected with any house
of the Fathers of the Congregation of the Mission, or of the
Sisters of Charity, and shall therein offer prayers for the
usual intentions. This concession to hold for seven years.
The second decree permits all priests celebrating Mass
on the 27th November in any church, chapel or oratory of
the Fathers of the Congregation of the Mission, or of the
Sisters of Charity, to say the special Mass of this new feast,
provided that in the diocesan calendar of the place there be
not a feast of the rite of a double of the second class, when
there is question of celebrating a low Mass ; or of the rite of
a double of the first class, when there is a question of
celebrating a solemn Mass.
The third decree permits priests of the Congregation o^
the Mission, when at a distance from one of their own houses
or churches on the 27th November, to celebrate the feast ,in
any church, with the consent of the parish priest or rector of
the church, and authorizes all priests celebrating in such
church on that day, to say the Mass of this feast. In a word,
every such church is granted for that day the privileges,
regarding the celebration of Mass, granted to the churches,
chapels, and oratories of the Fathers of the Congregation of
the Mission, and of the Sisters of Charity.
" INVITO SACRO.
" L.M. Cardinal Parocchi, by the mercy of God, Bishop of
Albano, Vicar of His Holiness, &c.
"Romans! the feast which we announce to you is new; but
through its object it is old, and is already known and very dear to
you. It is the feast of the Manifestation of the Immaculate Mary,
called of the Miraculous Medal .; it has become celebrated amongst
you, by the prodigy of the conversion of Alphonsus Ratisbonne*
which took place, in 1842, in the church of Saint Andrew ddlv
Fratte, in which the memory of that event is annually solemnized.
" This consoling and admirable manifestation of Mary Imma-
culate, which Our Holy Father Leo XIII. has kindly allowed to
be celebrated this year, for the first time, was surrounded by all
VOL, XV. 4 C
1138 Liturgical Notes.
the marks attaching to supernatural events: to the Church, it
presaged an era of glory and blessings corresponding to the trials
which were to assail her without cessation.
"The manifestation with which the humble novice of the
Mother House of the Daughters of Charity, at Paris, was favoured
in 1830, is connected by the closest bonds with the dogmatic
definition which occupies such an important place in the history
of our age, viz., the definition of the Immaculate Conception of the
Most Holy Virgin Mary, which was proclaimed, twenty-four years
later, on the 8th of December, 1854.
" The attitude of the Virgin, as she appeared to the happy child
of St. Vincent de Paul,' trampling under her feet the serpent's
head, the beautiful prayer taught by the Virgin herself, and
engraved by her order upon the Miraculous Medal : ' O Mary
conceived without sin, pray for us who have recourse to you,'
expressed a doctrine in harmony with the aspirations of all
generations of Catholics, and was the solemn affirmation of a truth
divinely revealed, and which W7as to become a dogma of faith later
on ; viz., the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary.
" The manifestation we are about to celebrate contributed in a
marvellous manner to the definition of the dogma. This definition
had, in truth, a character peculiarly its own ; for, while in the
history of dogmas no other definition canl5e found which has not
been called forth by heresy, schism, or unbelief, the dogmatic bull
relative to the Immaculate Conception of Mary has been called
forth by the faith, piety, and ardent sighs of all true believers,
" With the Miraculous Medal, which bears the representation
of the Immaculate, and upon which may be read the beautiful
invocation, an expression of the dogma, 'O Mary,' &c., the pious
belief spread so widely, that, at the time of the dogmatic definition,
there was scarcely a place on earth in which recourse was not had
with the liveliest faith and most ardent devotion to Mary con-
ceived without sin. With an ineffable sweetness, she had turned
all minds towards herself, destined to be the salvation of our age,
which may well be called the age of the Immaculate.
"All these things show clearly the importance of this
manifestation which the children of St. Vincent are preparing to
celebrate with the liveliest transports of piety and joy ; they
redound also to the praise of the glorious saint, and the two con-
gregations founded by him, viz., the Priests of the Mission, and
the Daughters of Charity, and give them a place amongst those
religious families which Pius IX., of holy memory, in the Bull
Ineffabilis Dcus, declares to have deserved well by their worship
of and devotion to the Immaculate Conception.
" The very special part which the Priests of the Mission and
the Daughters of Charity have taken by the diffusion of the medal
of the Immaculate Virgin, called the miraculous medal, a part
entrusted by the Holy Virgin herself to Sister Catherine Laboure",
A New Feast of our Blessed Lady. 1139
is a true mission from heaven, of which the children of
St. Vincent may justly be proud, and which they may regard as
one of their brightest glories, just as formerly their blessed Father
looked upon the propagation of the worship of the Holy Virgin
conceived without sin, as a very special honour, and a special
object of his zeal.
" The confirmation of this sublime mission, which has been
confided to them by God and the Virgin Mary, for the very noble
end afore-mentioned, is found in the numberless prodigies of
every order and kind, which, for the space of sixty-four years, have
been wrought through the instrumentality of the miraculous
medal, according to the promise of the Immaculate Virgin, our
tender Mother Mary.
" In order, therefore, to render the thanks which are due both
to God, whose glory shines in the Immaculate Virgin, and to
Mary, who by the worship rendered to her most beautiful privi-
lege, attracts to herself all hearts, and scatters the infinite
treasure of graces, of which she is the merciful mother, our
Holy Father Leo XIII. has granted the solemnity I announce
to you.
%t " L. M. CARDINAL VICAR.
"P. CANON CHECCHI, Secretary ."
I.
LEO PAPA XIII.
Universis Christifidelibus praesentesLitteras inspecturis salutem
et Apostolicam Benedictionem. Ad augendain fidelium religionem
animarumque salutem procurandam coelestibus Ecclesiac thesauris
pia charitate fntenti omnibus et singulis utriusque sexus Christi-
fidelibus vere poenitentibus et confessis ac sacra Cummunione refec-
tis, qui die festo Manifestations Immaculatse Mariae Virginia a
Sacro Numismate,videlicet die vigesima septimamensisNovembris,
quamlibet Ecclesiain sive Oratorium piis domibus adnexum Pres-
byterorum Congregationis Missionis, sive Filiarum Charitatis,
ubique ten-arum existentibus, a primis vesperis usque ad occasum
solis diei hujusmodi singulis annis devote visitaverint et ibi
pro Christianorum Principum concordia, haeresum extirpatione,
peccatorum conversione, ac S. Matris Ecclesiac exaltatione pias ad
Deum preces effuderint ; Plenariam omnium peccatorum suorum
Indulgentiam et remissionem, quam etiam animabus Christi-
fidelium quae Deo in. charitate conjunctae ab hac luce migraverint
per modum suffragii applicarl possint, misericorditer in Deo
concedimus atque elarghnur. Prscsentibus ad Septennium tantum
valituris. Volumus autem ut praesentium Litterarum transmnptis
seu exemplis etiam impressis, maim alicujus Notarii publici
subscriptis et sigillo personae in Ecclesiastica dignitate constitutae
munitis, eadem prorsus fides adhibeatur quae adhiberetur ipsis
praesentibus si forent exhibitae vel ostensae. Datum Bornae apud
1140 Liturgical Notes.
S.Petrum sub Annulo Piscatoris die XXIV Augusti MDCCCXCIY.
Pontificates Nostri Anno decimoseptimo.
Pro Duo Card, de fiuggcrio,
NIOOLAUR MABINT, Substitiitwt.
II.
CONGREGATIONS MISSIONIS.
7 Septcmb. 1894.
Antonius Fiat, Moderator Generalis Congregationis Missionis
et Filiarum a Charitate S. Vincentii a Paulo, a SanctissimO
Domino Nostro Leone XIII, humillimis datis precibua, eftiagi-
tavit, ut in omnibus ecclesiis sive oratoriis earumdem Filiarum a
Charitate quotannis die XXVII Novembris, a quovis Sacerdote
in eis Sacrum facturo celebrari valeat Missa nuper ab Apostolica
Sede approbate et Alumnis suae Congregationis concessa pro festo
Manifestationis Immaculatae Virginia Marias a Sacro Numismate
vulgo dclla Mcdaylia miracolosa. Sacra porro Eituum Congre-
gatio, utendo facultatibus sibi specialiter ab eodem Sanctissimo
Domino Nostro tributis, annuit juxta preces dummodo tamen in
respectivis Kalendariis Dioecesium, in quibus praefatae Filias a
Charitate degunt, non occurrat quoad Missam solemnem duplex
primae classis, et quoad lectas duplex etiam secundae classis : quo
in causa Sacra eadem Congregatio idem privilegium ad aliam
subsequentem diem liberam amandari concessit : servatis Eubricis.
Oontrariis non obstantibus quibuscumque. Die 7 Septembris, 1894.
Pro Ilmo. et 7?mo. D. Card. C. Aloisi-Masella Prirfccto.
L. M. Card. PABOCCHI.
A. TBIPEPI, Secretarius.
III.
CONGKEGATIONIS MISSIONIS ET FILIABUM CHABITATIS.
12 Novemb. 1894.
Ex Apostolico Indulto diei 23 Julii hoc anno Congrega-
tionis Missionis Alumnis concessum est, ut ab ipsis festum
Manifestationis Immaculatae Virginis Marias a Sacro Numismate
vulgo dclla Medaglia miraculosa quotannis die vigesima septima
Novembris sub ritu duplici secundae classis recolatur, cum Officio
ac Missa propriis, rite approbatis. Quum vere contigat, ut
aliquibus locis memorati Alumni vel Filiae Charitatis Ecclesia suae
domui contigua baud satis ampla utantur, vel careant omnino,
Rmus Dnus Antonius Fiat, Moderator Generalis Congregationis
Missionis et Filiarum Charitatis, Sanctissimum Domirmm Nos-
trum Leonem Papam XIII iteratis precibus rogavit, ut ab iisdem
enuntiatum festum in aliena Ecclesia, de consensu respec-
tivi Parochi vel Eectoris, recoli valeat ; facta scilicet potestate
singulis Sacerdotibus inibi Sacrum facturis, Missam propriam
celebrandi nuper Alumnis suse Congregationis concessam. Sacra
porro Eituum Congregatio, utendo facultatibus ab eodem Sanc-
tissimo Domino Nostro sibi specialiter tributis, benigne annuit
Document. 1141
pro gratia in omnibus juxta preces : servatis Eubricis. Contrariis
non obstantibus quibuacumque. Die 12 Novembris 1894.
Pro Emo et Rmo Dno Card. C. Aloisi-Masella Praefecto.
L. M. Card. PAROCCHI.
L. * S.
Pro E. P. D. ALOISIO TRIPEPI, Secretario.
Antonius SAUDI, Substitutus.
D. O'LoAN,
Document
LETTER or HIS EMINENCE CARDINAL LEDOCHOWSKI,
PREFECT OF PROPAGANDA, TO THE MOST REV. DR. NULTY,
BISHOP OF MEATH.
[THE Most Kev. Dr. Nulty, Bishop of Meath, felt it his painful
duty, in February last, to warn the members of his flock against
the reading of a newspaper which is published in the town of
Mullingar, and which is called The, Westmeath Examiner. In
virtue of his authority as a Bishop and of the powers delegated to
Bishops by the Holy See, he declared the reading of the newspaper
in question to be sinful, and that all who should persist in
reading it after his condemnation were not fit subjects for the
reception of the Sacraments of the Church. Against this decision
of the Bishop the editor and proprietor of the newspaper appealed
to the Holy See. A statement of the case was, therefore, laid
before the Congregation of Propaganda both by the Editor and
the Bishop, The following letter was received by the Bishop
from the Cardinal Prefect of Propaganda, approving his action.]
" ROMA, 24 Septtmbris, 1894.
" ILLME. ET EEME. DOMINE, —
" Eedditae mihi sunt litterae Amplitudinis Tuae, datae die 21
superioris Augusti, circa appellation em Directoris ephemeridis,
cui titulus Westmeath Examiner, contra prohibitionem latam ab
amplitudine Tua, in eamdem ephemeridem. Amplitudinis Tuae
agendi ratio mihi quidem probatur ; ac spero ut provisio contra
diarium nominatum a Te factar ab ejusdem periculosa lectione
fideles arceat.
" Ego vero Deuni precor ut Te diu sospitet.
" Amplitudinis Tuae,
" Addictissimus Servus,
"M. CARD. LEDOCHOWSKI, Praef.
"A., ARCHIEP. LABISSEN, Secretaries.
(i Dno. THOMAE NULTY, Epo. Miden."
[ 1142 ]
IRotices of Boofcs
THE AUTOMATIC PAEOCHIAL CIRCULATING LIBRARY. By
" An Irish Priest." Dublin : Browne & Nolan.
THE author of this little work expounds an ingenious plan for
promoting the use of good books amongst the people. We have
no hesitation in saying that the suggestions he puts forward
ought to prove most useful to any priest who is working a
" school " or "church" library in his parish. We cannot say
whether the principle of action is an original invention of the
author, or whether he has borrowed it from some of the enter-
prising agencies of England or America. It is plain, at all events,
that he is a man of observation, as his introductory chapter
proves. He seems thoroughly acquainted with all kinds of
automatic machines, from those by which you may have yourself
weighed at the railway station, by putting a penny in the slot, to
those by which, having again satisfied the slot, and placing your
handkerchief under the nozzle of a diminutive reservoir, you receive
a copious supply of perfume upon it. The great advantage of the
system seems to be that it is self-supporting, and, to a considerable
extent what the author calls it, " automatic " or self- working. It
saves the manager the troublesome work of keeping accounts of
pence and half-pence paid by readers. It does awaywith the entries
of borrower, book, and date of loan. It keeps the book in motion,
going from one family to another in regular rotation, a great
advantage in our opinion, as we have known cases where books
of the kind remained in the same house for the greater part of the
year. It secures a useful variety in the quality of the books lent.
Each member of the society or circle in which this system works,
has only to pay one shilling for the whole year, and receives in
return the loan of one book each month, and at the end of the
year gets for ever a book, value for one shilling or possibly more.
How all this is done is the secret of the author, and it would
not be fair for us to divulge it. Eor a full exposition of the
system, we refer our readers to the little work published by
Messrs. Browne & Nolan, in which the author presents a complete
exposition of his system. If this little book be extensively availed
of, we feel confident that it will amply repay those who invest
in it.
J. F. H,
Notices of Books. 1143
ONTOLOGIA SIVE METAPHYSICA GENERALIS IN USUM
SCHOLABUM. Auctore Carolo Frick, S.J., cum appro
batione Eeymi. Archiep. Friburg. Friburgi : Brisgoviae.
Sumptibus Herder.1
WE have great pleasure in introducing to our readers two
more volumes of the Cursus Philosophicus. Like the two that
have already appeared, these are admirably suited for their
intended purpose, namely, to serve as class-books.
Father Frick's Ontology, like his Logic, is much superior to the
ordinary scholastic hand-books. There is no striking originality
or novelty of subject-matter, but there is a very agreeable fresh-
ness of treatment. The same fixed and unalterable principles
are explained, proved, and defended in this, as in the other hand-
books of philosophy ; but here they are presented in a manner
that is more attractive — perhaps we should say less repellent—
to the student. The definitions are adequate and lucid; the
divisions clear and distinct. The explanation of false as well as
true doctrine is so full, that there can be no mistake about the
point at issue. The arguments are always succinct and easily
intelligible, and, in most instances, convincing.
In the controversies that have so long continued to divide
orthodox philosophers, Father Frick always takes the view
adopted by the majority, at least, of the members of his Society.
The question as to the kind of distinction between nature and
personality is abandoned to theologians ; the controversy about
the distinction between essence and existence is examined at
considerable length. The author's defence of his view is much
better than his proof ; but, perhaps, in the case, defence is the
best proof. Numerous objections are answered, while weak
arguments are advanced in favour of his thesis. It is a pity that
Father Frick ignored replies made by more than one previous
writer to those same arguments. He draws conclusions from
some sentences of St . Thomas that appear quite opposed to the
views of the Angelic Doctor. If one were so disposed, there
would be very little difficulty in collecting extracts from Father
Frick's Ontology which would ppqve just as well that real essence
and real existence are really distinct.
M.B.
1 The work Praelcctiones Theokfjicac of Fr. Pesch, S. J., reviewed in our last
number, is also published by Herder. The publisher's name was accidentally
omitted.
1144 Notices of Books.
PHILOSOPHIA NATURALIS IN USUM SCHOLARUM. Auctore
Henrico Haan, S.J., cum approbatione Bev™. Archiep.
Friburg. Friburgi : Brisgoviae. Sumptibus Herder.
FATHER HAAN'S Philosophic Naturalis includes the ordinary
treatise of cosmology, and that portion of psychology treating of
life in general, of vegetative life, and of sensitive life. By this
arrangement the human soul will be the exclusive object of the
treatise on psychology.
The Philosophia Naturalis has for its object natural bodies.
It consists of two parts — the first part devoted to the properties
of bodies ; the second to their nature or physical essence. The
first part contains such interesting doctrines as the separability
of quantity from substance, the nature of space and time, the
metaphysical possibility of definitive, and even of circumscriptive
multilocation, the possibility of miracles, the divisibility of the
vital principle in plants and animals — not merely the imperfect,
but even the more perfect animals. In the second part the
scholastic or peripatetic theory of the constitution of bodies is
proved, and defended against the rival theories of dynamism and
atomism. We have seen it stated that Father Haan makes the
concession to the Atomists, that what we regard as substantial
change may, after all, be only a different collocation of atoms ;
but we could discover no evidence to warrant such a statement,
except one obscure parenthesis — what Professor Huxley wTould
call a quaquaversal proposition — which may be read backwards,
forwards, or upside down, with about the same amount of
signification.
In this, as in the Ontoloyy, the definitions and divisions are
clear and distinct, the arguments solid, and the supply of objec-
tions copious; but some of the paragraphs are so long and
ponderous, that they would severely tax the courage and perse-
vering energy of the student. On the whole, Father Haan's
book is well qualified to take its place beside the others of this
excellent series.
There is one deliberate omission, however, of which we cannot
approve. We are told in the preface that the creation of this
world will be explained and proved in natural theology. It seems
that it should be done in the present treatise. If philosophy is
the science of things in their ultimate causes, surely a philo-
sophical treatise on natural bodies should not exclude an inquiry
into their first efficient cause.
M,B.
_ ^ _ I
JLRISH Ecclesiastical Record.
July-Dec. 1894.
THIRD SERIES.
v.15
BX 801 -IBS 1894 Pt . 2 SMC
The Irish ecclesiastical
record 47085658
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